Pike County Democrat, Volume 27, Number 39, Petersburg, Pike County, 5 February 1897 — Page 5

A PLEA FOB FAIRNESS AN EXPONENT OF LIBERALISM REBUKES A FORGETFUL COWORKER. SIm Bnntjr of Hoaertjr and MmUmm not Will BMafBlw Hooedy ud Mmn-Ubcm-A Podekcttoa Serial «f the The following letter was written M the private friendly word of one clergyman to another without any thought of its publication, but at the request of tome friends to them both it has been copied for print, with the suppression of the name addressed and the change of tome personal allusions: My Dear Brother rs not Liberal Faith—I hare jus* read several printed sermons preached by yourself and others on the late presidential election, and in all friendliness I want to protest, not against your discussing politics and expressing Btrongly roar own convictions, for yon know I agree with you as to the duty of such preaching when it is done in a Christian spirit, bnt against yonr implication and in seme cases direct assertions that the defeated party “voted for dishonor and dishonesty;” that it wss “a horde which would make wreck and ruin of the natiou's honor;” that “its motive power was plunder of the commonwealth,” and that it “lifted up its viperous head in venomous antagonism, net only to this government, but to all government ’* One of the amazing things to me in this whole campaign has been the cool assumption on the part of oar educated and usually fair minded people of the east that uil the intelligence, patriotism, honesty and manliness of the country were on their side, and all the ignorance, disloyalty, desire to cheat creditors and antagonism to wealth and good order cn the other. If it were really so; if more than •,000,000 of votes, representing 80,000*000 of its people, and if 23 of Its 43 states are ignoramuses, traitors and cheats, then indeed our country, in spito of the triumph cf its other party, would be moet emphatically in a hopeless condition. But surely, whatever politicians and the partisan press may have said in the heat of the canvars, we. as citizens, know, and ought us ministers in all fairness to proclaim, that such is very far from having been their true character. Let mo state to you first how it has been in tuy own case: An ardent abolitionist uud Republican at the start and through all the years in which these, names stood for progress. I voted this year the Bryan ticket. Vt because I was fully with it eat:;e silver issue—for I am iu doubt as to that—bnt because 1 was with it on act many of its other planks, as, for instance, the justice of an iucemo tax, the policy of freer trade, opposition to trusts and a mere money power, tho dangers of the supreme conn's encroachments, the impolicy cf hiring money dn t;mi s cf peace and the need generally cf a change that would bring about a fairer distribution of their taut a.gains between labor and capital —most of ail, b- -cans- I believe in Bryan as an honest, capable, growing man. a man with his face to the future and reprcrentiug, as Abraham Lincoln did in his day, the new life and trend of the Americau p -ople. And, in voting so, I knew I was as honest and patriotic and, I like to think, us intelligent as I was when l voted the Republican ticket iu I860 and the Cleveland ticket in 1892. Then, as regards those who voted for him fceeans© of his standing f r the free coinage of silver, I mingled with them personally at the west, and a large share of ail my property is in their hands, so that my correspondence and intercourse with them is of a kind to give me cooskterabln knowledge cf their moral principle iu matters cf business. I do not know of cne who wishes to get rid of paying his full obligations, not one whose vote was not prompted largely by the hope of bringing abont a state of things that would afford him the means of squaring them up. Oss man has. just surrendered a valuable mortgaged farm to save me the trouble and expanse cf its foreclosure—in fact, insisted that it should bo taken before tho defaulted interest ge t beyond its value—and threw in with it a city lot and house to make sure that there should be no to* on the loan. No f uch men ought to be stigmatised ss “a horde of plunderers, ” desiring to cheat their creditors aud to “make wreck i.ml ruin cf the nat <.-n’s Etc r. ” The fact is the whol? issue has been one of political economy—one on which voters equally honest could take either side. Tae advocates of the free coinage of silver have voted for it not because they wished to make a 50 cent piece of silver pay a dollar debt, but because they have believed that its free coinage would raisa tbe 50 cent silver to the value of a dollar and would so stimulate business that they could earn enougn of such pieces thus increased in value to pay their debts. All else about it, especially all about its intentional dishonesty, has been mere politicians’ campaign talk, utterly unworthy of the pui

