Pike County Democrat, Volume 26, Number 49, Petersburg, Pike County, 17 April 1896 — Page 5

9 PERNICIOUS SHAM. A PROTECTIVE TARIFF ROB9 ALL HONEST WORKERS. mil He Is Compelled to Bay Door wad Boll Cheap— Freedom of mrohwape Hla Oaly Hope—Troths to Powder. ■ In a recent editorial on “Protection and the Farmer*’ the Philadelphia Record points ont some evident troths. It jays: 0 “As a matter of fact, there is noclass .of men in this country to whose interests the policy ot protection has-been so destructive as it has to those of the farmer. Unlike other producers—at least unlike the trusts and monopolies, which can shot down their mines and factories when the supply of their products ootnujg the demand an<} prices fall —he most keep on producing whether he will or no. He mast till the farm in order to live. He cannot regulate the •apply to correspond with the demand, And thus a bouniif al harvest may bring to him a curse instead at a blessing. Protection may make the monopolist rich by keeping out the wares which would otherwise compete with his, thus enabling him to fix thaprices which the farmer and all other Americans must pay, Jwt to the farmer it can bring only disaster by limiting the market for agricultural commodities, the production of which no combination of farmers can regulate in any degree whatsoever. If tlm American farmer will consider this matter calmly and without prejudice, he will beoome conscious of three truths: First, that a tariff levied for “protection” must increase the price of everything he buys, because the production of such things can be and has been limited by the trusts and combinations which have monopolised their manufacture; second, that it can add nothing to the price at what he sella, because it is not within the power of any possible combination of farmers tp limit agricul- . tural production, and the price of the surplus must necessarily regulate the price of all; third, that the only possible outlet for this surplus is to be found in foreign markets, and a protective tariff hinders its sale in those markets, because in order to be protective it must forbid the acceptance of the only things that foreigners have' to give in exchange. Let the farmer bring common sense and the light of experience to bear on these three propositions, and he will soon discover that protection is a pernicious sham, at which, though it robs all honest workers, be is the greatest victim. because it compels him to not only buy dear, but to sell cheap. Others may in a measure overcome its evil effects by depriving themselves <k some of their accustomed comforts, but tg the farmer, whose production is enormously out of proportion to the horn* demand, any lengthened period of it would mean absolute ruin. Nothing that he can raise ia capable at being protected except wool, and even if protection should add aiew cents a pound to the price of that commodity—which is very doubtful— the benefit he would derive from such an advance would be ridiculously inadequate aa a compensation for' the enornteus losses he must sustain by having gftfl great staples—grain and provisions —shut out of foreign markets, not to apeak of the increased prices he would be obliged to pay to monopolistic manufacturers.

It is plain that the farmer 8 only nope Uea in the greatest possible freedom of exchange—a freedom which w! 11 enable him to meet on a fair footing the rrrals to whom McKinley ism forced his former customers to transfer tnoir trade- This is the policy that was inaugurated by the Fifty-third congress, and the farmer, of all men, should insist an its being not only preserved, bnt broadened nntil bis natural right to buy and sell wherever he may be able to reap the greatest advantage shall have been fully recognized. Any step backward would be for him a step toward poverty, while every step forward on tbe road to freedom Will bring him that much nearer to the aolution of Urn problem. Woan Argw Um Qoccttoa. The American Protective league and Governor McKinley not having accepted the offer of David Lubin to pay $1,000 if they coaid prove to the satisfaction of an impartial committee that “a tariff on imparts could protect the staples of agriculture in the home market so long as they were produced in surplus quantities for export, ” Mr. Lubin makes his offer to the San Francisco Bulletin, with a proviso that the newspaper forfeit $1,000 if it fails to establish its case. Tariff discussion being only an “incident" of its business. The Bulletin declines the pffer. Important bfortmUm. "The repeal of the McKinley tariff,M gays a Republican organ, “brought us tbe raid upon the gold reserve. " This is an important piece of new information. The panic which resulted from the “raid •pop the gold reserve” began in the firing of 1808, while the McKinley tariff was not repealed nntil the latter part of 1884.—Louisville Courier-Journal. A Or—t BImtih of Horn*. Armour's great new whistle can be fraard for 38 miles, but it would sneak down into tbe fireroom and bide itself nodes tbe boilers if it encountered the ham of some of the numerous Republican would b» presidential candidates.— Kansas City Times. A Mat For Sir. Crisp. Mr. Crisp has at least made one good point. Re has demonstrated that the patriotic eagerness of the Democratic minority is just $4' boors stronger thaw that of tbe Republican minority. —Washington Post. Ho Owktat If Ho Would. 8enatnr t*»»y tells why he wouldn't be president, and there are tr :>.• of hia joantrxmcu who think they can tell why Hpgrakiii t —Lotus Poet-Di-patch

