Pike County Democrat, Volume 27, Number 11, Petersburg, Pike County, 24 July 1896 — Page 5

HIS SILVER ^ mm> TONCUE. Speech That Won Bryan the Nomination. BEPLY TO SENATOB HILL. An Eloquent Defense of the Platform. Ik Ttm mm ^ FImtiw, tkt Iacom tu, Twin W OOm, th* Tariff aad Baal- ■— IBa Draiaiaa Ha 1m Baadff U M**t • Mm Oal4 HtmmOmrd Maa mm Bmy ' ^iU that the imagination picture* of Demosthenes and Cicero, aU that ice have heard of the great oratort of the English tongue, teas realized. HENRY GEORGE. The delegate* not a* if enchanted. It era* a display of eloquence pure and un- j dedled. Henry Clou himeelf could mot ham created *o great a furore. AMOS J. CUMMINGS Bryan'* speech tea* the finest I hare ever 1 listened to. JOHN P. ALTGELD. Here is the speech by W. J. Brr- j M in the national convention at Chicago that made him famous and that nominated him for the presidency: I Mu Chairman and Gentlemen or the Convention : < I would be presumptuous indeed to present myself against the distinguished gentleman to whom yon hare listened if this were but a measuring of ability, but this is not a contest among persons. The humblest citiseu iu all the land when clad iu the annor of a righteous cause is stronger than all the whole hosts of error that they can bring. I come to speak to you in defense of n cause as holy as the cause of liberty—the

cause of humanity. When thin debate is concluded, a motion will be made to lay upon the table the resolution offered in commendation of the administration, and al«o the resolution in condemnation of the administration. I shall object to bringing this question down to a level of persona. The individual is an atom—ho is born, be acta, he dies—but principles are eternal. ami this has been a contest of principle. Never Vtefore in the history of this country has there t»een witnessed such a contest as that through which we have passed. Never before in the history of American politics has a great issue been fought out as this issne has been by the voters themselves. On the 4th of March, 1&V6, a few Democrats, most of them members of congress, issued an address to the Democrats of the nation asserting that the money question was the paramount issue of the hour, asserting also the right of a majority • of the Democratic jttirty to control the position of the patty on this paramount issue, concluding with the request that all believers in free coinage of silver in the Democratic party should organise am? take charge of and. control the policy of the Democratic party. Three months later, at Memphis, an organisation was perfected and the nil-' ver Democrats went forth openly and boldly and courageously proclaiming their belief ami declaring that if successful they would crystallize in a platform the declaration which they had made, and then began the conflict with a zeal approaching the seal which inspired the crusaders who followed Peter the Hermit Our silver Democrats went forth from victory unto victory until they are assembled now, not to discuss, not to debate, but to enter the judgment rendered by the plain people of this coon

try. 1 In thin contact brother ha* been nr* rayed against brother and father against •on. The wannest tie* of love and acquaintance and association have been disregarded. Old leaders have been cast aside when they refused to give expression to the sentiments of those whom they would lead, and new leaders have spring up to give direction to this cause of truth. Thus has the contact been waged, and we have assembled here under as binding and Solemn instructions as were ever fastened upon the representatives of a people. We do not come as individuals Why. as individuals we might have been glad to compliment the gentleman from New York [Senator Hill}. But we knew that the people for whom we speak would never be willing to put him in a position where be conld thwart the will of the Democratic party. 1 say it was not a question of persons; it was a question of principle, and it is not with gladness, my friends, that we find onnehres brought into conflict with these who are now arrayed on the other fids The gentleman who just preceded

(Governor Russell) spoke of the old state of Maasachnaetta Let me aasure Ihim that not one person is all this convention entertains the least hostility to the people of the state at Massachusetts. But we stand here representing people who are the equals before the law at the largest citizens in the state of Massachusetts. When you come before us and tall ua that we shall disturb your business interests, we reply that you hare disturbed our business interests by your course. We say to you that you hare made too limited in its application the definition of the business man. The man who is employed for wages is as much a business man as his employer. The attorney in a country town is as much )* business man aa the corporation counsel in a great metropolis. The merchant aft the crossroads store is as much a business man as the merchant of New York. The fanner who goes forth in the morning and toils all day, begins in the spring and toils all summer, and by the application at brain and muscle to the natural resources of this country creates wealth, is as much a business man as the man who goes upon the board of trade and bets upon the price of grain. The miners who go a thousand feet into the earth or climb 2,000 feet upon the cliffs and bring forth from their hiding places the precious metals to be poured in the channels of trade are as much business men as the few financial magnates who in a back room corner the money ef the world. , We come to speak for this broader class at business men. Ah. my friends, we say not one word against those who live upon the Atlantic coast; but those hardy pioneers who braved all the dangers of the wilderness, who have made the desert to blossom as the rose—those pioneers away cut there, rearing their children near to nature’s heart, where they can mingle their voices with the vbicea of the birds; out there where they hato ©reeled sclioolhouses for the education of their young, aud churches where they praise their Creator,* and cemeteries where *kxp the ashes of their dead, are as deserving of the consideration of this purty as any people in this country.

