Pike County Democrat, Volume 25, Number 4, Petersburg, Pike County, 8 June 1894 — Page 6
NEEDLE MARTYRS. Dr. Talmage Discourses on the Subject of Toiling Women. Industry Just m Important for Woman's as for Man's Safety—Give Both an Equal Chance In the Straggle of Life.
The following1 discourse on “Martyrs of the Needle” was selected bj'.Rev. Dr. Talmage, who is on his tour around the world, for perusal by his reading congregation this week. It is based on the text: It Is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle.—Matthew xix., 34. " Whether this “eye of the needle be the small gate at the side of the big gate at the entrance of the wall of the ancient city, as is generally interpreted, or the eye of a needle such as is now handled in sewing a garment, I do not say. In either case it would be a tight thing for a camel to go through the eye of a needle. Hut there are whole caravans of fatigues and hardships going through the eye of the sewing woman's needle. Very long ago the needle was busy. It was considered honorable for women to toil in olden time. Alexander the Great stood in his palace showing garments made by his own mother. The finest tapestries at llayeux were made by the queen of William the Conqueror. Augustus, the emperor,would not wear any garments except those that were fashioned by some member of his royal family. So let the toiler everywhere be respected! The greatest blessing that could have happened to our first parents was being turned out of Eden after they had done wrong. Adam and Eve, in their perfect state, might have got along without work, or only such slight employment as a perfect garden, with no weeds in it, demanded. But, as , soon as they had sinned, the best thing for them was to be turned out where they would have to work. We know what a withering thing it is'for a man to have nothing to do. Good old Ashbel Green, at four-score years, when asked why he kept on working, said: “I do so to keep out of mischief.” We see that a man who has a large amount of money to start with has no chance. Of the thousand prosperous and honorable men that you know, nine hundred and ninety-nine had to work vigorously at the beginning. But I am now to tell you that industry is just as important for a woman's safety and happiness. The most unhappy women in our communities today are those who have no engagements to call them up in the morning; who, once having risen and breakfasted, lounge through, the dull forenoon in slippers down at the heel and with disheveled hair, reading the last novel; and who, having dragged through a wretched forenoon and taken their afternoon sleep, and having spent an hour and a half at their toilet., pick up their card case and go out to make calls; and who pass their evenings waiting for somebody to come in and break up the monotony. Arabella Stuart nevef was imprisoned in so dark a dungeon As that. . There is no happiness in an idle woman. It may be with hand, it may be with brain, it may be with foot; but work she must, or be wretched forever. The little girls of our families must be started with that idea. The curse of our American society is that our young women are taught that the first, second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, tenth, fifteenth, fiftieth, thousandth thing in their life is to get somebody to take care of them. Instead of that; the first lesson should be, how, under God, they may be able to take' care of themselves. The simple fact is that a majority of them do have to take care of themselves and that, too, after having, through the false notions of their parents, wasted the years in which they ought to have learned how successfully to maintain themselves. We now and here declare the inhumanity, cruelty and outrage of that father and mother, who pass their daughters into womanhood, having given them no facility for earning their livelihood. Mme, Dc Stael said: “It is not these writings I am proud of, but of the faet that I have facility in ten occupations, in any one of which I could make a livelihood.” You say you have a fortune to leave .them. O man and woman! have you not learned that, like vultures, like hawks, like eagles, riches have wings and fly away? Though you should be successful in leaving a competoncy behind yon, the trickery of executors may swamp it in a night; or some elders or deacon of our churches may get up a fictitious company and induce your orphans to put their money into it, and if it be lost, prove to them that it was eternally decreed that that was the way they were to - lose it, and that it went in the ’ most orthodox and heavenly style. O, the damnable schemes that professed Christians will engage in—until God puts His fingers into the collar of the hypocrite's robe and rips it clear down to the bottom! You have no right, because you are well off, to conclude that your children are going to be well* off. A man died, leaving a large fortune. His son fell dead in a Philadelphia grogshop. His old comrades came in and said, as they bent over his corpse: “What is the matter with *ou, Boggsey?”. The surgeon, standii g o^er him, said: “Hush up! he is dead!”—“Ah, he is dead!” they said. “Come, boys, let us go and take a drink in memory of poor Bogg
sey! Hare you nothing better than money to leave your children? If you have not, but send your daughters into the -world with empty brain and unskilled hand, you are guilty of assassination, homicide, regicide, infanticide.,, There are women toiling in our cities for three -dollars and four dollars per week, whc were daughters of merchant princes. These suffering ones now would be glad to have the crumbs that once fell / 'f • ' ■