! ' FOREIGN MARKETS NECESSARY. Safety TbIiw fer thm ProtoeUMi mt tbm Rome Market. fa a epeoeh In the house the Hint. Galusha A. Grow argued at much length upon the great importance of the home market of die United States, with 70,000,000 consumers, and upon the comparative insignificance of foreign marts for American productions, says the Philadelphia Record. There is a Home Market club in Boston which is devoted to the dissemination of like notions, but what would Boston be as a commercial emporium if such notions should prevail? The superiority of the home market was a favorite argument of the British Tories of tbs last generation against a repeal of the protective system. With what unction Sir Archibald Allison used to prove that hardly a twelfth of the wealth of Great Britain was produced5 by manufactures for the export trade I j But British merchants and manufacturers were none the leas convinced of the ! necessity of foreign markets for British ; supremacy. * - No one disputes that the great bulk of ! exchanges of merchandise is made in the homo market. This is true of the poorest and the richest of nations, of the i poorest as well gs the richest of commaj pities. But it is just as true that the nation or community that shuts out foreign intercou rse in order to cultivate the | home market must fall into commercial and industrial decay. Among civilized 1 nations Spain affords a sad example of I the effects df the commercial jealousy j | and exclusiveness which Mr. Grow seeks | to inculcate among the American people. I. , Of the leather products of the United States the surplus far export last year, ; exceeding $16,000,000 in value, did not constitute a twentieth part of the home I consumption. Yet if no outlet existed | for the surplus of American mannfac j j tures of leather, depression and distress j ; would overtake the entire trade. This is | one instance among many in the foreign | trade of the United States. Whether the j j surplus of any domestic export he $10,-; i 000,000 dr $100,000,000 in value, upon j j the existence of an outlet for it depends [ the prosperity of the home market. Nothing proves this more conclusively j than the history of the American indusj try in question. When duties were imi posed on hides, the tanning industry of j the United States was subject to fre-1 I quent vicissitudes involving great losses | cf capital But since hides were put on 1 I the free list, nearly 30 years ago, no inI dnstry in the country has enjoyed so I great a degree of prosperity. The outlet j ; for the t-urplus leather, seenred for the • | first time l\v free hides, Is the safety | valve of the entire tanning industry. So i | well is thi9understood that the most ex- | treme protectionists refrain from urging I j a restoration of the duty on hideB along j with a duty on wool. With all their | high tariff and home market notions, j they cannot fail to perceive that a duty on bides would surely destroy the export trade in leather, and in doing so involve the tanning industries of the whole country in embarrassment and distress. It is g significant fact that all the protectionist tampers are enthusiastic advocates of ; free trade In hides.