It is for these that we speak. We do not come as aggressors. Our war is not a war of conquest. We an* fighting in the defeuso of our homes, our families and posterity. We have petitioned, and our petitions have been scorned. We have entreated, and our entreaties have been disregarded. We have begged and they have mocked, and our? calamity came. We U g no longer. We entreat no more.. We petition no more. We The gentleman from Wisconsin has said he fears a Robespierre. My friend, in this land of the free you need fear no tyrant who will spring np from among the people. What we need is an Andrew Jackson to stand as Jackson stood against the encroachments of aggrandised wealth. - They tell ns that this platform was made to catch votes. We reply to them that changing conditions make new issues ; that the principles upon which rest Democracy are as everlasting as the hilla, but that.they must be applied to new conditions as they arise. Conditions have arisen, and we are attempting to meet those conditions. They tell ns feat the income tax ought not to be brought in here. That is a new idea. They criticise os for our criticism of the supreme court of the United States. My friends, we have not criticised; we have simply called attention to what yop know. If you want criticisms, read the dissenting opinions of the court That will give you criticisms. Tl»oy say we parted an unconstitutional law. I deny it-—the income tax was not unconstitutional when it was passed. It was not unconstitutional when it went before the supreme court for the first time. It did not become unconstitutional until one judge changed his mind; and we cannot be expected to know when a judge will change his mind.

The income tax is a just lair. It simply intends to pat the burdens of government justly upon the backs of the people. I am in favor of an income tax. When I find a man who is not willing to pay his share of the burden of the government which protects him, I find a man who is unworthy to enjoy the blessings of a government like oars. He says we are opposing the national bank currency. It is true. If you will read what Thomas Benton said, yon will find that he said that in searching history he coold find but one parallel to .Andrew Jackson. That was Cicero, who destroyed the conspiracies of Catiline and saved Rome. He did for Rome what Jackson did wben'he destroyed ' the bank conspiracy and saved America We say in oar platform that we believe that the right to coin money and issne money is a function of government We believe it We believe it is a part of sovereignty, and can no more, with safety, be delegated to private in

dividnals than we could afford to dele* gate to private individuals the power to make penal statutes or to levy laws for taxation. Mr. Jefferson, who was once regarded as good Democratic authority, seems to have a diff erent opinion from the gentleman who has addressed ns on the part of the minority. Those who are opposed to this proposition tell ns that the issue of paper money is a function of the bank, and that the government ought to go out of the banking business. them and tell them, as he did, that the issue of money is a function of the government and that the banks ought to go out of the government business. They complain abont the plank which declares against the life tenure in office. They have tried to strain it to mean that which it does not mean. What we oppose in that plank is the life tenure that Js being built up in Washington which excludes from participation in tiie benefits the humbler members of oar society. I cannot dwell longer in my limited time. [Cries of “Go on! Goon!'*]

Let me call attention to two or three great things. The gentleman from New York sajs that he will propose an amendment providing that this change in our laws shall not affect contracts already made. Let me remind him that there is no intention of affecting those contracts which, according to the present laws, are made payable in gold. But if he means to say that we cannot change our monetary system without protecting those who have loaned money before the change was made, I want to ask him where, in law or in morals, he can find authorityjor not protecting the debtors when the act of 1878 was passed,’ but now insists that wo must protect the creditor. He says he also w ants to ameud this law and provide that if we fail to maintain a parity within a year we will then suspend the coinage 6f silver. We reply that when we advocate a thing which we Believe will be successful we are not corn-; polled to raise a doubt as to our own sincerity by trying to show what we will do if we can. I ask him, if he wfll apply his logic to us, why he does not apply it to himself ? Ho says that he wants this country to try to secure an international agreement. Why doesn’t he tell us what he is going to do if they fail to secure an international agreement? There is more reason for him to do that than for us to fail to maintain the parity. They have tried for 80 years —for 30 years—to secure an international agreement, and those are waiting for it most patiently who don't want it at all.

