Pike County Democrat, Volume 23, Number 24, Petersburg, Pike County, 4 November 1892 — Page 9

m'clure flays McKinley How He Sat as an Auditor to Repay Hen lor / Campaign Boodle. \-‘- DISTRIBUTING PROTECTION FAT IN PROPORTION TO THEIR CONTRIBUTIONS. The Jobbery and Bobbbry of the .Monopoly Tariff Made Plain. Philadelphia's Academy of Miplo Paoked to the Doora to Hear Its Bioquant Editor Answer McKinleys Speech Before the Manufacturers' Club—Why the ndvboate of Protection Ban Away from a Joint Debate Made Plain—An Alleged American Tin Banner that was Made of Imported Plates Dipped in Imported Tin by Imported Workmen Hired by Imported Capital—Mock Protection to Farmers. Beal Protection for Monopolists.

PHiLADiLrHi*, Sept. 28.—The Academy of Music was packed to the doors to-night to hear CoL M^ritfftply to the recent speech ot MajQ^^^Hfhefore the Manufacturers’ Clu^^^^^^every prominent person In the present, and the laughter, applause were constant, Republicans as 1 as Demoorats enjoying the palpable hits. jk: M'ClUje said: In response to. the invitation'ot the Tariff Reform Club, ot this city. 1 appear to-night to answer the recent address by Got. MoKtnley,ln which he attempted the impossible task ot Justifying the McKinley Tariff law, and I shall proceed wltlPdirectness to the purpose. I shall not deal In partisan platitudes nor glittering generalities, nor special pleading of any sort, but In plain, incontrovertible incts. . . _ Let us take our latitude fairly at the start so that all oan mteUlgently judge results. I am here to arraign the so-called Republican protection to labor as presented In the McKinley tariff, as mingled robbery and fraud. It Is a deliberate lraud In Its pretense of protecting the labor of American workmen, and It is a deliberate robbery of the rest masses of the people tor the benent ot .he tew or favored Masses. It has bastardised the honest protection ot our fathors by subtle hypocrisy and Insatiate greed, until It Is tom ay slagpiyahe festering maggots of monopoly. These me strong words, and I fully appreciate the fact that it I tail to Justify them In answering Gov. McKinley I must justly forfeit public respect. I followed the tall white plume ot Henry Clay with all the idolatry ot boyhood In his advocacy or his great American system halt a century ago. I was then, have ever been and am to-night a Clay protectionist, ana there ts no more similarity between theV McKinley and the Clay theories of protection than, there Is between the Soaring eagle and the mousing owl. clay protected labor when our manuJncturlng Industries Were In their Infancy; IcKlnley protects capital when Industries are fully established, breeds monopoly and trusts, limits our markets, oppresses labor by lessening employment and Increased taxes on the necessities of life, and his most conspicuous products are rapidly multiplying millionaires and tramps. The Clay protective tariff ot 1842 levied a lower rate of protective tariff than the MUis hill that McKinley now calls a free-trade measure, and in his defence of protection to labor he never claimed the right to enact anything but a revenue tariff, with Incidental protection tor a very brief period, as he held that continued taxation for the beneatot any olass was unjusttnable. He held tree raw materials as one of the Integral parts ot protection to labor and continued taxes on some of them for a season only to develop them fully, and as early as 1833, when urging the passage ot the compromise tariff, he said in bis Senate speech or Feb. 12, 1833: “Row give us time: Cease all fluctuations for nine tears, and Hi*numufaotuners in every branch mil sustain themselves against foreign competition." Then our manufactories were m their Infancy. They were unable to cope with the established Industries of centuries abroad. Washington recognized the need ot Incidental protection, and,under his Administration tariff taxes af from fifteen to seventeen per oent. were levied. During Clay’s oompromlse tariff of 1833 the taxes averaged about thirty-two per oeut., gradually reducing until less than twenty-six per cent. In 1842. His protective tariff of 1842 ranged from twenty-eight to thirty-six per cent. Thg Mills MU, with Judicious protective features, left tariff taxes at little more than forty per. cent., and the McKinley bill has increased these taxes from forty-six per cent ln-1888 to fully fitty per cent, clay wanted tariff taxes Of thirty-three per cent, for nine years to establish our manufacturing Industries, when, as he assured the Senate and the country “ the manufacturers in every branch win sustain themselves against foreign competition." McKinley Increases tariff taxes, alter our industries have been fostered for tnrlce nine years, by higher tariff taxes than clay ever dreamed of, and assumes that the people must perpetually pay these taxes to maintain our industrial prosperity. 1 believe In fostering every Industry that unlsesto advance the prosperity of the ole people: but I quite agree with Col. In'soll when he says that he believes In pro. ..jtlnginfant Industries, but when the latent industry gets to wearing No. 12 boots,, and proposes to get up and kick him all around the room It h« stopped rocking the infant’s cradle, he thought ft about time to call a halt.

M’KINLKT MUZZLED. I fegret that so eminenta national statesman aa Gov. McKinley consented to be muzzled on tariff discussion by the acute sensibilities at the Manufacturers’ Club people. I had hoped to meet him on this platform wherswe could turn on the light and 'Illustrate tne robbery ot labor tbat Is now so strangely called the protection o( labor, face to race with the author or the present tariff and the masses it robs. Why that discussion wasdeollned need not be stated. It was not r want of ability or skill In the author and abtedt detender of high tariff taxes, but it I because searching tariff debate cannot invited by the advocates of our present Hey. All who heard Gov. McKinley on Friday evening, noted the studied evasion ot every vital feature of the present tariff. — had platitudes in elegance and abunce, but facts, details, Illustrations—none utslde of glittering generalities. He resrred to the Confederate Constitution and nuUldcatlon eleven times, bdt did not quote line or one figure from the McKinley IT. The Manuiacturers’ club muzzled l entirely against Joint debate, and when came to give us a solo performance he as muzzled agslust the utterance of any uportaht statement or vital Illustration of --* tariff taxes that could Invite dls- _ He broadly defended our present taxes, and to the McKinley tariff I 1 address myself with McKinley largely y could e were good reasons why Mr. MoKln- . jld not be permitted to open the Panbox of tariff taxes In Philadelphia, and tbe members of the Manufacturers’ They had contracted by purchase lor M taxes upon the people, and Mean Chairman of Ways and Moans,tvas e auditor to apportion the tariff-tax of the people among Its purchasers, it Dolan lit up bis exquisite college- _ face with Its most fascinating as he planked down his SIO.OOO to help “‘ an honest election In New York in be made his fellow woollen manufollowhls example. He promptly before Auditor McKinley when t the distribution of the plunder awarded the Increased taxes on be demanded. Me bad paid spot

