Pike County Democrat, Volume 25, Number 23, Petersburg, Pike County, 19 October 1894 — Page 6

SHERMAN ON FINANCE. The Ohio Senator Says It is “Idle To Talk of More Money.* Would Pr«Mr*f Um Gold Studard ud Keep All Other Currency at Fur with Gold,by Using u Gold Emm la Re. demptioa m» Fur m Necessary. Akron, O., Oct. 13.—Senator John ^Sherman spoke on political issues of the present campaign here to-day, opening the Ohio campaign. He said: Fbuow Citizens—The most important feature of this political campaign is the election <of members of the house of representatives of the United States. You may think that what happens in congress at Washington is too remote to affect your interests. In this you are greatly mistaken. The notion of congress in levying taxes for the support of the national government, and in providing money, whether coin or paper money, as the measure of value, affects directly every inhabitant of the United States, whether poor or rich, whatever may be bis employment, whether a laborer, a farmer, ■ a Capitalist or a business man. Everyone, whether a produoer or a consumer, is deeply V interested in the taxes he has to pay and in Ahe money he receives or pays.

\ Senator John Sherman. These two vital questions are now and al•ways will be the chief foundations of political divisions in a free country. They are now the dividing lines between the democ ratic and republican parties. Other issues may arise such as arose out of the late rebellion. These have been settled from time to time, but taxation and currency—the mode of levying taxes and the qualities of our money—will always be the bone of contention between the two great parties. After devoting considerable attention to the tariff question, he proceeded to the discussion of that of the money supply of the country, in the course of which he said; Another great question involved in this election is the free coinage of silver. The recent democratic convention of Ohio adopted this resolution: “We dissent from the president's views, construction and treatment of the silver question and. therefore, believe that all silver should be restored to the position it occupied as money pr|or to its demonetization by the republican party, and to that end we favor the unlimited tree coinage of silver at the legal ratio of 16 to 1 and with equal legal-tender power." This resolution is in direct opposition to the national democratic platform of 1892 and the known views of President Cleveland. The attempt to carry this resolution into effect would rive the democratic party from turret to foundation stone. The policy it proposes would reduce the purchasing power of the dollar more than one-half. The wages of labor would be •practically reduced, for the depreciated dollar would buy only what fifty cents will now. The only remedy of the laborer would be higher wages, but every laboring man knows how difficult it is to secure such an advance. 1 have ■ .sometimes thought that this declaration is but the demogogism meeting of Senator Brice and 'Tom Johnson in the same convention. But the consequences of free coinage under present conditions are so grave, so wide reaching upon all business, labor and production, that I think it best for me to state carefully and accurately my views of the free coinage of ■silver. 0 • What is meant bv free coinage? It is by law to confer upon any holder of silver bullion the right to deposit it in the treasury or mints of the United States, and to demand and receive for it one dollar tor 871H grains of pure silver, or 412*4 grains of pure silver nine-tenths fine: or, in case the silver is not coined, the bolder may demand a note of the United States for one dollar, and both the coin and paper are money, and a legal tender for all debts, public and private. Remember that 87154 grains of silver are worth in the markets of the world about forty-nine * cents. Silver may vary in price from day to day, but the tendency is for it to decline. As- .. Burning it to be worth fifty cents in our lawful money, the holder of the bullion may demand and get one dollar for 37154 grains, and that •dollar is a general legal tender. As the result of this, either one*or two things will happen: Either all the silver in sight will advance in value to gold at the ratio of sixteen to one, or the purchasing power of the dollar ■will be reduced to fifty cents of our money, .and the gold dollar will be worth two silver 'dollars. Which of these is likely to happen? The experience of every nation in the world proves that the cheaper money will fill the channels of circulation, and the money of higher value will be hoarded up or exported. "This is a rule as universal as the movement of the earth around the moon or the flow of the tides of the ocean. No one will pay gold » when silver, worth one-half in commercial value, can be paid Instead. The amount of silver in sight in the world is stated at 3,000,000,000 ounces, each ounce containing 480 grains. The annual production of silver in the world is about 161,000,000 ounces, the commercial value of which is $125,000,000, but the coinage value at the present ratio is now about 6225.000,000.