from their father’s table. That wornout broken shoe that she wears is the lineal descendant of the twelve dollar gaiters in which her mother walked; and that torn and faded calico had ancestry of magnificent brocade that swept Broadway clean without any expense to the street commissioners. Though you live in an elegant residence, and fare sumptuously every day, let your daughters feel it is a disgrace to them not to know how to work. I denounce the idea, prevalent in society, that though our young women may embroider slippers, and crocket, and make mats for lamps to stand on, without disgrace, the idea of doing anything for a livelihood is dishonorable. It is a shame for a young woman belonging to a large family to be inefficient when the father toils his life away for her support. It is a shame for a daughter to be idle while her mother toils at the washtub. It is as honorable to sweep house, iiiake beds, or trim hats, as it is to twist a watch chain.
As far as I can understand, the line of respectability lies between that which is useful and that which is useless. If women do that which is of no value, their work is honorable. If they do practical work it is dishonorable. That our young1 women may escape the censure of doing dishonorable work, I shall particularize. You may knit a tidy fdr the back of armchair, but by no means make the money wherewith to buy the chair. You may, with delicate brush, beautify a mantel ornament, but die rather than earn enough to buy a mable mantel. You may learn artistic music until you can squall Italian, but never sing “Ortonyille or “Old Hundred.” Do nothing practical, if you would, in the eyes of refined society, preserve your respectability. I scout these finical notions. I tell you no woman, any more than a man, has a right to occupy a place in this world unless she pays a rent for it. In the course of a lifetime you consume whole harvests, and droves of cattle, and every day you live breathe forty hogsheads of good, pure air. You must, by some kind of usefulness, pay for all this. Our race was the last thing created—the birds and fishes on the fourth day, the cattle and lizzards on the fifth day, and man on the sixth day. If geologists are right, the earth was a million of years in the possession of the insects, beasts and birds, before .our race came upon it. In one sense, we were innovators. The cattle, the lizards and the hawks had pre-emption right. The question is not what we are to do with the lizards and summer insects, but what the lizards and summer insects are to do with us. If we want a place in this world we must earn it. The partridge makes its own nest before it occupies it. The lark, by its morning song, earns its breakfast before it eats it; the Bible gives an intimation that the first duty of an idler is to starve, when it says if he “will not work, neither shall he eat.” Idleness ruins the health, and very soon nature says: “This man has refused to pay his rent; out with him!” Society is to be reconstructed on the subject of woman's tbil. A vast majority of those who would have woman industrious shut her up to a few kinds of work. My judgment in this matter is this, that a woman has a right to do anything she can do well. There should be no department of merchandise, mechanism.art or science barred against her. If Miss llosmer has genius for sculpture, give her a chisel. If Rosa Bonheur has a fondness for delineating animals, let her make “The Horse Fair.” If Miss Mitchell will study astronomy, let her mount the starry ladder. If Lydia will be a , merchant, let her sell purple. If Lucretia Mott will preach the Gospel, let her thrill with her womanly eloquence the Quaker meeting house. It is said if woman is given such opportunity she will occupy places that might be taken by men. I say, if she have more skill and adaptness for any position than a man has, let her have it! She has as much i ight to her bread, to her apparel and to her home as men have. .But it is said that her nature is so delicate that she is unfitted for exhausting toil. I ask in the name of all past history, what toil on earth is more severe, exhausting and tremendous than that toil, of the needle to which for ages she has been subjected? The battering ram. the sword, the carbine, the battle-ax have made no such havoc as the needle. I would that these living sepulchers in which women have for ages been buried might be opened, and that some resurrection trumpet might bring up these living corpses to the fresh air and sunlight. Go with me and I will show you a woman who, by hardest toil, supports her children, her drunken husband, her old father and mother, pays her house rent, always has wholesome food on the table, and, when she can get some neighbor on the Sabbath to come in and take care of her family, appears in church, with hat and cloak that are far from indicating1 the toil to which she is subjected. Such a woman as that has body and soul enough to fit her for any position. She could stand beside the majority of your salesmen and dispose of more goods. She could go into your wheelwright shops and beat one-half of your workmen at making carriages. We talk about woman as though we had resigned to her all the light work, and ourselves had shouldered the heavier. But the day of judgment, which will reveal the sufferings of the stake and inquisition, will marshal before the throne of God and the hierachs of Heaven the martyrs of wash-tub and needle.