cash for It and McKinley, like an honest auditor, gave nim vrnat ne bad paid tor, Mr. Dobson cneerrully gave bla *10,000 to Help Quay purify elections, and be and bla Itilotr carpet contributors pleaded their contact before Auditor McKinley and were awarded their claim. The Harrisons, the spreckele and the Knights chipped in with their thousands, and Auditor McKinley gave them free raw sugar and continued the'tax on refined sugar. All have slpoe sold out to the sugar trust because Auditor McKlmey protectedlt, and Spreckels waved us a grateful farewell as he shook the dust of Philadelphia from his feet and hastened towards the setting sun with three millions or so as his award. Ex-Mayor Eltler gave his elegant John Hancock signature to-his *10,000 check to make sure that Quay could maintain tne Integrity ol the ballot, as did Mr. Dlsston, and they, like Jell Davis, only asked to bo let alone.' (Shouts of laughter.) Tho hayseeds of the farms were murmuring against high taxes on binding twine, and American mechanics were inclined to revolt against paying more for Dlsston's saws and tools than foreign mechanics pay for them, and Auditor McKinley awarded them what they had paid lor. He did shave Filler down a little —(laughter)—but the Western hayseeds became so obstreperous that he had to bend or be broken, and binding twine was lowered. The only contract that Auditor McKinley had tojrejcct was that of the aattle trust, headed by Armour, of Chicago. It had paid in heavily to back Quay m his battle for pure politics, and was promised a tax on hides that would have given the monopoly a dear (350,000 per year while the people paid the piper. Auditor McKinley recognized the claim as clearly Just, and he put It in his liUl: but wbtle our Philadelphia Congressmen were dumb as oysters, although representing the largest shoe Industry In the world, Massaohusets and other New England Representatives served notloe on Auditor McKinley that they would knock his whole tariff to kingdom come If he did not strike out the tax on hides. He struok It-out, ms ho Is an obliging and amiable gentleman; but when the representative of the entile trust clone and said : •• We paid lor this m com cash and we're going to get It, see 1” Auditor McKin ley promptly restored the tax on bides. Again New England revolted, and again he struck It out, and he was finally compelled, much against his stubborn sense of Justice, to report his final distribution of tariff tax favorV> contract purchasers with the cattle trust claim rejected. The McKinley tariff was thus made chiefly a Jumble of contract taxes upon tne people for the benefit of contributors to political debauchery, and It Is not surprising that the contractors muzzled their champion when there was danger to their cause. The But the people cannot be muzzled. McKinley tariff was appealed to the people and repudiated by a full million majority, and In 1881, when It was claimed that its beneficent effects were obvious, Massachusetts id the East, and Iowa m the West, old Republican Gibraltar*, elected Democratic Governors on the dlstlnot Issue of tariff reform. But, explains Gov. McKinley, •> the people were cheated.” No; they ware robbed, and they decided that they would not be cheated by monopoly taxation thinly sugar-coated with mock protection. The only message MoKlnley could send to bis sorrowing friends In 1890 was one like that seat by tbe friends or California Jim to his widow. It said : “ Jim has been thrown by broncho, and bis neck, both legs itod one arm broken.” Thero he was, neck dislocated, causing Instant death, his legs broken and mangled and his arm broken or bruised. Upon reflection the mining chums of Jim thought that they could temper the shock to the brokenhearted widow, and they sent another dispatch saying: “ hater particulars. Matters not so bait as first reported. Jim's arm wasn't broken.” (Shouts of laughter.) The most that McKinley could offer by way of consolation to his monopoly tax friends, alter tne sober and more considerate verdict of last year on his tariff, is: •' Later particulars. Matters not so bad as first reported. Jim’s arm wasn't broken.” -