The vast hoard of silver win be luvited to the United States in the hope to obtain more of it than its market value. What benefit will the radical change in our coinage laws, if made, confer upon the people of the United States? It is said that it will 'double the price of all our productions. So it would nominally, but will it not also double the price of all you have to buy? Foolish men may sell their farms at a higher prion, but will the money they receive purchase any more or as much property of any kind as they sold? The workman whose daily wages are ' now payable in gold or its equivalent will have to receive silver dollars whose purchasing power is but one-half of the money he receives now. It lie demands higher wages because of cheaper dollars he knows how dittoult it is to seoure a proper increase of wagc$. If the farmer gets higher prices for his crops It will be in money of lass purchasing power. But two classes of men will be benefited, the debtor, who can pay his debt in cheaper money, and the owners of silver mines. The debtor gains bv cheaper money, but Is it honest to borrow gold and pay la silver worth half what jfce received? The owners of silver mines gener;ally organised into great corporations will get .nominally more dollars for their product, but if they are Just to their workmen the cost of mining will be increased. I do not see how tn the end the stiver miner wUl be benefited. If the object of thia change is to increase the TOlume of money why should not the government buy the silver bullion at its market price . and issue its money, coin or paper, to the ; amount of the cost of the silver? This would give us more money and we would have in the treasury enough silver at gold yriaas to redeem our money* This would be honest and right. Wo tried that experiment in 18W. We passed a law requiring the secretary of the treasury to buy the ■.eaumeus umouui of 4,VJQ.'i00 ounces of a

at market priee, and to i»«e In exchange for it United States treasury notes. X voted for this law, and it was called the “Sherman law." I voted for it1 with much doubt upon the confident assertion that this Urge purchase of silver bullion would prevent its declining in value. But. in spite of our purchases, the price of silver went flown, down. down, from lit cents nn ounce to sixty-five cents, end this lass fell upon the government. The- experiment hsvtng felled, congress repealed the act of 1880 and I voted for that repeal. JVhat would be the Inevitable result of the free coinage of silver now, when the silver in the dollar is worth only fifty cents? Does any man need to be told that it will be worth only what it cost? By carefully limiting the amount of silver coins and coining only on government account, we can maintain silver coins at par with gold coins, just as we keep paper money by a promise to receive it as money and redeem it in gold if demanded. That is what we did with nearly 840O.0OD.O0O of paper money in 1879. We accumulated a fund of gold; we promised to pay the notes in coin. * The notes had been depreciated during and after the war. We lifted them up by resumption in January. 1879. and from that day to this, they have been of equal value with gold coin in any market of the world. In this way we have thus far maintained our silver coins st par with gold. We receive them as money; we hold them in vast sums in the treasury, and for the convenience of our people, we issue certificates for them. But how is this done? By carefully limiting the amount of notes issued and holding large reserves in both gold and silver, and redeeming our notes when presented. We have pledged the faith of the United States that all forms of money shall be kept equal to each other. Thus far we have been able to maintain that pledge. Is it not a matter of pride to every American that our courage was demonstrated in war; that our generosity and moderation were displayed in peace: that our financial honor is untarnished, and our credit is equal to that of any nation of the =world? The free coinage of silver will break down all this. The government will lose all control over the amount of money to be issued. This will depend upon the greed of bankers and bullion dealers. There will be no limit upon it, except the vast quantity of silver in the world. All this will seek our market as long as our silver dollar is worth more than the bullion in it. The result is inevitable as certain as the law of gravitation. The purchasing power of the silver dollar, with coinage free, will be the market value of the silver bullion. No gold will be taken to the mint or be paid into the treasury. All we have will be withdrawn, and the United States will stand with China. Japan. India, Mexico and South America as silver states, and be detached from the great civilised nations of Europe, who still maintain the gold standard. The democratic platform, which I read to you, denounces the republican party for demonetising silver. A brief history of silver legislation will show how false is this state

