Pike County Democrat, Volume 27, Number 37, Petersburg, Pike County, 22 January 1897 — Page 5

THE FIGHT FOR SILVER. Bimetallist Forces Are Gaining In Strength. 2RYAV 8FEAXB FOB THE FUTDEE. iUMti mt the surer Club* Keep Up Otgaaiatton-Md Ii Afraid «f Dto*M> ilM, Know in( It* Cwue 1* l'nju»C America Waste Ite Own Financial Poller. With regard to tho national fight for silver, William X Bryan, in a recent speech at Lincoln, Neb., said: I want to any a word for the future. We hare passed through this campaign, and we hare been defeated, and I want you to remember this, that there is not In this land a single advocate of free coinage who is not willing to abide by the decision of the American people without complaint. You do not find among the silver men those who say, as a distinguished Republican in New York said, “We may not abide by the result ” You do not find among the silver men persons who will stand np and express doubt as to whether the will of the American people ia supreme. But, my friend*, bowing to a decision, accepting without complaint the result of an election, does not mean that we shall surrender oar convictions or that in the future we shall fight with less earnestness than we have fonght iu the past. Remember tbat the Democratic party lived for many years without ever haring won a presidential election, and it lived after it won a presidential eleetiob and then failed to get the president it elected, because it is the opinion of the Democrats of this nation that Samuel J. Tildea was elected president of ' the United States, mid yet the people who supported him were willing to abide by a decision of a tribunal instituted for the purpose of settling that dispute. Wh m our opponents tell us that this defeat means the annihilation of those who believe in free silver, they take counsel at their hopes instead of

their judgment. I believe that we have made great progress in this campaign. We have not made the progress which we hoped to hare made. We have not achieved the results which we expected to achieve; but, tny friends, the came of bimetallism was stronger the day after election than it was at any day daring the campaign. I want to say this, and your observation will bear ont my remarks, that we went into this fight a disorganiz'd army; we came oat of it a fighting Ions* that has never had a superior ta history. We said daring the campaign that we were for an American financial policy for the American people. If yon have any doubt about the truth of that assertion, 1 want yen to read what has been said in foreign nations since this election. Bead what the embassador of London has said, “i and all London rejoice in Mr. McKinley’s election,” and that language, too, came from a man whom the Republican party attempted to degrade by resolution in congress because he had spoken against the protective tariff in England. Aud yet so high above the tariff question does the money question tower, so much deeper down does it reach, that the man whom the Republicans tried to degrade because he had spoken against protection can forget their intended insults aud rejoice in th« election of the high priest of protection. My friends the test of the policy is its operation. We have tried to point ont what the gold standard has done, what the gold standard was doing, but the fault was laid on to the tariff law. Why, if we talk about what legislation could do for silver, these men tell rs that law canuot do anything. Legislation was impotent, aud us soon' as they convinced, the public that legislation was absolutely powerless to accomplish anything they then convinced the people that a little law respecting the tariff would accomplish everything. Yon tell me that there is no hope of doing any better four years from now than we have done now. I say to yon, *ny friends, that if we have confidence in the intelligence of the American people, if we havs confidence in their dejure to do the best thing for this country, then,"if the policies pat into operation fail to give relief, the people will bo able to see it, and, having seen it. will act accordingly when the time

<uxues for teem to act. Now, I want to suggest to those who are going to contiuuA the organisation of these silver clubs that they meet as stated times, say onoe a mouth or at such times as the members of the club may decide, and that at these meetings they discuss public questions. You tell mo that i# agitation. I say to yon. my friends, that when yon go into a nation where there is no agito tion of public question* among the people you will fi»»d a nation where a few can prey a ud is tar bed upon all the rest of the people. Now, X would like to see sll the silver clubs in the United States maintain their organisations, have regular meetings and dims* these questions, and 1 would like to see all tj»e Republican organizations keep up and their meetings keep up, aad then X would like to see joint debates between our organisations and theirs. * There are those that insist that if we suggest the possibility of restoring silver to its rightful place beside that of gold we are dangerous enemies of oar country and ought to be suppressed. My friends, when they talk about free coinage advocates being suppressed or say that they ought to be suppressed what do they mean to say? They simply mean to say that the gold Standard is afraid of public discussion, that it is sfraidof openoombst, because it is error, and error only, that is afraid to meat Opposition in broad daylight