THE FREE TRADE PHANTOM. It Is told or Paganini, an old-time celebrated musician, that his greatest musical rest was his exquisite execution on a single string, and. Gov. McKinley has evidently studied that lustrous example. (Laughter.) He wanders away In the realm ol picturesque sophistry now and then, hut like the Yankee Addle who began and ended every tune with "Yankee Doodle,” he always goes In and comes out playing on his harpol a single string tie direful melody ol tree trade. clow McKinley knows that a revenue tariff does not mean free trade It he knows anything about the subjeot, and why not state the truth? He knows that we have had revenue tariffs—I mean tariffs confessedly based on the clear constitutional theory that revenue must be the basts or all tariff laws— under all administrations from Washington down to Ltnooln, and no one ever proposed tree trade as a feature or our natloual policy until McKinley llrst gave It birth In .the awkward reciprocity provisions In his tariff. If Gov. McKinley’s sweeping accusation or free trade purposes against all who demand a return to the revenue tariff standard Is just, then Washington, Jefferson, Jackson and even Clay were tree traders; and coming down to our own time, he must, proclaim Grau^* Hayes, Garfield, Arthur and Judge Kelley as tree traders. They all demanded the reduction of war tariff taxes when they were lower than are the tariff taxes levied by the McKinley bill,And President Cleveland’s message ot 1887, that McKinley denounces as a tree trade paper, was simply a concentrated reflex of the appeals made to Congress by the four KepuUcan Presidents who pre. ceded him. There was no assault upon honest protection to American labor. All demanded a return to the revenue standard, and quoted the large Treasury surplus as conclusive evidence or the necessity lor tariff reduction, and all demanded the enlargement or tree raw materials. There was In Congress In those days a man named William McKinley, Jr., trom Ohio, who was In harmony with these Presidents, whom (iov. McKinley calls free traders, and who on'the floor of the House demanded an enlargement of the tree list because It would not " Injuriously affect n single American Interest.” ol course, this McKinley was not Gov. McKinley, although be hailed Irom the -surne district and looked absurdly like him not to be blfp- As the man said to the Siamese twjnS, after a oareful Inspection or them-- Brothers, i presume.” The tariff of 1846 Is .given by Gov. McKinley an the last or Out free tradp tariff laws. It was a revenue tariff—with incidental protection—as was Clay’s tariff of lids, differing only in the lower standard of tariff taxes. He tells us that It was the last experience of free trade tariff laws and«fbht It gave us the financial and Industrial, fevolptloift ot 1857. Why does be not adhere tot the truth <ot history when ho refers to btstorrV-Paft ''•I the truth is not truth. The-.revenue tariff of 1840 stood unchallenged during the administrations of both parties,until we were on the eve ot war in lSOL The Whig National oonventioa ot 1848 did not even promt the f * . ' V

tariff aa an Issue by platform or otherwise, and the first JtepubUcfin House that ever met, <« 1857, reduced the taruf tuxes of 1850, made wool practical!!/ free, and it was done by the Senators and Representatives who demanded it in the interest of our orated ice industries. It the tariff ot 1848 was tree trade, what was the first tariff passed by a Republican Bouse when It greatly reduced the tariff taxes ot that timet True, there was a financial revolution In 1857 under the revenue tariff law ot 1846, hut it did not compare with the financial revolution and • industrial disturbance ot 1873-77, under the highest tariff the country everhaj. In ibts.contest there Is one man whose definition ot a revenue tariff Is entitled to greater respect than that ot any other citizen or official. 1 refer - to Grorer Cleveland. Be Is a man ot conviction; a man ot courage; a man ot truth, and he Is the one man who, as next president, Is more than likely to shape the new revenue tariff standard to which the country is now certain to return. I quote from his official message to congress on the subject:

u ii nn proposed vo entirety relieve uii couoiry i of this taxation. It most bo extensively continued M s source of the Government’s incomp, end in the reed justment of our teriff the interests of American labor engaged in mannfaotnre should be carefully considered as well as the preservation of our manufactures. The question of free trade is absolutely irrelevant, and the persistent claim made in certain that all efforts to relieve tho people from Quarters t________ unjust and unnecessary taxation are aouomaa of »ooaiied frae-tndaia Is mlaohlsTons and far removed from any conaidaration of the pnbllo good. Another good authority on the subject Is James G. Blaine, in his chapter ou what McKinley oalls the free-trade tariff of 18*8 (vol hi p. 196), he says: The prinoiplae embodied In the teriff of 1848 seemed for tho time to be ao entirely vindicated and approved that resistance to it ooaaed, not only among the people, but among the protective economists ana even among the manufacturers to a large extant. So general waa thie acquiescence, that In 1856, a protective tariff waa not euggeated or even hinted at by any one of the three parties which presented Preeiaential candidates. The Mills trill, that Gov. McKinley declares to you to be a free-trade measure, nad not a single feature of free trade In It beyond raw materials lor our Industries, and Its Incidental protective features more than equalled the protection of Clay’s tariff of 1848. There Is no tree-trade issue involved In this con test; there Is no iree-trade candidate; there is no free-trade party, and I do hot wish to transcend the lines of courtesy In this discussion when I say that Gov. McKinley knows that what i declare Is the truth. FRKK WOOL A NECESSITY. i regard tree wool - and tree raw materials generally lor our manulactunng industries as the best possible protection to American labor. in the address of the National Association of Woollen Manufacturers sent to secretary Manning, Indorsed by Mr. Dolan and Mr. Dobson, the following concise statement is given: Wfe To-day England. Franca and' Germany enjoy praotleally a monopoly of the trad# of tho world in woollen manufaoturea. They ere the only conn trice of the world that export woollen ma^fnetnna in axoeee of tholr imports of raw wool. In other worde, these countries by admitting woola free, have oreated a demand for tbeir home woola in axoesa of the total amount et all wools required to olotho their people, and, attar giving thalr laborers additional employment, export more wool than they have imported. Tho Dnlted States, on tho other hand, by putting n high tariff on raw materials, has not merely destroyed our export trade, but ao throttled oar mahufaotnree as to ruin the market tor domeetio wool. and Five to tho English, Fronoh and German manufacturers the cream of onr markets tor cloth. Out tariff, therefore, at once doprirea oor farmers of their market for wool,and givee to Engliah, Fronoh and Gorman operatives the employment that naturally belongs to American woramen. Here the marrow of the whole question of free wool is given that he who runs may read. This lesson irom Mr. Dolan, Mr. Dobson and the olHolal organization of the woollen manufacturers naturally led me to Inquire into the tacts; and In personal Intercourse with our leading ttepubllcan manufacturers, I old not find one who'was pot In fayor ot free raw materials. Let us look at this question ot tree wool as ltdlreotly affects ourselves, tor that Is the true standard by whloh to Judge It. We nave a population ot 1,850,000 lu Philadelphia and about seventy-six sheep. We consume over •80 per head of woollens, on which we are taxed by tbe grace of McKinley’s tariff from 80 to over 100 per cent., or probably an average or 80 per cent. It tariff taxes protect labor they must Increase the cost ot the product In exact proportion, and the cold flgures would prove tliat we pay about $80,000000 taxes for $5,000,000 of woollens to protect seventy-six sneep. (Shouts cl laughter.) It Is wonderful that a luxury so costly to the people as protection to Philadelphia sheep gave us tbe sweet song ot Mary and her Utile lamb? But look at our great State. We have a population ot 5,850,000 and we consume not less than *100,000,000 of woollen goods, on whloh the McKinley tariff Increased taxes up from 60 to 80 per cent. Making all allowance In favor of the variations of tariff taxes, It Is sate to s«y tnat tbe lowest amount of taxes paid by tho people of Pennsylvania on the wooUens they consume is $50,000,00a We have 1,030,503 sheep In the state and the tax the people pay lor protecting the so-called sheep industry Is about *50 per head lor every sheep and lamb In the commonwealth, or about trotn ten to twenty times tho market value ot each sheep every year. A hard-headed business man would say that it would be better to trade the sheep tor yellow dogs and then shoot the dogs, but Gov. McKinley calls this protecting the farmer who grows the wool and the workman who manuiactures It. it is a fraud upon labor because It protects no labor. There are not Ulty able-bodied men In tne five and a quarter millions oi our people whose labor Is given 10 the care of 3heep, ana In tne Western States and Territories, where sheep graze all the year, the care of 5,000 sheep requires one Mexican greaser and a aog; and the dog does all the work.