ment. At thebeginning of our government gold and silver were recognized as the standards of money at their relative market value. A careful computation was made by Alexander Hamilton, secretary of the treasury, and Thomas Jefferson, secretary of state, and the , ratio of value was fixed as being fifteen of silver to one of gold. Coins were issued of both gold and silver, but it was soon shown that silver was undervalued; that fifteen ounces off silver were worth more than one ounce of gold, and. therefore, the ailver was exported, and in 1805. after less than#!.500.000 were issued. Mr. Jefferson, then president, suspended the coinage of the silver dollar and none were issued after that until 1838. and then but few were issued until 1878. So that, in fact, the silver dollar was practioally demonetized long before the republican party existed. In 1853. during the administration of President Pierce and a democratic congress, the minor coins of silver were reduced in value and made a legal tender only for five dollars. Though the dollar was not stricken from the coinage, yet it was practically demonetized and superseded. In 1873, when the coinage acts were revised, after full consideration during four sessions of congress, the silver dollar was omitted from the ooins provided for. It was then worth more than a dollar of gold. The bill was debated and considered as fully as any measure could be. and it was passed in both houses without division. In 1878, after the decline of silver had commenced, congress authorized the purchase of not to exceed M,000,000 and not less than $3,000,000 worth of silver a month, and under this act more silver dollars were issued every year thereafter *han the entire aggregate of silver dollars during the whole period from the beginning of the government to that time. If it was demonetized in 1873 it was certainly remonetized in 1878. As silver was declining in value and was worth less in gold than the ratio fixed by law, the amount of silver to be purchased was properly limited. It is sometimes said that the demonetisation of silver caused the decline of silver bullion. This is not true. Silver bullion declined because the production of silver enormously increased. not only in this, but in other countries. I have a table before me which shows that prior to 1815 there was no silver produced in the United States. From 1845 to I860 the amount was about §50,000 a year. In 1801 the amount produced was §3,000.000. This increased year by year, until the amount of silver produced in the United States reached, in 1883, the sum of §83,101.000. It is this enoraous production that has caused the fall in the market value of silver, precisely the same causes that have reduced the value of iron, copper and nickel. It is this large increase in the quantity of silver produced, am* this fall in the value of silver that has led to the suspension of silver coinage among all the nations of Eorope. Any 'attempt by the United States alone to maintain its value, in view of this vast production, would be the height of folly and madness. I am a thorough believer in bi-metalism. I believe that both gold and silver are necessary metals for coinage into money to measure the value of all other productions of human industry. But there must be some fixed ratio of value between the two metals. They must be standards of value, not only for other productions. but for each other. Every nation that uses gold as its standard also uses silver for minor coins, and regulates the value and number of these coins.

Great Britain was the first nation to adopt the gold standard, but it also fixed the contents. form and value of its silver coins, and received and redeemed them the same as gold, but for a limited amount in one payment. The Latin nations, headed by France, agreed upon a system of coinage of both gold and silver for circulation, but when the market value of silver, in consequence of increased production, fell below the Latin ratio of fifteen and a half to one, all these nations suspended the coinage of silver and the purchase of silver bullion. They had enough, but they maintain their silver coin at par with gold, precisely as the United States and Great Britain do. Germany, Russia, Austria, Hungary and. I may say. all the nations of Europe, have adopted the same policy. They use both gold and silver as we do. None ot tliem pro-. pose, or would consent to the free coinage of silver. None of them would consent to the exclusion of gold, the sure and inevitable result of the free coinage of silver. What, then, you may ask, would I do about it? 1 answer that I would ooutinue to do what we have done in the past. I would maintain the purchasing power of all our silver coins at par with gold. I/would keep all the silver bullion in the treasury, purchased with treasury notes, as a fund for their redemption, and supplement that fund, it need be. with the gold reserve: every dollar of our money, whether gold or silver, whether greenbacks, silver oertifioates or treasury notes, at par with each other. If the new tariff and tax law will, as our democratic friends claim, furnish revenue to support the government, there will be no difficulty in preserving the parity ot our money. We are better able to do this than any country of the world. To recede from this position, and to adopt the standard ot less populous and less civilised nations, would be a retrograde movement disgraceful to the party in power. It is sometl ncs said we want more money in > the United States. We have now in eircuia- | tion. arm in the treasury, more money than I ©vs? before, and & larger amount per capita. I