Now, I say, if there be any preference in occupation, let women have it. God knowns her trials are the severest. By her acuter sensitiveness to misfortune, by her hour of anguish, I demand that no one hege up her pathway to a livelihood. O, the meanness, the despiealulity of men who begrudge a a woman the right to work anywhere in any honorable calling! I go still further, and say that women should have equal compensation
, with men. By what principle of justice is it that women in many of our cities get only two-thirds as much pay as men, and in many eases only half? Here is the gigantic injustice—that for work equally well, if not better done, woman receives far less compensation than man. Start with the national government; for a long while women clerks in Washington got nine hundred dollars for doing that for which men received eighteen hundred dollars. To thousands of young women in our cities to-day there is only this alternative, starvation or dishonor., Many of the largest ihercantile establishments of our cities are accessory to these abominations; and from their large establishments there are scores of souls being pitched off into death; and their employers know it! Is there a God? Will there be a judgment? I tell you, if God rises up to redress woman’s wrongs many of our large establishments will be swallowed up quicker than a South American earthquake ever took down a city, and will catch these oppressors between the two millstones of His wrath and grind them to powder! I hear from all tliis land the wail of womanhood. Man has nothing to answer to that wail but flatteries. He says she is an angel. She is not. She knows she is not. She is a humarf being who gets hungry when she has no food, and cold when she has no fire. Give her no more flatteries; give her iustice!
There are about fifty thousand sewing girls in New York and Brooklyn. Across the darkness of this night I hear their death groan. It is not such a cry as comes from those who are suddenly hurried out of life, but a slow, grinding, horrible wasting away. Gather them before you and look into their faces, pinched, ghastly, hunger struck! Look at their fingers, needlepricked and blood-tipped! See that premature stoop in the shoulders! Hear that dry,, hacking, merciless cough! One Sabbath night, in the vestibule of my church, after service, a woman fell in convulsions. The doctor said she needed medicine not so much as something to eat. .As she began to revive, in her delirium, she said, gaspingly: “Eight cents! Eight cents! Eight cents! I wish I could get it done! I am so tired! I wish I could get some sleep, but I must get it done. Eight cents! Eight cents!” We found afterward that she was making garments at eight cents apiece, and that she could make but three of them in a day. Hear it! Three times eight are twenty-four! Hear it, men and women who have comfortable homes! How are these evils to be eradicated? What have you to answer, you who sell coats, and have shoes made, and contract for the southern and western markets? What help is there, what panacea, what redemption? Some say: “Give women the ballot.” What effect such ballot might have on other questions I am not here to discuss; but what would be the effect of female suffrage upon woman's wages? I do not believe that woman will ever get justice by woman's ballot. Indeed, women oppress women as much as men do. Do not women, as much as men, beat down to the lowest figure the woman who sews for them? Are not women as sharp as men on washerwomen, and milliners, and mantua-makers? If a woman asks a dollar for her work, does not her female employer ask her if she will not take ninety cents? You say: “Only ten cents difference;” butj that is sometimes the difference between Heaven and hell. Women often have less commiseration for women than men. If a woman steps aside from the path of virtue, man may forgive—woman never!" Woman will never