QUAY'S OUTBREAK. DoMnt Like the Idee of Htftaf a yirtuiwth e»nwf» The outbreak of Senator Quay against the plutocrats in politics is surprising, says the New York World. Snob truth from that quarter was unexpected. The “basic theory'* which be now condemns, “that organised wealth shall dictate high office and so take possession of the government, ** is the foundation of Penn* sylvania politics. The trouble with Quay is that, whereas “organized wealth" promoted his election in order that it might hare a skillful political agent in the senate, the same plutocratio influence now fatots the election of one of its own class. It thinks it may as well hare a principal there as an associate of the agent Hence Quay's seeming virtuous outbreak. He wants a pal or a suh-boaB as his associate, and not John Wanamaker; hence bis amusing talk about “going into the barricades with the bourgeois and the men in blouses. ” Yet the truth may be told even by an angered monopoly agent And Quay tells a timely truth in saying: “Thera must be less business and more principle in our politics, else the Republican party and the country will go to wreck. The business issues are making our politics sordid and corrupt The tremendous sums of money furnished by business men, reluctantly in most instances, are polluting the wellsprings of our national being." This is none the less true and pertinent though it comes from a veteran handler of corruption funds and a senator who “held up” the Wilson bill in the senate by the threat of interminable talk until he had forced concession* in protective duties that satisfied the plutocratio monopolists of Pennsylvania, whose tool he has long been.

REPUBLICAN INNOCENCE.Cannot See th« Porntcloa* Influence ot WMlth In T*»U Country. The naivete of the Republican organs that are asking what pernicious influence wealth can exert in this country is really very touching, says the St. Louis Republic. Those unsophisticated newspapers hevo never heard of such a thing as a slush fund ' They are ignorant of the fact that interests seeking favors at Washington have made large contributions to campaign funds and have actually reaped the reward of their liberality in discriminating legislation. The history of the McKinley bill is, of coarse, unknown to them. They are ignorant of the fact that manufacturers who paid vast sums cf boodle for the election of a Republican president and congress wrote for the ways and means committee, of which Major McKinley was chairman, tariff schedules which enabled them to rob the people of millions and which hosts of Republicans denounced as iniquitous. Is there nothing pernicious in the boodleizing of elections and the sale of monopoly privileges for the boodle? Not one of these papers has ever heard of the lobbies maintained in Washington by corporations and combines holding and seeking valuable privileges from the government. They are ignorant of the fact that the senate of the United States was held up aud forced by the money and influence of a great trust to pass an unsatisfactory tariff bill. Is there nothing pernicious in this eonruption of government agencies for the purpose of securing money making favors? If this is not plutocracy, what is?

WOULD WAG THE DOG. That Is WluU the Boltoerat Tail PiopoM to Attempt. Mr. Forman, commissioner of internal revenue pro tom., has a double t>arreled scheme, atkjs the St Louis PostDispatch. He proposes first to put the Indianapolis Democrats in charge of the regular Democratic organization. That failing, he proposes to organise them into a separate party. It is the truth of experience, compressed in the homely old adage, that the tail cannot wag the dog. The thing is not possible when the tail is normally proportioned to the body. When it is cut so short as to be almost invisible and unable to wag even itself, the effort produces a ludicrous effect The total vote for Palmer on the Indianapolis platform was 138,000. The total vote for Bryan on the Chicago platform was 6,500,000. To seriously propose that this shadow of a political organization shall change Democratic party policy, when the party is stronger numerically on its present policies than ever before in its histcry, is to add to the gayety of nations. BEGIN AT ONCE. - Republican* Shoald Proceed U Give Cl Ut« Promtoed Prosperity. We repeat, says the Atlanta Constitution, that toe Republicans could not do better than to begin their reform legislation at once. Developments even thus early, however, show that there is to be a McKinley and a Reed faction in the Republican camp, one calling for the Dingley bil , and the other demanding an extra session. Between the two we have grave doubts of the success of any measure affording permanent relief. However, the Republicans have promised prosperity, and the country is ready for it to begin. Why wait until March, when cong ss is now in session and the Democrats are ready to let the Republicans inaugurate their plans if they can agree among themselves? ▲ writer in the New York World tmjn seriously McKinley needs Hanna as his secretary c* the treasury because he is the only man who can and will overj awe the trusts. This la the grimmest . piece of humor yet Patriotism comes high, but Walt street was - and to have it