From this It appears that we hare coined or issued 82.242,641,420. In the treasury. 8587,602.438. In circulation, 81.655,038.982. Circulation per capita, 824.07. This is an increase of circulation in one year of over 158.000,000. With this condition of our coin and cnrreney it is idle to talk about the want of more money. Free coinage would debase our money, expel or hoard all our gold, impair the security and redemption of our United States notes and national bank notes.and place our credit and currency on the position of Brazil, Argentine and Mexico. Fellow-citizens, these are all grave and serious questions that should be far above the passing questions of political strife. They demand your serious thought. I believe the republican party is better able to deal with them wisely than the democratic party. That party is hopelessly divided. Its free siver plank in Ohio is but an indication of willingness to sacrifice the business interests of the country for a transient party cry. The republican party that conducted our country through the war of the rebellion, that has maintained the honor and credit of our country for more than thirty years, can safely be trusted to solve these financial problems. The past is the best security for the future. A Good Hiding Place. The heart of a big city is about the safest hiding place a man can seek, said the proprietor of a leading uptown hotel. If I wanted to keet> out of the clutches of the law for a specified time, I’d go to New York and get board at one of the principal hotels. I’ll wager every Cent I possess that no detective or policeman would ever find me. Some years ago a New York man was wanted to testify in an important suit in which Jay Gould was largely interested. He came to the St. James and whispered to me that he had important reasons for wanting to keep very dark for ten days or two weeks. I fixed him out in elegant quarters, but not a bell boy in the house was aware of his presence. Detectives hung around the place, as they did about every other hotel in Gotham, but in vain. High and low, all over the United States, search was made for this man, who was spending a luxurious, but rather monotonous, holiday in one of our best suites. After the hunt for him ceased he came out of retirement, and Mr. Gould, I afterward learned, gave him a very substantial recognition of his appreciation of the seclusion act.—Washington Star.

A Colt Punishes m Ram for Cruelty. The following is a little incident which came under the obsecration of the writer: Two young horses hare been kept in a pasture with a number of cows and a year-old calf and they were accustomed to come up to the gate erery night with the cows, the older; leading the line and the younger bringing up the rear. Owing to a want of water in their pasture some sheep were brought to the one it which the horse and cows were kept and these sometimes followed the cows when they came at night to be milked. On night they did so and when all the animals were standing together the ram bucked the calf, which could not defend itself, and the older colt, going over to it, seized the ram by the wool on its back and, lifting it entirely off the ground, shook it rigorously. He then placed it on the ground and it quickly ran away while the horse continued to stand guard orer his friend. —Our Dumb Animals. Time at the North Pole. If the north pole is ever reached the adventurous spirits who get there will find that they hare actually outstripped father time altogether—in fact, he will have given up the race entirely, for at the northern and southern extremities of the earth’s axis there is no fixed time at all. At any moment it can be either noon or midnight, breakfast-time, or supper-time, work-time or play-time, whichever time you like. Cloeks will be a fraud and a delusion, for at the pole all degrees of longitude conveage into one, and therefore all times. The possibilities of such a position are endless. Not only, too, will the clocks be out of time, but the calendar.as well. It can be at will either yesterday, to-day or to-morrow.—Golden Days. The Continents and Ocean Levels. It is estimated that Asia stands os an average height of 1,150 feet above the level of the ocean; South America, 1,130; North America, 730; Europe, 670. The average height of all the land above the sea level—omitting Africa and Australia, both of which are almost wholly south of the equator—is about 830 feet. The landed surface of the northern hemisphere is about 44,« 000,000 square miles, that of the south- ; ern hemisphere only about 14,000,000, making a difference of about 30,000,000 square miles of land in the two hemi-spheres.-—St. Louis Republic- P