get justice done her from woman's ballot. Never will she get it from man's ballot. How, then? God will rise up for her. God has more resources than we know of. The flaming sword that hung at Eden's gate when woman was driven out will cleave with its terrible edge her oppressors. Start with the idea that work is honorable, and that you can do some one thing better than anyone else. Resolve that, God helping, you will take care of yotrrself. If you are, after awhile, called into another relation you will all the better be qualified for it by your spirit of self-reliance; or if you are called to- stay as you are, you can be happy and’ self-supporting. The dying- actress whose life had been vicious said: “The scene closes. Draw the curtain.” Generally the tragedy comes first, and the farce afterward; but in her life it was first the farce of a useless life, and then the tragedy of a wretched eternity. Compare the life and death of such an one with that of some Christian aunt that was once a blessing to* your household. I do not know that she was ever offered a hand in marriage. She lived singly, that untrarameled she might be everybody's blessing. Whenever the sick were to be- visited, or the poor to-be provided with bread, she went with a blessing. She could pray, or siag “Rock of Ages” for any sick pauper who asked her. As she got older, there were days when she was a little sharp*, but for the most part auntie was a sunbeam—just the one for, Christmas Eve. She knew better than anyone else bow to fix things. Her every prayer, as God heard it, was full of everybody who had trouble. The brightest things in all the house dropped from her fingers. , She had peculiar notions, but the grandest notion she ever had was to make you happy. She dressed well—auntie always dressed well; but her highest adornment that was of a meek and quiet spirit, which, in the sight of God, is of great price. When she died you all gathered lovingly about her and as vou carried her out to rest, the Sundayschool class almost covered the coffin with japonicas; and the poor people stood at the end of the alley, with their aprons to their eyes, sobbing bitterly; and the man of the world said, with Solomon: “Her price was above rubies;'' and Jesus, as unto the maiden in Judea, commanded: “I say unto thee, arise
WHAT OF THE CONSUMER? 'Il« alights Ignored by Protectionist Ponderers to the Producer. We were prepared for almost any result of the customary hysterics of the New York Press, but we hardly looked for it to stumble upon such an honest condemnation of protection as this: “A tariff measure which discriminates against one section in favor of another, and which confers immense benefits upon a single interest at the expense of a whole people is not protection, but spoliation." There never was a tariff measure conceived that failed to do this very thing. There never will be one, as long as one section differs from another in its natural adaptation to certain industries. The industry with the strongest pull gets the biggest protection and holds it until some other interest comes along and complains that it has been injured by the protection of the other. Then another attempt is made at an equal distribution of the stolen cheese, to be followed by more complaints, with the result that the average of protection is pushed higher and higher in the effort to satisfy all. If there is such a thing as “genuine protection,” under which, as the Press avers, “all American producers possess equal rights ands enjoy equal privileges,” what of the consumer? His very existence is forgotten. He is not so much as mentioned while those who despoil him are trying to divide the booty. And when an attempt is made to ease the crushing weight of taxation which rests upon his bending shoulders and to place a little of it upon the possessors of large incomes, a cry goes up that such a measure is communism and sectionalism.