VV t'H, itHi ua oru uuw uc luatvua uui lug tbs farmer In sheep-growing. He represents some farmers in Onto wno tniuk that they should he able to grow sheep on $50 to $100 per sore farms In competition with the free hills and plains and open climate of our Western Territories and Australia. It would : be just as practicable to put them at raising pineapples and other tropical fruits under glass and proteot them against tropical competition : out they want to tax 05,000,000 of people to make their sheep farms profitable where they must stable and teed hall the year and graze them on valuable lands the other halt. The result was that McKinley took a wool bung-hole and outlt a monopoly unit barrel around It. He added tariff taxes on jwijoI and then went to the farmer to tell him how he had protected him, but In this case, as In aU other cases of tariff taxes, the farmer la cheated. There Is no foreign demand tor our wool at paying prices; we tax foreign wool that could be mixed with ours until our manufacturers use as Uttle as possible, and McKinley’s Ohio farmers are now selling their wool tor three cents a pound less than they received before he raised the tariff taxes and gave them, as he said. Increased protection. And how has be fostered the Bheep Industry ? In 1868 Ohio bad 6,730,120 sheep; In 1891, one year after he had passed bis high wool tariff law Ohio bad 4,061,897. He has thus protected the sheep Industry of his State down more than one-third And protected the price oi wool down over 10 per cent.; but that is Just, the sort of protection the McKinleys always give to the farmer. And what Is true of Ohio is true of Pennsylvania. Here the price *of wool has fallen from three to four cents per ^und, and we now have only 1,030,502 sheep the State instead of 3,422,000 in 1868. Is It not about time to give the farmer a rest from the blatant hypocrisy of protecting him by high tariff taxes? I want a tariff under which Mr. Solan and our other woollen manufacturers can wear their own woollens. Of the several hundred men of the Manufacturers’ Club who sat on this stage when Got. McKinley spoke In favor of his method of protecting wool and woollens, there was not one of them clad In American woollens, unless he had a suit made specially for the purpose. .They were here In splendid dress parade, .ftWh their English coats, their English ypHMthelr English pants, their English >4M0lpclothing, their English socks acd their man linens, to cheer to the echo the senttmetttf that our woollen Interests must he proteoted. With tree wool and other raw materials half the present tariff tax on woollens could be cut off, and In five years time we would not only make practically every woollen fabric worn and dress the whole Amerloan people In American woollens, but we would be selling our woollens In foreign markets as we now sell leather and cotton goods In other countries to the amount of $12,000,000 of each. I want American labor to make American woollens, and it 1$ only Uw dark-age McKinley tariff taxes on raw materials that

makes all who can afford clothing above shoddy walking monuments of the insanity oi our statesmanship that permits England to dress us in English w oollens and tax us roundly for making Buch picturesque fools of ourselves. WHAT SHOULD BE FREE. In 1873 Gen. Shultte, of New Jersey, a leading Republican and one of the largest leather producers In the country, had the courage to go to Congress and say that unless the leather industries were given tree raw materials—that Is, tree hides—It would Continue to languish and speedily die. We then manufactured but a small proportion or our shoes and other leather products, simply because the raw material was cheaper laevery other country than here. It was i plain, practical business proposition, an<t- came irom a leading Republican manufacturer. Be was heeded instead of being met with the cry of lree trade, as the McKinley followers meet every proposition tor tariff reform to-day. Hides were made free, and have been free from that day until this, and look at the result. In less than twenty years we have built up a shoe Industry that supplies every Amerlcau man, woman and child with the best shoes ever made In any country. and at the cheapest price ever them, and Philadelphia, that then shoe store except on a back stn * tew shoe factories, to-day marshoes than any other city Shoe stores to-day are seen on street, aud In every part or the American shoes produced from leather, made hy American labor, suj entire American market, Just as Industries should supply all w American markets. Here Is fact .. theory, and what is true of the shoe trade Is true of every other industrial interest otthls country. Instead of Importing ;shOe and leather products to-day, we ape now nut and rlcan the oollen woollens for against porting to foreign countries . year.vro tried the insanity 6r pi silk, and at the same time protecting material, and made no progress oi Lately we have adopted free raw happily before the McKinley theory had been adopted, and to-day We 1 factories In every section of the spun! There Is not an Iron manutacture: State, Republican or Democrat, who tell you that the one necessity of tin dustry is free Iron ore. Without ore our Pennsylvania ores are valueless to all who must produce a tlrat-t'las.s,, quality of iron, and we must either shlp theffke Superior ores at enormous coat, or Spanish ores with a heavy tariff tax upon them. A leading Republican iron-master, whose name I am not at liberty to give In public, aud one who has held high position in the State, told me within six montns that unless we obtained rree Iron ores the Iron Industry of Eastern Pennsylvania would by, paralyzed or destroyed within live ya»VS Without these ores our Pennsylvania ores cannot *M used, and by restricting tbe use of the foreign simply restrict the use of our domes. ores »ei . . tic ores, we protect no labor, out hinder labor and lessen wages by adding needless cost to every pound oi Iron we produce. Is this not midsummer madness ? And why should not hemp be tree? Go to ex-Mayor Fitter and he will tell you that his single cordage mill caa consume every ton of hemp grown in this entire country In eight months of the year. The entire product ol American hemp would not run Mr. Fitter’s mill more than three-fourths of the year, and yet we tax torelgn hemp *25 per ton ostensibly to protect American hemp, when In fact we don't grow It, and we thus tax the twine for binding every sheaf of American grain and every form of cordage used by our whole people. The Lexington dls. trlct of Kentucky Is one of the largest hemp producing districts in the United states. Col. Breckinridge, who Is Its representative In Congress, stood up manfully lor tree hemp and voted tor It. He returned to hts constituents, the largest body of hempgrowers lu the country, and they re.f tooted him by an immense majority; egiUfiMfr lu Philadelphia, where many or our JBople would not know a stock of hemp from a side of sole-leather, the McKinley followers are bowling tor the protection of American