A Manfsctnnni' Free Tndt Lm|h to a* Formed to WtiMaitoo A Manufacturers’ Free Trade league is about to bi organised with head* quarters in the city of Washington. The purpose of the league, as the name implies, ’will be to propagate the doctrine that men are not truly free unless they are free to exchange what i they produce for what they want, with ! any man, anywhere, unhindered by statutory enactments other than those that may be necessary to the preservation of the morals and the safety of the ! people. # Probably forty-nine out of fifty manufacturers, including most of those who j in reality were more harmed than helped by the system, called themselves protectionists a year ago. They act1 ively resisted, if they did not fear, even the least departure from the extreme protection which they had secured t hrough the agency of the republican party. The formation of a league of manufacturers to promote, not less protection or incidental protection, or a gradual approach to commercial and industrial liberty, but absolute free trade, is therefore proof conclusive that great progress has been made. It is proof that manufacturers are beginning to see that their best interests are not promoted by preying upon one another as well as upon the masses of the people, or by a system which necessarily handicaps them in every market except

the home market, and under which only a few even of the manufacturers derive any real benefit, while the many are subjected to burdens which they share with those who are wholly unprotected. It is proof that they are learning that tariff protection is always for the strong who have a "puli'* on legislation, and never for the weak, and that freedom is best for their interests as well as for the interests of the consuming masses. The formation of such a league not only affords proof of these things, but it plainly indicates that the days of protectionism in this country are numbered. When the manufacturers, who have supposed themselves to be the beneficiaries of the system, begin to take the lead in agitating for its abolition the end cannot be very far distant. Manufacturers in almost every line of industry will soon be enlisted in this organization. And when the American people see such men earnestly advocating free trade they can no longer be deceived by the buguboo cry that protection is necessary to the preservation of American industries. They will understand that manufacturers would not organize and work for their own destruction; and when they understand that the protection party will become an unsavory reminiscence in this country as it long ago became in England.—Chicago. Herald. CHEAP NECESSARIES. Effects of the New Tariff Upon the Needs of the Poor Man. The merchants are informing the people of some of the immediate benefits resulting from the passage of the democratic tariff bill. By advertisements in the newspapers and by the distribution of printed circulars they are calling attention to the reduced prices at which they are able to offer their goods since the new tariff went into effect. One effect of these advertisements is to recall to the minds of their readers the conditions of four years ago, following the passage of the McKinley bill, when prices were marked up instead of down. In October, 1890, there was an almost uniform advance of from 30 to 80 per cent, in the prioe of all merchandise. In some instances the advance was even greater than 80 per