EGYPTIAN SLAVERY. RESULT OF THIRTY YEARS OF PURCHASED LEGISLATION. ▲ Financial System Which See Enriched the Financiers and Impoverished the Coutxy*a Producers—A Condition That Threatens Civilisation. As a result of purchased legislation, the wealth producers of the nation hare grown poor, while the nonproducing money hucksters and credit mongers have grown fabulously rich—so rich and powerful that a dozen men in New York, acting in concert, could stop every industrial enterprise in the United States and could create a financial panic which would bankrupt every man in the nation whose assets were not three times greater than his liabilities. While these men have grown rich the farmers, artisans and laborers—all who apply labor to natural bounty and produce wealth—haw grown poor. The great majority of the tillers of the soil are either renters or are cultivating mortgaged* farms—in fact, practically tenant farmers. Artisans and laborers of all kinds have become dependent wage slaves. The wealth producing sections of the nations have become poor : and nonprodneing sections rich. As a ; prod of this, turn to the census report ! of 1890. i Take the New England states and add to them the states d New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. In this center are found the great banking and money huckstering interests. Call this the wealth district Compare this wealth district -with the group d states ! composed d Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, j Nebraska, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alaj bam a, Georgia and North Carolina. ! Call them the producing district. On

this producing district the nation largely depends for the production of meek, | grain, sugar, tobacco, cotton, rice and 1 in fact almost everything the soil yields. ; Now, with nearly three times the area and nearly the same number of people to work as the wealth district has, the producing district gained in j wealth from 1880 to 1890 only $559,000,000, while the wealth district gained in the same time $8,054,000,000. The size of the territory and gain in wealth taken together show that the, money huckstering states possessed ad- ■ vantages of 15 to 1 over the wealth pro-' dneing states. What would New Engand and New j York do if expelled from the Union!, They might have their gold mono-! metallism, their national banks and their protective tariff, but what would1 become of them if the south and west j would relieve them of the arduous and j profitable business of attending to the j finance of the nation? How are we to account far this unequal, unreasonable; and unjust distribution of the actual j wealth produced? Can it be accounted for upon any other hypothesis than that. the northeast section has been controlling the legislation of the nation in its interest? The census report * and other statistics show still mere alarming facts. From 1865 to 1890 there was exported of the products of the United States to Europe $18,500,000,000 worth more than we imported—that is after we had paid in our products for all that we got of European products, there was a balance in our favor of $18,500,000,000. Notwithstanding this, the indebtedness of the people of the United States to Europe is today $10,600,000,000! How is this possible? What thiuk you of a financial system that produces these results? Is it not high time we were changing our monetary system? Surely we have been great financiers! The people know nothing about finance! Finance must be left iu the hands of Sherman and the national bankers.’ They have managed our finances so admirably in the last 25 years! They have managed our finances so admirably that the people of the United States pay, as shown by the statistics, $3,000,000,000 interest annually—simply for a medium of exchange called money-—to txdmnge the products of labor. Every exchange of the products of labor of one man for the products of the labor of another man or application of labor to natural bounty is taxed to pay this interest for the use of a tool to make this exchange.

The statistics show that the aggregate of this interest from 1880 to 1890 was $50,000.000,000, and the entire increase of wealth in the United States during the same period was $22,000,000,000— that is, our interest account overran our profit account $8,000,000,000. This interest account in 25 years amounts to $20,000,000,000 and accounts for all but $4,000,000,000 erf the $24,000,000,000 we gave Europe in the 25 years preceding 1890. Truly Sherman, Morgan. Ickleheimer & Co. are good financiers and the people should leave the whole matter in their hands. It is tb^ height of presumption for the people to talk al^out finance. Let them attend to. their labor. Let them’plow and dig and boild railroads and hammer the anvil and shove the plane and attend to their commerce and not dare middle with finance. Sherman, Morgan, Ickleheimer & Co. will attend to the general legislation on the subject trf finance, and the natiuiul bankers will attend to the details that affect the people directly. What idiots the American people have . been! But 1 believe just now they are having an interval of sanity. The danger is that if they suddenly become aware erf the manner in which they have been robbed all these years they may hurt somebody. Don't agitate this question, for I would not stir you to mutiny against your masters. Your masters are honorable men—in favor at national credit and au honest dollar. They want a sound dollar—a gold dollar, they saj, because $4,000,000,000 of our debt to Europe is payable on the face of the bonds in jgold. They also