MOCK PROTECTION TO FARMERS. When Gfov. McKinley began his campaign In defense of nts new tariff policy In Pittsburg, he taught the Industrial people engaged In the production of Iron ana steel that tariff taxes upon those products prevented cheaper foreign Iron and steel from coming Into our markets, thus Increased the price 01 American products and enabled the manufacturers to pay largely advanced wages for labor. In this campaign Mr. McKinley seems to have been assigned the very difficult task of teaching the larmers that tariff taxes cheapen everything. Alter Informing the Iron and steel workers that high protection Increased the cost of tuelr products and thereby increased the wages, he Is now engaged in telling the farmers that high tariff taxes have cheapened the Iron and steel for their ploughs and other agricultural Implements, and that they are now reaping the benedcent lrutts of the highest war taxes ever levied upon the necessaries of industry and life In time of peace. Let us see what Gov. McKinley has done foi the farmer by his tariff. He has Increased the tariff taxes In the name of protection or all, or nearly all, the products of the farmer, as follows: Toriif MrKinlet or issa. Barley, per bushel...... .10. Corn, per bushel.... v...,. .10 Wheat, per buehel.20 Oate, per buehel.. .10 Potatoes, per buehel.15 Hope, per buehel,.OB Butter, per pound.. - 04 Coe.ee. per pound....... .0* Kgf s, per doten. Free Hay. per ton.92.00 Looking at the figures this would seem te he Immense protection to the farmer, but lc point of tact for nearly all these products the larmcr is compelled to look to the loreigc market tor his surplus, and taxes upon ini' ports amount to Just nothing at all, ae neither the farmer uor the people buy the Imported articles. What a mockery of protection to the larmer Is presented when we glance at our table of Imports and experts lor the last year as shown by the official report of the secretary of the Treasury, as follows: mrijf. . 3C .11 .21 .11 .21 .11 J .02 $4.01

i Wheat flour. Wheat. Cheese..'.!... Butter.. Oata. »»*. Hope.... hue. dozen *<3.200 432.000 1.000 "8.700 . 1,358,' . 58,500 6,000 . 98,200 . 63,300 ■.... 363.000 It will tlius be seen that In nearly every Important product ol ibe farm on which tut MoKiuley tariff levies increased tariff taxes, ostensibly tor protection, the farmer has just no protection whatever, as be is without foreign competition and has to seek foreign markets tor the surplus ol every Important article that he produces. The farmer thus has no benefit whatever from the Increases tariff taxes, while everything has been done that could be done to make his foreign markets, that he must have every year, as uutrlendly as possible; and In no lnstauoo has the McKinley tariff given the farmer an increased price lor a single product of his labor. Mr. Blaine told the truth at he was struggling lor months tc force McKinley to accept reciprocity as t mature of his tariff, when he declared In at open letter to Senator Frye, that the McKinley tariff would not furnish the farmer a market tor a single additional barrel of pork or sack of flour. Everything that the lartnei produces is governed in price hy the law oi supply and demand throughout the markets or the land, and mainly regardless of tarlfl duties. Last year, when there was a general failure of the crops abroad and a bountiful harvest in our own land, wheat commander the highest price of the last decade, and iht farmers were told that the McKinley tarlfl had brought them large markets and increased prloes. This year the crops are reasonably good abroad, the foreign demand to: our surp.us is greatly diminished, and tnt farmer Is to-uay receiving no more for hli wneat than he received before the passage o tho McKinley bill. The farmer is now.as he evei taB been, the hewer of wood and the drawei of water tor protected industries, and It wai bad enough to put a moonshine protective tariff-, on Ms products, as did the tariff act of 1883, but It is au insult to his lntelligena to Increase tariff taxes on his produets wulcl he can never realize, and then claim that hi is protected under our tariff laws. It as sumes that he is utterly Ignorant ol his owi Interests, and that he Is the mere prey o political demagogues who impose taxes upoi him which he must pay lor the benefit o others, and attempt to reconcile him tothli needless exaction by Increased moonshlm protection under the McKinley tariff ol 1890 The plain truth la that the McKinley term ta a bald tre*S in its pretense of protection t<