Now, my friends, let me come to the great paramount issue. If they ask us here why it is that we Fay more on the money question than we soy upon the tariff question, I reply that if protection has slain its thousands, the gold standard has sl$in its tens of thousands. If they ask us why we did not embody all these things in our platform which we believe, we reply to them that when we haye restored the money of the constitution all other necessary reforms will be possible and that until that is done there is no reform that can be accomplished. Why is it that within three months such a change has come over the sentiment of this country? Three months ago. when it was confidently asserted that those who believed in the gold standard would frame our platform and nominate our candidate,-even the advocates of the gold standard did not think that we conld elect a president, bnt they bad good reason fot the suspicion, because there is scarcely a state here today a&kiug for the gold standard that is not within the absolute control of the Republican party. But \»ote the change. Mr. McKinley was nominated at St. Louis upon a platform that declared for the maintenance of the gold standard until it should be changed into bimetallism by an inter national agreement. Mr. McKinley was

the most popular man among the Republicans, and everybody three months ago in the Republican party prophesied his election. How is it today? Why, that man who used to boast that he looked like Napoleon—that man shudders today when he; thinks that he was nominated on the anniversary of the battle of Waterloo. Not only that, but as he listens be can hear with ever increasing distinctness the sound of the waves as they beat upon the lonely shores of St. Helena. Why this change? Ah, my friends, is not the change evident to any one who will look at the matter? It is no private iharacter, however pure, no personal popularity, however great, that can protect from the avenging wrath of an indignant people the man who will either declare that he is in favor of fastening the gold standard upon this people or who is willing to surrender the right of %lf government and ]ftace the legislative control in the hands of foreign potentates an d powers. We go forth confident that we shall Tin. Why? Because upon the para

mount issue in this wBipsign there is not a spot of ground upon which the enemy will dare to challenge battle. Why. if they tell ns that the gold standard is a good thing, we point to their platform and tell them that their platform pledges the pt.rty to get rid of a gold standard and substitute bimetallism. If the gold standard is a good thing. Why try to get rid of it} I might call attention to the tact that some of the people wks arc in this convention today and who tell yon that we ought to declare in favor of international bimetallism and thereby declare that a gold standard is wrong and ti&t the principle of bimetallism is better—these very people four months ago were open and avowed advocates of the gold standard and telling ns that we could not legislate two metals together even with all the world. I want to suggest this truth—that if the gold standard is a good thing we ought to declare in favor of its retention and not in favor of abandoning it; and if the gold standard is a bad thing, why should We wait until some other nations are willing to help igt let go? Here is the line of battle. .We care not upon which issue they foroe the fight. We are prepared to meet them on either issue or on both. If they tell us that the gold standard is the standard of civilisation, we reply to them that this, the most enlightened of all the nations of the earth, has never declared for a gold standard and both the parties this year are declaring against it. If the gold standard is the standard of civilisation, why, my friends, should we not have it? So, if they come to meet us on thsA, we can present the history of our nation. More than that, we can tell them this—that they will search the pages of history in vain to find a single instance in which the common people of any land have ever deolared themselves in favor of a gold standard. They can find where

the holders of fixed Investments have. Mr. Carlisle said in 11878 that this was a struggle between the idle holders of idle capital and the struggling masses who produce the wealth and pay the taxes of the country: and, my friends, it is simply a question that we shall decide upon which side shall the Democratic party fight—u'pon the side of the idle holders of idle capital or upon the side of the struggling masses? That is the question that the party must answer first, and then it mast be answered by each individual hereafter. The sympathies ojf the Democratic party, as described by the platform, are on the side of the struggling masses, who have ever been the foundation of the Democratic party. There are two ideas of government., There are those who believe that if you just legislate to make the well to do prosperous their prosperity will leak through on thase below. The Democratic idea has j Ken that if you legislate to make the musses prosperous their prosperity will find its way up and through every class and rest upon it. You come to U9 and tell us that the great cities are in favor of the gold standard. I tell you that the great cities rest upon these broad and fertile prairies. Bum down your cities and leave our farms, and your cities will spring j up again as if by tnagie; bnt destroy ; our farms, and the grass will grow in the stm ts of evpry city in this country. My friends, we shall declare that this nation is able to legislate for its own people on every question without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation on earth. Upon that < issue we expect to carry every single state in this Union,

I shall not slander the fair state of Massachusetts nor the state of New York by saying that when its citizens are confronted with the proposition, Is this nation able to attend to its own business?—I will not slander either oue by saying that the -people of those states will declare our helpless impouncy as a nation to attend to our own business. It is the issue of 1776 over again. Our ancestors, when bnt 8.000,000, had the courage to declare their political in- j dependence of every other nation upon earth. Shall we, their descendants, when we have grown to 70,000.000, declare that we are less independent than our forefathers? No, my friends, it will j never be the judgment of this people. > Therefore, we care, hot upon what lines the battle is fought If they say bimetallism is good, but we cannot have it till some nation helps us. we reply that, instead of having a gold standard because England has, we shall restore bimetallism and then let England have bimetallism because the United States If they dare to come.out and in the open and defend the gold standard as a good thing, we shall fight them to the uttermost, having behind us the producing masses of this nation and the world. Having behind us the commercial interests and the laboring interests, and all the toiling masses, we shall answer their demands for a gold standard j by saying to them: You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns. You shall not crucify man- , kind upon a crow of gold

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