xncro is no Dener answer 10 mis folly and no better defense of the rights of the consumer than qertain words of Hon. John Sherman, which were quoted without challenge no longer than last November by Hon. U. S. Hall, of Missouri, .in a speech before the ways and means committee of the house as follows: “The public mind Is not yet prepared to apply the koy of a genuine revenue reform. A few years of further experience will convince the whole body of our people that a system of national taxes which rests the whole burden of taxation on consumption, and not one cent on property and Income. Is intrinsically unjust. Whtle the expenses of the national government are largely caused by the protection of property. It is but right to call on property to contribute to its payment. It will not do to say that each person consumes in proportion to his means. This is not true. Every one must see that the consumption of the rich does not bear the same relation to the consumption of the poor as the income of the rich does to the wages of the poor. As wealth accumulates, this injustice in the fundamental basis of our system will be felt and forced upon the attention of congress." The injustice has been felt, and the first attempt toward righting it finds arrayed in opposition all the forces of protection and privilege which have thrived upon it. It is denounced as “a fine upon thrift,” a “confiscation of the ' savings of the industrious;” a something that will discourage economy. Does anyone who applies these epithets to it know of anybodjSwho would not rather have an income of four thousand dollars a year, with a 2 per cent, tax on it, than not to have such an income to tax?—Louisville CourierJournal. DEMOCRACY AND THE TARIFF. Beneficial Reforms Obstructed by Protec-tion-Fed Monopolists. The consequences of nearly thirty years of robbery by protected monopolists are not easily overcome. The democratic party has a great and serious task. It has undertaken to reform the tariff and to turn back the principle of tariff legislation, to the right method, the method that prevailed in framing the Walker tariff and the tariff of 1S57. But it is met on the threshold of its reform work by ^gigantic combination of interests that have been built up by the republicans who have taxed the people to- enrich monopolists in consideration of generous contributions to campaign funds. Back of the men who have invested their wealth in industries for the sake of securing tariff bounties* who havebought law£ and corrupted congresses and who are entitled to no-sympathy, are thousands of innocent persons whomust not be injured by sudden changes of laws. It is a hard task, but the democratic party is making an effort to reforms abuses. If the party could have its way, if it could be rid of some of its own burdens, it would make a decidedly stronger effort. As it is,, the Wilson bill attempted to give the country cheaper clothes, cheaper fuel, cheaper homes, cheaper tools and a larger market for the products of the soil. .In standing in the way of this effort the republicans and their allies are inviting much more radical legislation than has yet been, attempted. The people have determined to* be rid of the odious system which wrings millions of dollars from them through tariff taxes for the benefit of millionaires, and the democratic- party is pledged to help them. If there is too much resistance- there may be more destruction: than was contemplated. Carnegie* with his pockets bulging with the- loot that had been stolen for him by the- republican party, was the wisest protectionist of them all when he advised his. accomplices to accept the Wilson bill. There are men calling themselves democrats who hold and practice republican principles, but the heart* and mind of tho party are right, the real leaders of the party are right and the struggle against the system of protection, which is a struggle for larger human liberty and fear less governmental paterpalism, will be carried on by the democracy of the country. The republican party is tho servant and slave of monopolists. It is built on ill-gained wealth. The democratic party is the party of the people and it will redeem Its pledges to break down McKinleyism. What the democratic majority in the house accomplished in the face of republican power in the senate is a guarantee of the party’s good faith. It may be obliged to go slow, but it will go in the right direction.—N. Y. World. -After McKinley, tho deluge has Tong been a popular notion in Pennsylvania.—Louisville Courier-Journal.
A SYSTEM OF BRIBERY. The Corrupt Practices of High TartA Advocates. It is not at all strahge that direct bribery has been attempted as one of the means to influence the votes of senators on the tariff bill. Of course the attempts at bribery are directed against democratic senators. The votes of republican senators have i been secure from the beginning against j any change that would reduce the enormous rates of monopoly tariff taxation. Corrupt influences would be ; used, naturally, only to affect the ac- i tion of democratic congressmen. It was to be expected that, sooner or i later, at some stage of the issue, the j tariff corruptionists would offer direct- j ly to purchase votes. The entire McKinley tariff system is ! bribery. Not a member of congress can vote to impose a high tariff tax for purposes of protection except from some motive of sordid selfishness and greed—corrupt political greed or greed for gain. Protection bribes the popular vote. ; The farmer is bribed by the false promises of a nearer market and better prices for his products. Labor is bribed by false promises of higher wages. Commercial classes are bribed i by false promises of flush times and j big profits in trade. The panic and wreck in financial affairs. in labor affairs and in agricul- 1 tural affairs, show how false was the | corrupt promise which the protectionists made to the people. The bribe that thej' offered was illusive. Put the corruption was real.