cent. The popular revolt against the McKinley tariff, which had become widespread before it had been in existence thirty days, was started by the women. Housewives who were purchasing their stocks of flannels and woolens for winter wear were the first to note the startling increase in prices resulting from the imposition of higher duties. They led in the denunciation of the new tariff which soon became general. At the ensuing November election there was a democratic landslide, as everybody knows. It was while he was mournfully contemplating the election returns in that year that John Sherman made the ungallant remark: “The women defeated the republican party in this campaign by their unjust attacks on the McKinley tariff.” It is claimed that Mr, Sherman has not to this day forgiven the members of the gentler sex who helped the democrats to victory in 1890. People of both sexes are rejoiced to know that the first effect of the new tariff is to bring down the prices of merchandise. While the reduction has been general it is most noticeable in the case of necessaries. It is understood that bottom figures have not yet been reached, and that further reductions all along the line will be annouced during the next few months. But the changed conditions have already excited the favorable comment of the women, and if they are not careful they may receive another rebuke from John Sherman just after the approaching election for their interference in politics.—Chicago Herald. PARTISAN ROMANCE. A Thrilling Book of Fiction Being Soot Out. Advance sheets of a thrilling work of fiction called the “Republican Handbook” have just made their appearance in Washington. As evidence of the character of the work the Handbook relates that Secretary Morton, of the agricultural department, has appointed a number of relatives to office, in violation of the civil service laws. Secretary Morton, on the other hand, says he knows of no relative of his in the public service in his own or in any other department. Another pleasing fiction in this partisan romance is to the effect that the wicked democrats are keeping down the price of sugar until after the November elections. After the elections, it is predicted, the price of sugar will mount so high that this article of necessity will be bevond

IMfl the reach of the masses of consumers In such deplorable case the millionaire* and the refiners will hare to consume all the sugar themselves. Bat perhaps the most delicious morsel in the Handbook is the statement that the price of coffee was increased by removing the tariff; from which the intelligent reader is asked to infer that the most effective way to reduce the price of a commodity is to put a tat upon it. It does not appear that any of the republican statesmen are in favor of restoring the duty,on coffee with a view to lessening its price. Brt as a republican congress removed the duty on coffee more than twenty yeafs ago this is not to be accounted among the sins of the democrats. Yet if the democrats should have occasion hereafter to levy a revenue upon coffee they would have high republican authority for the statement that this is the way to reduce its price. We are reminded, however, that the source from which this statement is drawn is a mere work of partisan romance, and therefore, it is not to be taken seriously by seekers for genuine information on public questions. The Handbook will doubtless have considerable circulation among such persons as delight in this, kind of fiction.-—Philadel-phia Record.

Proper* for the Cheap Goods Flood, Here is bad news for the poor farmers and laborers who have not in ten years been able to purchase good substantial clothes for themselves and families. The Manufacturer of August IS gives warning that “we are now to have an overwhelming flood of importations.” Great quantities of goods “'will be dumped into the American market.” ‘‘There is every indication that the market is to be overloaded with materials. In such a case little hope need be entertained of a rally of prices.” The depressing influence of a glutted market” will continue to scare the poor working man. Gee whilikinb! What if the country is so inundated with foreign goods that prices decline to zero and goods are given away. How cheap men would then be if, as President Harrison said, ‘“a cheap coat makesa cheap man.” It would "be far better for the wage earners if prices should advance 100 per cent. This would prevent the humiliating spectacle of cheap men and would be entirely satisfactory to all well protected protectionists. Let all working men vote and pray for dearer not for cheaper goods. If McKinley tariffs won’t make them dear enough, we should put barbed wire fences around the country and around each state. We must have dear goods or we are lost. The Saving on Woolens. Mr. Jacob Schoenhof, an appraiser of textile goods in the custom house at New York estimates that, because of free wool and reduced duties on woolens, the consumers of this country will save $168,000,000 yearly on woolen goods alone. He has prepared statements showing the saving on woolens, worsteds, hosiery, carpets, wool, felt hats, etc. He has prepared samples of different kinds of cloth and has attached the cost of importing each under the old and the new tariff laws. An all-wool challis (women’s dress goods) that formerly cost 68 cents now cost 51 cents. An all-wool cashmere that cost 83 now costs 58 cents. On a sample of coatings the saving is $1.16 per yard. What the consumers will save because of reduced duties would purchase our wool clip and pay the wages of all workers in woolen mills. Still, we expect to hear the McKinley lambs bleat until the November election. After that event the country will have decided that free wool and cheaper and better clothing has benefited tfll and hurt nobody, and we will hear but little more about “protection to wool.” Afraid of the Income Tax. Commenting upon the results of the election in Maine, the New York Tribune suggests that “the good people of Maine do not delight in a socialistic income.tax.” But there was no socialistic^ any other kind of an income tax law in evidence ih the Maine election. The Maine voter may have read the republican state platform and have listened to McKinley, Reed and all of the other great republicun orators, who crowded into Maine this year, without having heard anything about the ineome tax law that will go into opera- | tion next January. The most remarkable feature of the present campaign is the studied silence of the republicans on this income tax question. ‘The promised opposition to this "sectional.” “populistic” and “unpopular class” tax does not materialize.