claim that we have in the United States - $600,000,000 of gold. That is, we have | 16 cents on the dollar to pay with. The ; interest on $4,000,000,000 at 6 per cent \ is $300,000,000 annually. We have only j enough gold to pay* three years’ interest j What are we going to do then? Issue more bends and buy gold to pay this in* { terest How many bonds will we have ( to issue? What is the end of this? It is j Egyptian slavery. Isn't it high time we were getting ! some other and cheaper medium of ex- I change? We can coin all the silver we can get and pray all the world to send it to us, but this will hardly be a drop in the bucket We will have to do more than thl»— we will have to issue noninterest bearing, irredeemable treasury notes to serve as a medium of exchange among ourselves and take all our metal money to pay foreign debts, and then not have half enough. ^ The villainy of our national legislation for the last 30 years has been almost beyond the imagination of man. It is high time we had a reformation. A few yeers more of this and the American people will be so cowed and degraded that they will not have the courage and virtue to reform matters. Bat when they are beasts, then their masters had better be careful to what extent they starve and torture them. The; beastly people may turn and rend their masters and we may have a repetition on a grander scale of the French revoln-j tion.—Ese© in Twentieth Century. BANKING. Becent Events Should Make Clear the Weaknesses of Oar Present System. The campaign cry of “Government should go oat of the banking business” sounds somewhat sarcastic when one of the greatest financial institutions of Chicago lies in its death struggles. Some of those very orators who asserted with

bo much certainty and emphasis that they alone were safe advisers are now hopelessly mined. It i9 not a fit subject for exaltation by anybody. This min of the great brings terrible calamities and suffering upon those beneath them. When a bank or business house fails, it is a publio calamity and genuine cause for general sympathy. But it is a good time to cousider bet-; ter plans. Government institutions are sound. No runs are made on the government treasuries or postoffices in times of fright. When times are close, the government is not compelled to make them closer by withdrawing funds from circulation or hastening the payment of claims. The banks are a good thing for business under ordinary circumstances, because the people have nothing better. But they are founded cn a false system of mathematics so far as safety is concerned. They are founded on a system' of credits instead of cash. When they are the most in debt and when they are less able to pay their debts on demand, i they make the most profit. When they are the soundest and the best able to pay, they make the least profit. Since the panic of 1893 their profits have been cut in two. j Oar notion is that the government! should establish postal savings institu- j tious through its postoffice department, j make loans at low rates on real estate^ , as Germany docs, and issue all the pa- j per notes and coin. There would still be much business for banks, and they could be conducted along safe lines, and the talented business men engaged ; in banking would find pleasant and: profitable occupations in other and 6afer; lines. Make onr financial system sound i and scientific and more than half the; troubles of life would disappear. The business men and poor would th«*n have an opportunity to so adjust their af-: fairs as to lay aside provision for old | age and death.—Joliet News.

Kansu Versos New York. The new Populist governor, Leedy, ; in his first message to the legislature, devoted considerable attention to the adverse criticism on Kansas made in the ! east. Of New York he said: “While, according to the press of the nation’s most populous met rojie lis, her children linger in the streets untaught, except in the lore of the pavement, unfed except at the hand of charity, unhoused except in the kennels, they dispute with creatures scarcely less miserable, the commonwealth of Kansas* rejoicing in a public school system which is the most , graceful heritage we receive from our fathers and the best legacy we can leave our children, finds ample house room and school room for every Kansas child and for such straggling waifs as come to us for aid. “With a cheerful audacity that almost challenges admiration, scribblers in eemicivilized 'foreign colonies like New York city and Chicago, with semibar baric splendor at the apex and semi-: barbaric squalor at the base of their social life, have made puny and presump- j tious criticism of those whose- shoestring they are not worthy to unloose. The dogs of Egypt have barked at the pyramids unanswered for 50 centuries. ’ ’ And the Wwe Sped On. A. mighty crash rent the air, disturbing the roseate meditations of the great Napoleon as he wended his painful way across the Alps of confidence. “What means this?” he Inquired. “Three more banks have busted, “ replied his trusty guide, Hanna. And the great general bowed his head and ordered that 11 more silver men be beheaded, and that Biytui be burned in effigy.—Journal of Knights of Labor. Colorado is much better off than Ohio, Indiana, Michigan or Illinois, while poor, decayed Iowa shines like a daub of yellow paint on a circus tent since “prosperity” hither. Our electric light shines brightly, and we will knock out $80,000,000 worth of Rothschilds’ pet metal in 1897, and it won’t cost us over 10 cents on a dollar to produce it either. —Denver Road.

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