the farmer, and that fraud Is used to deceive me faimer Into submission to enormous •taxes on everything be buys lor blmBelf, bis lamlty and bis farm. Why did not McKinley try the newspaper publishers with that sort of protection r A tax on English newspapers would oe just such moonsblue protection to American newspaper publishers as the tax on farm products Is to the larmer; but wbat answer would George W. Childs or Cbarles Emery smith make to McKinley 11 be came waltzing around them to win their support by saying that he had levied high tariff taxes on lorelgn -news, papers, to protect them against the foreign journals which never come heret They would either pity him as a tool or hick him out as a knave (applause), and yet that Is just the sort of protection he has given the larmer. It is deliberate, cold-blooded false pretense, and tor no worse false pretense acts we often send fellows to .the criminal dock and thence to jail. WHAT HAS CHSATKKXn PRODUCTS ? Let us closely Inquire Into' the truth of Mr. McKinley’s theory that high tariff i axes have given our country Its matqhless prosperity and cheapened the products of our industry. Th&way to analyze such a problem is to look closely at home, where we can see every argument on the subject clearly illustrated by patent facta I represent one of the nonprotected Industries of the country, and certainly not one or the least In Importance either In Its public beneficence or In the number of people It employs. The newspaper press of this country, has advanced beyond that of any country of the world, and to-day ltlnumbers Its employees by hundreds of thousands. It Is not protected in anything; it Is taxed on everything. There are nigh tariff taxes on paper, on types, on machinery, on fixtures of every kind, and the men employed In every channel of its varied Indus, tries, from the editorial chair to the printers’ case, the press-room, the counting-room aud all Its hosts of corrosnondents and contributors, are each and all living monuments of high tariff taxes on everything they consume. If protection Is necessary to prosperity and to the cheapening of products, here Is the Industry where It should furnish Its most Illustrious lessons, but there Is not a protected Industry In this country, from the Eastern to the Western seas, that has advanced as rapidly and cheapened its products as greatly as th# newspaper publishing , of the United States. (Applause.) Ten years

ugu puuusueu auuui xuu.uuu copies of dally papers eacii day, and the people paid from twoto three cents for nearly or quite all ot them. The Times was then a single sheet or four pages, was sold at two cents a copy and was regarded as phenomenally successful. To-day a double sheet of eight and often ten and twelve pages Is sold for one cunt, as Is the Jiecora, and the 'Inquirer, and the A'ortA American, and the J*ress, formerly a three-cent paper. Is sold at two cents and greatly enlarged, while the iedyer remains two cents a copy, and Its space Increased 100 per cent. Instead of Issuing 100,000 copies ot dally nMrspapers each day In Philadelphia we now Issue fully 500,000. and there Is not one of these newspapers that Is not more prosperous to-day than n was ten years ago, when they were published at double the pi ______present price and generally little more than half the present Blue, in newspaper progress there has been no step towards cheapness except In the price to consumers. Everyone of these newspapers expend on an average certainly 50 per cent, and most ot them 100 per cent, more to produce them than they did when they were published at the Increased price. More editors are employed, more news gathered, more correspondents, larger reportorlal furues,and fully $500,000 have been expended In this city alone In printing machinery within the last five years. Unlike the McKinley protected industries, there has been no reduction of wages In any department of any ot these newspapers. This industry presents the clearest solution of the problem of cheapening products by American Intelligence, sklu and energy. By cheapening our newspapers we have quadrupled the demand for them; we have doubled the employment of labor, and If we could have the markets abroad that are open to like Intelligence, skill and energy lu our protected Industries, tne American newspaper would be the newspaper ot e very oountry ot the world, because It Is the cheapest and best. But McKinley does not believe In McKinley on the question ot the tariff taxes cheapening commodities. He tells us lu one flight ot his protection eloquence that high protection taxes have cheapened everything, and In another equally lervent flight of eloquence he tells ub that his tariff relieved the people ot scores ot millions of taxes, and cheapened one of tne common necessaries of life by repealing tariff taxes on sugar. If tariff taxes cheapen clothing, Iron, machinery and other necessaries of business and life, why would not Increased tariff taxes on sugar cheapen It also? “ Father,’- said a vexatlously observing son to his paternal ancestor, “you must stop praying or stop swearing. I don’t care much which,'’ on this vital Issue or cheapening the necessaries ot life, McKinley should somehow manage to square himself with McKinley. The people who pay taxes are not fools, and only the assumption that they are blooming Idiots can excuse the knavish blunder ot proclaiming that Increased tariff taxes cheapen some commodities, and that repealing all tariff taxes cheapens others. LABOR IS NOT PROTECTED. I have shown alike from Mr. McKinley’s argument In favor or cheapening tree sugar by repealing tariff taxes aud by the wouderlul -progress ma-,e la Journalism, a heavily taxed ana eutlrel} uon-protected industry, that high protective tariffs do not cheapen commodities. If there Is any merit In a protective policy at all It must be In the advancement of the wages oi labor, and It Is a fact 1 here assert, alter a careful study of the whole question, that the best paid industries lu this country are those that are taxed as consumers without any protection whatever lor their labor, on this point 1 challenge successiul contradiction, and It Is not only true in this country, but it Is true lu every other country of the world. In Europe every leading nation, excepting England, maintains some form oi proiecttve policy, of course, they do not rail Into such quagmires as the McKinley tariff, but they are are careful oi their own Industries, and when they propose to protect them they protect them without oppressive taxation upon the people, it is a met that Gov. McKinley must know, for he has studied the question In all Its variations, that wages In manufacturing industries In tree trade England are muoh higher than the wages palu In the same Industries in any of the protective countries of Europe. There Is no need, however, to theorize ou this 'question nor to go from home to ascertain facts. Philadelphia has the largest proportion oi manuiacturlng industries and skilled labor of any city ou the continent, and It also has an equal proportion of skilled labor la nun-protected Industries. Here Is where a protective tariff should exhibit its benllloent results In the highest degree, and If It falls to be beneficial to lubor la this city. It must be a failure everywhere. The way to ascertain the truth is to look at the wages of labor In our protected and in our non-protected Industries under our own eyes. If Gov. McKinley will spend an hour with me ou tne new Times building now In course oi erection on Sansom street above Eighth I will Introduce him to the skilled aud unskilled labor employed on It, and Allen Korke, the builder, who Is yet greeu with his laurels as Chairman of the Republican City Committee, will exhibit him the pay-list of the nonprotected but heavily taxed labor employed. Here are the dally wages and hours ot labor of the non-protected workmen engaged on that structure.