Air. urow; nimseu very cieany recognised the beuetits of a foreign market a few years ago, when he advocated free | trade in cool between the United States i and Canada. Under free trade the exports of coal would bear no comparison with the va*t home consumption. But Mr. Grow t-uw plainly enough that an outlet for American C8al in Canada, however email, would relieve the presI sure upon some points of the field of homo production. j3e then argued, with force and justice, that the exports of coal would more than compensate for th^ increase of imports from Nova Scotia. But that was shortly bofore his j second peri A of service in congress. He now regard i the hoipe market as alone worthy of consideration and holds farj eign trade in the contempt in which U was held by British protectionists a gen- j oration aga But it is satisfactory to observe just now that the American emulators of the British protectionists are rather cautious about pushing their “home market’- notions to practical con- j elusions. The foreign markets for such American manufactures as enjoy free1 raw materials promise to remain open for awhile lunger in spite of protectionist threats of confining trade to the homo market. A L—on In Ibt Tariff Situation. The delay of the eastern rolling mills in turning cut the steel for the Metro- j politan^Street railway's improvements on account of previous unillled orders is a leseon in the tariff situation and a complete refutation, by example, of the howl against the present Democratic laws. The eastern maanufact ~*ers are having a very profitable season accord-j ing to the reports of the commercial agencies-—Kansas City Times. Patriotism Tmu Jingo. President Cleveland has manifested a calm, dispassionate, patient forbearance in tb© Venezuela controversy, and even now he proposes to take no extreme steps in the matter until the merits of the ease pre fairly ascertained. This firm and elevated tone, whep matched with the jingoism that goes off at half cock, is something that all judicial minded men will com me id.—Boston Globe. Who’ll Do the itaitac? While Mr. Foraker seems to be deeply in love with Mr. McKinley, the intractable Foraker followers are continually exhibiting their dislike of the high tariffer. Perhaps it wil} be one of these obdurate persons who will perfunn the , fifth rib ceremony.—Louis Post-Dis-patch. pr • • Bpor as WeU aa Blatherskite. Long as Senator Chandler has been in pub ire life, be hasn’t yet acquired t!w Sen tie art of {writing a civil letter to tlM0 coresident of the United States.—Boston Herald. c —---- , ! Haw Rwd Will Brcia HoatJliUm. Sneaker Weed evidently intends to jpeii the vrat by firing a few Democratic -urea.—Washington Post.

STUDY THESE FACTS, FALLACY OF THE HIGH PROTECTION POSITION PROVED. Bap^ilton ttalMIcal tariff Uan 8hova 1* Their irrae Light—Importations Under tfea Wilaon and the McKinley tariff A McKinley news bureau has been busily engaged in the circulation of a comparative table of import values, designed to show that the imports under the first year of the new tariff have been much greater than they were under the last year of the McKinley tariff. It is intended to prove to the workingmen that under the Wilson law the amount of importations of foreign manufactured articles has greatly increased, and therefore that the American industries in the same lines are seriously threatened This is the table: Last year First year McKinley Wilson Glass and glassware.... Earthenware... Leather and manufactures..... Wood and manufacture# Woolen manufactures... $5,004.4* mia 6,auM*» 9.703.131 9,200,212 15,210.070 16, $70,581 IT,070,141 15,888,204 61,747,908 Textile grasses manufactured. 18.737,688 Bilk and manufactures. 22,741,982 Cotton manufactures'... 21,310,029 Iron manufactures. 19,005,999 24.000,709 Chemicals... 87,725,170 44,045,815 as.399,108 80,911.884 84.781,*E Total...$172,748,001 t283.084.M3 At first sight this table i$ a splendid argument for use among the workingmen. It was so designed. Moreover, it was designed to be used among men who would not take the trouble to investigate further into the subject to see for themselves the utter hypocrisy and deceit which characterise its use. This falsity is demonstrated by fact. During the first three years of the McKinley tariff the imports of iron manufactures exceeded those of the first year of the Wilson tariff. The third year of 'the McKinley tariff (1898) they were nearly $84,600,000 as against $34,000,000, according to the table, for the first year of the Wilson tariff. Moreover, the manufacturers’ report and the condition Of all the industries show that the past season has been one of the most profitable ever known in the history of American industry. Wages have been raised also in every department of manufacturing. The fallacy of this table lies in the fact that the last year of the McKinley tariff was mi abnormal year, in which the conditions of trade and industry were so disturbed by panic and paralysis as to be absolutely significant of nothing. The facts about the imports of the third ye$r of the McKinley law, a year in which business was conducted along normal lines, completely refute the idea whioh the false table is intended to convey. They show that under the Wilaon tariff the importations are less than under the third year of the McKinley tariff, when the manufacturers had the same kind of protection usually accorded the infant in swaddling clothes who has not only the benefit of a fond mother, but a wet nurse thrown into the bargain. The New York Times has compiled the following table, which exhibits these Statistical tariff liars in their true light; Fiscal year 1899. Third year Firstvear ofMcKiuley of Wilson law. law. Glass and gtaffnvare.... Earthenware. . Leather and manufactures. Wood and manufactures Woolen manufactures-.. Textile grasses manufactured..... Bilk manufactures. Cotton manufactures.-., Iron manufactures..— Chemicals.... $8jei,741 $7.068*12* 6,529,481 9,798.181 15.087.995 15,216,070 23,162.509 19.070,141 88,048,515 51,747.902 28,190.691 96.899,108 88.^38,928 80,8U.8J4 83,200.206 84.781,588 84.4Sti.734 24,030,709 62,637,000 44,645,615