It Grow* in Favor. So far as yet developed the most impressive objection to the income tax comes from those who will have to pay it; and the fact of their having to pay it constitutes the objection. By logic just as cogent it may be s^kid that the law stands approved by the great majority, for they wish that they had the tax to pay, for that would mean to them an income of over $4,000 per year. It is the man whose ox is gored who denounces this revenue measure of the democratic party, and there are ten to his one kicking because they have no ox. ___ How I* This? The free trade policy in wool went into effect yesterday. This morning's Boston dispatches show that Michigan wools were quoted at 9S cents—an increase of 5X cents over the point reached under the McKinley law. More than this, the- Boston market report shows an idorease in' demand and price for those grade^pf foreign wools which are needed for mixing with our own. In all this the farmers may see some of the first excellent fruits of tariff reform.—Grand Rapids Democrat. —The St. Louis Post-Dispatch (dem.) says that if the Louisiana “sugarbounty grabbers’* who have left the democratic party are honest, “they must demand bounties for the raisers of potatoes, wheat, cotton, pork, beef, etc., and bounties to eke out the profits of every industry or trade that does not prosper to the entire satisfaction, o! those who are engaged in it.”

Fall Medicine Is fully as important and as beneficial as Spring Medicine, for at tins season there is great danger to health in the varying temperature, cold storms, malarial genus, and the prevalence of fevers and other serious diseases. All these may ' be avoided if the blood is kept pure, the digestion good, and the bodily health vigorous, by taking Hood’s Sarsaparilla J-Jood’s “My little boy fourteen years old had a terrible scrofula bunch on his neck. A friend Sar&a^ partita (Tures of mine said Hood's Sarsaparilla cured his little boy, so I procured a bottle of the medicine, and the result has been that the hunch has left his neck. It was so nCar the throat, that he could not have stood it much longer without relief.” Mrs. Ixa Hood, 3*4 Thorndike St. Lowell, Mass. Hood’s Pills are prompt and efficient. 25c.

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No Alkalies Other Chemicals in utd in thi 9sd preparation of W. BAKER & CO.’S treakfastCocoa trA.Vfc 1» aiwhtieiy ■ jMtro «mI

It hzumo-othan fferae ftnwi [ tkettmyth ©f Cocoa mixed ■ with Starch, Arrowroot or __ ’ Sugar, and to far morn •»- Maoical, coding less than one cent a cup. It to delicious, nourishing, and BA&U.T Sold hy Grocer* everywhere, *, BAKER & CO..Dorch«*t*r.M«*a. The "LISESK" are the Best and MorlEconom leal Collar* and Cuff* worn t they are wade of fine sloth, ooth .Idea finished alike, and. being reversl* tie,one coliar is equal to two of any other kind. tlkKjW ttrl*. wear well ewd look well. A tint Of Ten Collars or Fire Fairs of Caffs for Twenty-KIre Cents. A Sample Collar and Pair of Cuffs by mall for Six Cents. Name style and size. Address REVERSIBLE COLLAR COMPART, iFranklin St.. New Tork. TT Kilby St.. Boston.

Passages, Allays Pain and Inflammation Restores the Sense of Taste and Smell. Heals the Sores. Balm into each nostril. ELY BltOS., 9* " &rr«n St . N Y.