Then, as to tne intelligence and thoughtfulness of the silver advocates, the philosophy we both believe in and your knowledge of history ought to teach you that it is never the ignorant and thoughtless, but always the truth seekers aud thinkers who in the world’s new problems and new issues take the new side; They are, to be sure, sometimes mistaken, but it is the xnisiakemu of thought mid not of stopidity. All the silver men 1 am acquainted with have read and thought on the subject a great deal more than most of their opponents whom 1 know. And when such men as President Andrews of Brown university ami Rev. Mr. Thomas of Chicago and nearly all the great political eocoomiatB of Emtope are on the bimetallist side—yea, when Mr. McKinley himself and nearly every one of his political supporters was on that side when it was a question simply of politics) economy and before it became

a partisan issue—is it not a little presumptuous, not to use stronger terms, for them or for any one to speak of it as being advocated only by ignoramuses and idiots? I write this the more freely because, as I have said, after reading all that I coaid find with regard to tbo matter on both sides and bringing to bear upon it my most careful thinking, as car of a 1 as any I ever bestowed on theology, I am in doubt as to which is the true policy—indeed, I have a view which is different from either—and now that forever 20 years we have tried one policy without success I would sub* mit the matter, as we do in science, to the test of experiment to see what the other policy can da I give full credit to the independence and manliness fear the most part of the McKinley voters, and I believe as you do—that the cities of the world rather than the country have been in the past the friends of progress, bat in this case is there not another interpretation than the one yoa give to the fact that the fanners and country people went for Bryan more numerously than the city people. The farmers and small merchants and mechanics of the country are for the most part their own bosses and employers and have been, therefore, more free to follow their own convictions than the laboring people of the cities, who for the most part are in the employ as hired bauds of great corporations and manufacturers, anxious, on accouut of the tariff issue, to have MoK in ley succeed and are dependent upon them for work. We have had some cases of downright domineering and threats on the part of enip'*“ers, but their influence for the most part has been of a subtler hind. For instance, a large manufacturer receive privately an urgent order for some machinery, free of all conditions, bat with it another letter, in which, at the bottom, the proviso was added that it was to be exeented only in case McKinley was elected. This last order, without a word being said, was left out where the foreman could see it, and in' 24 hours the proviso was whispered all around the shop aud, it is needless to say, affected in -'orue degree the vote of every man there who, more than any abstract rightfnlaess of gold or silver, wanted for himself and family the continuance of his winter’s job. thJeh ways of exciting influence are not bribery or threats cr tyranny. But haft ho side which uses them any right to boast of its victory as the triumph of manhood and as the deliberate voice of tbe common people? I ap«re with you iu recognizing the large worth of cur foreign burn citizens, but when you exalt their patriotism and intelligeuce abave those of tbe men born on our own soil and educated in our free schools because, as yon say, the cities and states which contain an abuormal proportion of foreigners voted for MeKinky, are you not going too far? When the I> rnOcratic party stood for slavery and'the foreign voters gave it a majority, you did not regard it as any such evidence of their intelligence and patriotism. Is it not somewhat amusing to hear the people who for years have been denouncing “the ignorant foreign vote” of our elections as the great source of danger to Americas institutions, now. that it happens to be on tht'ir side, fail to praising it a> the very bulwark of tbe country’s liberty and good citizenship! Has this leopard so suddenly changed his spate? Look at one of these states; Pennsylvania gave the Republican party the enormous majority of S00,000. But Pennsylvania's forcicrii population is made cpenormously of immigrants from Hungary, Poland and southern Russia, 40 percent of whew when they comb tc those short-* are unable to read and write their own language. Judean you really belkwe that in a few mouths down in the urines, where they have been worked like dumb, driven cattle, they have received sufficient enlightenment to decide wisely a financial question cn which the brightest scholars of the age ure divided —«o widely that liberal preachers whe have given up all credence of the ancient miracles can proudly boast cf ii ia their sermons? Taking tbe country as a whole, it is now known that if, only American born citizens had voted Mr. Bryan would have been elected. It is the vote cf out foreign population which turmd the scale the other war, aud if that othei wav is Indeed tbe overwhelmingly su

pence ce«* ©x intelligence, mu:’.acoa usu S patriotism, hurt; you ti; tight what it implies as to the tdttcational value o! liberty aud free schools? B< vcad ail ols?. bowetvr, it seems to i me t&at the way in Which the JBryauiie?. have accepted their defeat is the best answer to wbat you Kiel others say and imply as to where all the patriotism i and manliness of the country bare bten gathered. Their defect means to mil- ] lions of them at the west the dashing down of all their hopes of prosperity and even of- decent ch»thi«™ and living5 for themselves and their families. You and others cf the east have no idea oi how desperate their situation nfcder the financial policy of the la<t 20 years has become. A colonel who went all through I the war of the rebellion writes m? that he would rather endure its hardship* and anxieties all over again than encounter what he has bad to in these times of aptiare»it peace. And for snot men cheerfully and bravely to sabuit to the will of the majority means. t< my mind, as I think it must to ycurt when you fairly consider it, the highest [' kind alike cf manim*** and of good cit | iseuship. Tney are our kind of men, tn< kind that yon and 1 belitTe in as the hope of the world, the ones who know how to bear up under the unpopularity and odium which always accompany the beginnings at the world’s on war. moves and to accept philosophical!j the defeat of a principle today, assure that it only means its greater sriumpi tomorrow. I hope you will not be impatient will this long better. I write it not as i fault finder and a critic of you person ally, but as one who is so much yooi friend and so much in sympathy witt you on must points that I know you car bear my differing from you cm some. !; write it also because I feel that in what