Totals.«Si,e7MS® 9SSi.664.SlS Concerning the matter The Times sgys: “It will be seen that under the McKinley tariff the imports were greater, as follows: Chemicals, by $8,000,000; iron, by $10,000,000; silk goods, by $8,000,000; manufactures of textile grasses, by nearly $2,000,000; wool and. manufactures, by $4,000,000; leather and manufactures, by $750,000,, and glass and glassware, by nearly $1>D00,000. The total was also larger b^$40,000,000. There was a slight excess ($268,000) on the other side in the case sf earthenware, and one of about $1,200,000 in the case of cottons. Imports of woolens during the past year hare been larger by $13,700,000, but there is proof in the imports of clothing wool (twice as large as they were in 1898) and in other evidence of activity that the domestic output has been large. The new tariff has reduced the cost of woolen clothing, whether domestic or foreign, and the people are buying more freely. The year 1894 Was one of privation, and supplies have since been renewed. If the imports for the‘‘last year of the McKinley tariff” be added to those of the “first year of the Wilson law,” and the sum be divided by two, 1 the annual average for the two years '$33,793,053) is less than the imports of the McKinley year 1893 by $4,000,000.M Careful study of these facts will demonstrate the absolute fallacy of the position of the high protection advocates upon the question of importations. They are recommended far the perusal of any one who thinks that a low tariff encourages import trade in competition with American industry and that high, tariff discourages the same.—Kansas City Times. Who lira the gtdo off Pom? America has asked Great Britain to submit to arbitration the whole questiar of boturttary at issue between Venezuela and British Guiana. Great Britain, through her prime minister, makes rejoinder that she does not consent to such a settlement* of the controversy. Who is on the side of peace. Uncle 8am or John Bull? And what can America do more than Mm has done to secure another victory for arbitration?•«-Barton Globe, /