Kiggers Bricklayers.. Carpenters... Plain bersP.&stererd.... Stonecutters. Poolers. Piggei Alter Paring ascertained the wages paid to these noil-protected and highly taxed workmen 1 will take him i o the composing room ot the Times, where every expert printer can earn *4 per day ot eight hours, with steady work irons January to January, and special experts can earn as high as $r> tier day. All ol these workmen are highly taxed on everything that they consume. There is not an article oi clothing that Is not enhanoed In price by tarlli taxes lor every man, woman and child or their tamllles. Their homes are ' taxed trom the stone In the cellar to the i shingle on the roof. Their carpets, > their beds, their furniture ot every kind, their onlna, their kitchen utensils, the glhss in their windows, outlery on theti i tables, their curtains, their bedding and

McKinley will turn to Superintendent Porter’s census bulletin No. 139. lie will And that the following average wages are paid In the woollen industry In the States named: ^**r$3J06 3.86 4.65 5.20 6.42 6.46 6.83 7.21 8.40 For the pear. Alabama. <109 Arkansas. 201 Ohio. 9*9 Virginia.. 270 New York.!. 888 Pennsylvania. 885 Massachusetts. 318 Oregon. *36 It will be seen that the average wages ot labor in the woollen Industry of Pennsylvania Is $355 per year or *6.83 per week or about *1.15 per day. Of course these figures Include stoppages of mill, and the many other interruptions which occur In manufacturing enterprises, and the ordinary earnings per week oi labor employed lh that Industry may be accepted as considerably more than Mr. Porter’s table fixes It, but it Is nonouhe less the truth that the average earnings Is correctly given, as compared with the non-pro-tected printers ot this city, the earnings of our woollen workers are not 50 per cent, ot the earnings ot compositors, and It Is a tact that^the nod-carriers employed on .the Times building to-day receive from 25 to 30 per cent, more wage3 than the average wages paid In our woollen mills. What Is true of the woollen Industry Is absolutely true of every protected Industry In the city ot Philadelphia. There Is not a single great manufacturing establishment here that pays an average ot weekly wages equal to the hon-carrlers of our non-protected labor, and yet we are told that high tariff taxes make labor prosperous. The McKinley tariff Increases tariff taxes on woollens very largely; some to as high as 135 per cent., and among the articles most highly taxed are women’s apparel most commonly In use. This was done, as Mr. McKinley declares, to protect the American workmen against the pauper labor of .Europe. The increased tariff taxes were levied avowedly to Increase wages. It honestly administered, the McKinley tariff snould have Increased tne wages ot every protected labor in Philadelphia, and yet Mr. McKinley must know, It he has Inquired of his friends who entertained him at the Manufacturers' Club, that In very lew if any Instances have wages been increased In woollen mills, and In many Instances they have beeD decreased since the passage of his tariff to give Increased protection, and logically to increase wages to labor. What Is due to labor from a protective tariff Is, first, the wages for like labor in Europe, and second, the tariff taxes levied to pay the difference in the cost ot labor here. Has that been done? Mas labor received that which congress, as avowed by uov. McKinley himself, declared it entitled to and levied taxes upon tne people to pay It? But in a large number of our highly protected industries in this city wages have been reduced since the passage ot the McKinley tariff, and In some ot them very largely. In a number of our upholstery, curtain and novelty establishments, on whloh the MoKuUey tariff taxes were increased 35 per cenh.there has been severe reductions in w ages of lanor, ranging irom 10 up even as hlgn as 50 per oenc., and in our carnet industry, on which Increased tariff taxes were levied by tbe McKinley bill, It requires hard and steady work lor weavers to earn over *10 per week. I have caretully studied the history ot our varied Philadelphia Industries during the last two years since tariff taxes were largely increased, and the best results tor labor that I can find anywhere, with the rarest exceptions, are that former wages have been maintained, while In very many instances there have been reductions ot the wages ot labor, and In some nstances very large reductions. 1 would be glad Indeed If I could exhibit better results tor our Philadelphia prot ected Industries. People are taxed to the highest extent In time ot peace, ostensibly to maintain prosperous labor, but tne painful fact stands out clear as the sun In uncloude,d noonday that it Is the unprotected and heav-r ily taxed laborof this city that is prosperous, while the highly protected labor must be content with almost starvation wages.

TAXES ON NECESSARIES OF LIFE. i I bold In my band a letter from my old friend ! John W. Frazier, an aggressive McKinley protectionist, asking ma to *> make tbls occasion lor plainly, bluntly and fearlessly stating, Just as you always do, without tear or favor, affection or prevarication, what are the necessaries or life you would cheapen by a repeal, wholly or in part, of tariff duties." if Mr. Frazier Is In the house he will please stand up. (Mr. Frazier did not respond, and after waiting tor a few seconds, while the audience showed evidences or keen expectation, Mr. McClure continued.) 1 wanted the man who asked me those questions to stand up before the audience In order that l could make an objeot lesson of him. I would have said to him: “ I want free raw materials for all our Industries, and the logically reduced tariff taxes on products to cheapen the hat you wore on your head to this meet- : lng. If It is a cheap one, such as many workingmen wear, It Is taxed about 80 per cent. It It is such as are commonly seen In the Union League and the Manufacturers’ Club— (laughter)-the tax Is not over SO per cent. I want the coat you wear cheapened by free wool and reduced taxes on woollens, and 1 want It to be American woollen Instead of Kngllsh. I want In like manner to cheapen your vest, your pantaloons, your socks, yoqr shirt, your underwear and all but your shoes, which are about the only American goods you wear, as a rule, and they have been made American and the cheapest and best In the world by free raw materials. I want to cheapen the apparel of ' your wife from bonnet to hose, and especially In the commonly worn fabrics of women which are uow taxed as high as 135 per cent, by the McKinley bUL 1 want to cheapen the carpets on your floors, the curtains on your windows, the blankets and sheets on your beds, the glass In your windows, the tables and chairs ot your dining-rooms, tne furniture in your parlor, the knives and forks and spoons with which you eat, the salt that seasons your food, the sugar that sweetens your coffee, tea and desserts; the table-cloth on which you spread your meals, the tinware In your kitchen, the china and the glassware on your table, the tin or shingles on your roof, the stone m your walls, the lumber, iron and steel In your building, and the handkerchief with which you remove the sweat of your brow that is the ordained price of your dally bread.” That is how 1 would have made an objeot lesson of the man who asked me direct questions, but j did not appear to receive his answer.