you and other of ccr ministers have said ; you have hardly been true to your own broader selves and to our liberal faith, and becanse I hope that some time and in year own way you will do justice to the defeated party. We have both found in our ministry that the best way to help liberalism was to give fail credit to the worth of orthodoxy, its manhood, its truths, its sacrifices, its noble work, and to include in our own faith the best of its virtues said principles. And I am sure that you will find the best way to help the country, which, more than any party, you and I believe in. will be to recognize the honesty, patriotism and manliness of the 6,000,000 voters who in the recent campaign took the defeated side, and to insist that the policy of the victors shall be liberal enough to right the real wrongs their opponents were contending against, and to incorporate at least as an experiment some of the principles they contended for. Yours in the liberalism that includes all interests, John C. Kimbaix. P. S.—As I close the above .letter my eye falls on an editorial in the Boston Advertiser, a Republican newspaper of the highest standing, from which I copy the following paragraypl^ifStematory of what I have said: JT “According to tip statistics in the ease, it seems to bo established beyond a doubt that the m<to who supported the silver movement in the last national campaign were chiefly native beru Americans, living in sections where the rate of illiteracy was decidedly lower than it is in the sound money section. It was, therefore, not merely ignorance or stupidity upon wbieh the silver movement relied for success. A careful iuqu ry shows that ft:any otherwise kitelligeut men in the west supported Bryan because of their disgust with the wav in which trusts and other corporate bodies have been allowed to defy public opinion. • • • The intelligent men voted for Bryaa because he denounced what they believed to be a great evil. ” SENATOR ALLEN. A tTitMoctoa Correspond*- nt Says He Has IVwrr uul Tel!* Whj. As an illustration of the peculiar force of Senator Alloa in the senate the following will serve Well and truly: Last winter the Omaha people, who are deeply interested in their exposition, which opens next full, sent a delegation* here to get the right action in congress; and an appropriation. Tbty looked over, the field and finally hit upon Senator , Thurston as their manager ip the senate. j Leaving it in the hands of this eloquent j and energetic man was sufficient, they thought, and equal to its success. JSo | they saved hotel biils and went home. Time sped on. The little bill and the appropriation did not turn up in the Omaha newspapers' daily reports from , Washington. Thurston was bombarded j with letters and telegrams. Ho could do nothing, could not get recognition, special orders, crc , blocked him out, and all that, were the discouraging replies made. Finally, in sheer desperation, they happened to csfc un old east-, era senator what'on earth they could da so ns to secure action before the senate adjourned. That veteran sententicusly inquired; “Why don't you get Allen toj wurk for you?” “Allen?* How can he do anything near as well as Thurston?; Why, don’t you know that he is a Populist? Those Populists have no standing with either the Democrats or the. Republicans,’’ replied the sapient Omaha managers. “Well, all the same, ” retorted the veteran, “I advise you to mate a clean breast to Alien and drop Thurston.” After much fearful confabuiatioa they did so. Allen put that bill through in less than a week after they got down on their knees t j him, Wby V Bees use when he got up with that measure no man daf(’d to object for fear that anything that he might want thereafter would, in turn, be surely and effectively blocked j by A ien.Ov n if this man bad to talk a ‘ ffiontj against it to beat it and sit up every night to catch the chance to sc beat it. Y ou are going to hear a great deal based upou iir. Allen during the next three or foar years. — Washington Cor. Cleveland Plain Deuijr.

Tbi-jr Will t *. The board cf trade gamblers of the United States have deckled to hold a convention at Indianapolis on Jane 6, 2 7, “for the purpose of suggesting such legislation as may, in their judgment, be necessary?© place the currency system cf the country upon a sound and permanent basis.** We may ecu fide ally lock forward tc see these gentlemen produce the wry latest improved, bret-ckloadiug, self cocking, scientifically constructed scheme of robbing the wealth producers which has yet been placed before the public. Keen your eyes peeled, gentlemen. You may expect something fine from the Indiana pedis convention cf Jan. 15. 1897.—Journal of the Knights of Labor. Th« ComipliJB Fund. The people cf the-United State* are confronted with the fact that the trust*, the corporations, the banks, the mOuty lenders, the entire family of man eating sharks, contributed $2,500,000 to elect McKinley—that is to say. that amount is admitted to have been raised. Thu it was much larger no one doubts, and that Europe was drawn upon largely tc swell the fund is widely believed. As a result, McKinley obtained a majority of »he votes cast, but there is a deep seated conviction in the minds of millions of American citizens that this majority was secured by corruption as detestable and repulsive as it is in the power of language to express. —Railway Times The Ha« laoltoS. The worst insult ever oJered to the old flag was stretching it across t? ! streets with the weeds “Sound Money * sewed to it If its honor bad depended open that kind of “sound money’* during the war, it would be trailing in the dust today. —Colonel & F. Norton.