A CO1>1 FUSION OF IDEAS, fcwtor KIUm* Ttofi «■ th$i Torlff Qmo » Um An Somewhat Mixed. In an interview with a protectionist newspaper in this city, says the Phila* delphia Record, in which Senator Elkins of West Virginia is doubtless correctly quoted, he discusses the question of revenue legislation in congress. Among other things he says: “We might put back the McKinley rates on sugar. We never gained anything by taking that duty off , sugar- ” Senator Elkins evidently refers to the sugar duties that existed before the McKinley tariff was enacted. The McKinley tariff, as he must be aware, despoiled the trees*ury of enormous revenues from these duties under pretense of making sugar free. At the same time a duty of onehalf a oent a pound was fixed upon refined sugar, with the effect of charging upon American consumers that amount of tax for the whole supply of sugar, domestic as well os imported. While despoiling the treasury of its revenues the McKinley tariff despoiled consumers for the aggrandizement of the Sugar trust. Snroly neither Senator Elkins nor any other Republican in congress can have any serious purpose to restore the McKinley schedule on sugar. It would be almost as unjust to go back to the older tariff schedule on sugar, since the large amount of fiscal revenue which it would \ yield is not required. All the change in I the sugar schedule that is needed is to I substitute for the ad valorem duty of 40 per cent a specific duty of 1 cent a ! pound. When the present tariff was un- | dor consideration it was estimated that the ad valorem duty would be equivaI lent to the above specific rate, which was accordingly rejected. But experience shows that the raw sugar is systemi aticaliy undervalued on the foreign j invoices, and as a consequence tho revenues from raw sugar, instead of amounting to $45,000,000, will not reach $30,000,000 a year. By making this simple change in collecting the sugar duty not less than $15,000,000 would be added to the revenues without increasing the burdens of consumers. The Republicans in congress iay that they want to obtain more revenue for government; that they are in favor of specific duties on sugar, and that the Democrats in framing the present tariff imposed the ad valorem duty on sugar ip corrupt subserviency to monopoly. Here, then, is the Republican opportunity. By changing the duty on sugar the Republicans m congress can get revenue enough to cover t he treasury deficit and can show the country at the same time how 6mall is the influence of the Sugar trust upon their policy. They can also remove tho suspicions which , cling to the McKinley sugar schedule, which, it should be said ii justice to Governor McKinley, was framed after his tariff bill was sent to the senate. This subject is earnestly oommeuded to the consideration of Senator Elkins, who has his honors yet to w in as a legislator and statesman: His views on the tariff, if correctly reported, evidently betray no small confusion of ideas. TO COMMIT THE PARTY.

of Ohio' Woel|ro»er» o Keep Oat Foreign Clip*. The Ohio triumvirate of woolgrowers west to Washington to fix things for a &duty of 12 cents pe pound on clothing wool and 8 cents a pound oh carpet wool Both of tbesj rates are higher than those of the McK in ley tariff, and it is said by some experienced observers that they have pur posely put them higher thah they exp ct congress to adopt so as to have room for concession and compromise. This is an old trick, but it must be remembered that the triumvirate were never satisfied with the McKinley rates, and that they made the welk n ring ana kept it ringing during the v hole interval between 1890 and 1894 on the subject of increased rates, especially on carpet wool. If they are nov preparing ground for a compromise, it must be on some rate higher than that if the McKinley tariff, which was 32 per cent ad valorem. Whatever may bo the rates that they have in mind.theirj amo was to pass a bill through the preset t house, regardless of its fate in the senate or before the president, in order to commit the party and thus make sur; of getting it enacted into law two yea fs hence if all goes well for the Reput Moan party meanwhile.—New York Pag . Two Bepabltamn St»t— o«n. It sounds like old times to hear of the fight between William Pitt Kellogg and ex-Qovemor Warmoutb dowi in Louisiana for the control of the Republican delegation from that state to toe national convention. The saints don’t i?tand much of a show when those stab smen have the floor, and the devil is likely to take the hindermust in the round U'X—Boston Herald. _, Wan of ‘•Statesmen * ^ There is not so much dil erence be- j tween the wool tax policy of McKmley j and the do nothing policy <: f Reed as ; there might be. To pass mem ares which the president would be sur > to veto is ! equivalent in the result to nonactipn. But while the gamesters pky for the presidential stakes the country will suffer.—Philadelphia Record. tan a Bad Iapmat n. Republican “popgun** tariT bills will operate, the Chicago Tribi ne (Rep.) fears, to “create an unpleasant; and unwholesome impression that i:be Republican party is intent on re-enacting the McKinley law with additions its soon as it gets a chance. ** Wall Barra, Perfectly Finished. The Monroe doctrine as it left the hands of President Monroe wan soft and unmolded clay. President Cleveland has given it shape, and made a pressed brick of it —ExchangeBo Thank* to Bootello In the future the Republican members )f the house must not applaud without :i*e permission of |{r. Boutelle —Wasfajugton Post

The' New T arifF Price * !' Su.it© 2^Ca,d.e to Measure: S10, IS, S30, S32 aud TTp. * . I?a<ants XdCsucie to ©xd.ex: S^t, 5, SS, 7, SS and. TJp. 'H . ; . - * : Burgers’, Merchant Tailors

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