The offer was like that of the being’ who promised “all the kingdoms of the world” for the service and worship of the person to whom the temptation was addressed. The being who made j the offer could not fulfill one of its conditions. It was a false offer. But it was equally corrupt and criminal as if he could have paid the price which he had promised. Experience shows that the prosper^ ity promised by the protectionist is a disastrous illusion. The offered bribe was not a reality. But the corruption, the crime of the transaction, though, the consideration failed, is the same. Failure to pay a bribe does not alleviate the guilt involved in a pledge of payment. The entire process is a system of bribes by which votes are manufactured against such a tariff as the democratic party pledged its faith that it would give to the people. Nothing is more corrupt in the history of legislation than the acts of which the senatorial gamblers in trust certificates were guilty when they framed the sugar schedule after raking off their profits in buying and selling sugar seenrities. The same impeachment holds in regard to every other feature of the tariff on which schedules have been manipulated by congressional dabblers in bucket-shop manipulation. — Chieag< Herald. _ v [ POINTS AND OPINIONS. -Perhaps the “great emergency’ Prof. Harrison is waiting for will arise about the time Hon. John C. New begins to feel bound to save the countryv by getting back into office.—N. Y. World. • -The evidence of republican senators concerning trust influence |n legislation is entitled to considerable weight. They have had wide experience in driving bargains with the agents of monopoly.—N. Y. World. -A republican newspaper undertakes to convince th$5 great American public that the Wilson bill threatens the destruction of the mackintosh industry, as if the people didn’t know enough to come in out oV the rain.— Louisville Courier-Journal. —-The number of fraudulent pensioners on the rolls is certainly not less than a hundred thousand out of the total of near a million, and no amount of protest from the supporters of fraud should be allowed to intimidate Mr. Cleveland in his attempts tc restore something like a semblance of honesty.—N. Y. World. %—The republican party has no call to say a word about Uncle Sam’s lack of revenue. Revenue depends largely on imports, and the republican party started out to check imports, if it had to. smash all the banks and embarrass all the merchants in the country and plunge the country into a protracted panic to gain its point.—Louisville Courieredoumal. ij--Senator Quay held the floor hour after hour, and day after day, for the sole purpose of having statistical reports read to the senate by himself and Mr. Gallingert “And yet in the face o£ such work republican organs liaoe tha^ impudence, to assert that what has thus far taken place in the senate has net been filibustering, but legitimate debate.”-—Boston Herald (Ind.). —i—It remained for a democratic- administration to assert that the oath o£a private is as good as that of a commissioned officer when it comes to. the official consideration of pension matters. With all the boasted love of the gr. o. p. for the soldier it was only true to its instincts in giving greater weight to the word of a leader than to that of one of the rank and file.—Detroit Free PressT
-In defiance of an cwervrhelmmg public opinion and of the latent senti- j ment in the republican party in favor j of tariff revision the republican sema- j tors resist every effort to make the slightest reduction in the scale of duties. While they imagine that they j are promoting the interests of party in i severing'the tariff-fed monopolies they j arc preparing for a repetition of the t popular demonstrations of 1890 a&d ; 1S9*3. Whether this reaction from the tariff panic of 1893 shall come this fall or two years lienee may depend upon the degree of republican resistance to the present effort to enforce the popular will.—Philadelphia Record. Tue mikado of Japan has recently issued a decree allowing a Japanese woman to lead, if she chooses, a single life. Hitherto, if found unmarried after a certain age, a husband was selected for hor by law.
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