THE REAL ISSUES. KateatqrSiv U>* End of Its Rale If tha People’s Forces W'oa. The election of lSy‘3 is past and gone. It has been decreed by a large majority of the popular vote that the existing gold standard most be maintained until the very improbable event when the leading foreign nations shall agree with ns fear the bimetallic standard. This was ostensibly the issue of the campaign. It was along this line that the battle was fought, bat let no one be deceived by the thought that this was the real issue. There are many sincere believers in bimetallism who voted the Republican ticket because they were thrown into a panic by the belief, industriously inculcated in their minds by the privileged classes, that ocr whole governmental system would be revolutionized if the Bryan forces prevailed. They were oppressed by lurid visions of riot and disorder and were afraid that the followers of Bryan would take some really radical action for the relief of the people if they were placed in power. It was not so much the free silver theory that was feared and defeated at the polls as it was the crowd that shouted for free silver. Senator Chandler, in discussing the election in an English publication, struck the keynote cf the campaign in the following words: “Conservative people—and America has more conservatives than Europeans think — were alarmed at the character of the followers of Mr. Bryan and at their doctrines additional to the one favoring free silver coinage. All the socialists, anarchists and wild men of society whom Europe has sent us shrieked fer Bryan, although the great bulk of oar adopted citizens voted for McKinley. The platform seemed to coimteuanco rioting as a means of redress of grievances, and it made one of its planks a reconstruction of the supreme coart and in order to change a legal decision. ’* This is a good enough general statement of the causes which operated to defeat Bryan and free silver. Plutocracy hud more important questions in the balance than the question of silver coinage. It saw the end of its rule in the near future If the Bryan forces won. No wander it poured out ruiliious of dollars to elect McKinley and preserve the gold standard. — W. P. Borland. , Discussion or Intimidation? “It is certainly an impressive sight to see the American nation—a nation of 75,000,^00 people, holding, in its keeping th$ solution cf tho social and economic questions of the next century— met together to decide the policy of the government. Bagot, the English writer, ealls such a government a government by discussion. * The term is an apt one. Yet campaign time is hardly a good one for calm discussion. It is a time when partisan feeling runs high. Also, during the past campaign tha subject could not be discussed by itself alone. Many felt the protective system couid not be safely trusted in the hands of the silver candidate. Many were uncertain as to how much or little the tariff had to do with, existing conditions and resolved to give it one more thorough trial. All over the middle states men drove from farm to farm a few days before election and told every owner of a mortgaged farm, ‘If Bryan is elected, this mortgage will be foreclosed; if McKinley is elected, you can get is extended.’ “Throughout the factories of the eastern and central states the workmen were bold on tho night before election day: “ ‘Boys, yoa may come back to work Wednesday morning if the mcruiag papers say McKinley is elected. If Bryan is elected, yea needn’t corae back, tor this mill won't open. ’ These considerations prevented expression of opinion upon tha money question.’’ — Hon. Charie#A. Towne.

laurnstioouu .uomr. International uiouey id a dream. Wo have never bad such a thing, ami it is not at all desirable. International money is a danger which we should not willingly embrace. If cur money were the same a? that cf the nations of Europe, our circulation would be ever subject to shrinkage whenever there was a great demand for money in those nations. It is a fact that international money lias been considered an international danger. Should war break cut be tween any of the nations of Europe and a great demand for money bo created, the United States would have all her circulating medium transferred to those countries, which would take from our people the necessary rnouey with which to carry eu their business. Under such circumstances we would suffer from contraction end spasmodic disturbance in business, caused by tbe rapid drain of our circulating medium to foreign nations. We do not need an international money solely for tbe tue of tbe few rich American travelers who annually go abroad and carry with them millions of money which ought to be spent in the United States. If millionaires and plutocrats can afford to visit foreign iantis. they are also able to bear, the difference of exchange usually existing between countries.—Silver Knight Public Versus Print* Telegraph. The percentage of grow ih in tbe business of tbe British telegraph daring the first year of public ownership was four times greater than the largest growth ever made in one year by tbe American system, according to the hguras published by tbe Western Union. The growth of tbe British telegraph freon 1869 to 1895 is double the growth of the American telegraph in the same time, the business of England being now about elevenfold tbe business of 1889. while tbe businees here is only 5>* times our bnainem in 1889, a contrast which is greatly intensified by the fact that our population has increased about three times as fast as Great Britain's; so that relatively to the population the RngliaK pnblic telegraph has grown six times as fast as our private telegraph. —Professor Frank Parsons in

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