GOT. McKinley la Napoleonic In His Ideas ol enlarging our growth and He Has given us triplets lu new infant industries. He Has tried tne Impossible In protecting woolerdwers, and be now proposes ihe tin plate, tbe linen and tbe billy-goat Industries to be 1 brougnt up by tbe tariff-tax bottle. He baa I not billed tbe. billy-goat Industry In largest 1 type nor does be boom It in bis speeches, but I It Is assigned tbe richest bottle ol tariff taxes 1 in tbe whole list. He was determined to proi tect Ohio wool It taxation could do It, and In order to old It be cunningly put on a tax of 12 cents per pound on goat’s balr that costs two cents per pound In tbe open markets. It Is not wool, but Is serves tbe purpose of wool In cheap carpets and other articles of common use where grandeur Is sacrificed to service, and be took his revenge on tbe billygoats of Bombay and Itussla by piling a tax of 500 per cent, on their balr to prevent It from coming Into competition with wool that we never grow. The tax was such a grotesque absurdity that Judge Colt, of tbe circuit Court, held that the balr or tbe billy goat could not be taxed as wool. It bad always been admitted lree, as it. furnished a very cheap and necessary commodity for peoI pie of small means, and t he Judge decided i against It on general principles that tbe fool j should not burlesque our tariff laws, but tbe Supreme Court of the United States has lust decided that tbe letter ol the McKinley law must be enforced, and high protectionists can now doff their bats to the majestic billygoat of the 600 per cent, protected Industry of the land. There Is now only one of two things tor us to do—either develop tbe billygoat industry to tbe uttermost and run a corner In broken tin cans. Illuminated Bhow bills and unprotected clothes-lines or repeal thlt particular triplet of our new Industries. Wc can’t do without tbe oheap fabrics made from goat’s hair, and I am amazed that Gov. McKinley makes no report of his progress u

developing the new Indispensable billy-goat I Industry In tbe land. Tbe second of the triplet circle of Infant In- I duatrles to which the McKinley tariff has' given birth !s the Jtnen Industry. We had five little linen mills In tbe whole country, 1 not one of which ever turned out a linen -trandterchle: either before or since the Me-I Klnley tariff, and we have Just the same number to-day sc far as 1 have been able to learn. They turn out only coarse Uneu, crashes, but they have been dignified Into an ! infant Industry and the tariff-tax bottle given them, although not on the magnificent ---- —-afTudustry. • 500 per cent, scale of the billy-goat Flax was taxed out of sight to make It grow here, and Its growth Is no more visible than the growth ot the billies. Tbe tariff taxes collected to en&ole this Infant Industry to be well nursed and bottled, amounts to *5,000,000, giving an advance of 33 per cent, on the market at the time the tariff wad passed, and-that difference paid more than the entire cost ol labor employed In all our wcollen mills In other words, the entire labor cost of our linen mills was $124,000 and tbe tariff taxes on Unen3 produced were $156,100. That infant Industry ought to thrive, but It still languishes, and only a general break In linens abroad prevehted largely Increased prices. Our city merchants advertlsen, when the McKinley bill was about to go Into operation, (hat all should buy linen at once because of Increased tariff taxes and coming Increased prices. It Is still an infant. content with t he bottle and cradle, with McKinley as nurse—(laughter)-and It makes no effort to get out or Its comfortable swad-dling-clothes. TIN-PLATE. The tin-plate Industry completes the Infant triplets brought lortn to be reared on tbe high tariff tax bottle. Before tbe passage of the McKinley tariff we did hot attempt to make any tin-plate. Since the passage or tne new law we pretend to make It and don't. This Infant industry Is a prodigy of rraud upon labor ana of robbery of the people. It was specially framed for speculators and Jobbers, by postponing tbe effect of Increased duties on tin for nine months after the passage of the bill. TljiK gave speculators nine months to Import tin at old prices and sell It to the people at Increased prices. It started In Jobbery, and has developed more lraud in political deliverances, as well asfraud In industry than any monopoly effort ot modern times. It not only started In jobbery, but gives every possible dlscrlmlnatlou lu favor ot monopoly. The Standard Oil Company and the Armour Meat Company and like monopolies can Import their tin for exporting tbelr oil, meats, &e., and get the entire duty back less one cent on tbe dollar; but the small farmer who sells bis fruit In cans lor export has practically no escape trom the excessive tax, and the dlnner-pall and the kitchen utensils of every home must, pay the tax all the time. Before McKinley’s astute statesmanship conceived the creation of the triplet infant Industries of tin. linen and billy goats, we paid about $7,000,000 on the tin we Imported. It was an excusable tax U needed for revenue. Now the tax Is Increased 120 per cent, and we consume In round numbers about 700,000,000 pounds annually, tne tariff taxes are swelled up to over *16.000,000, and it Is collected to supply the tariff tax bottle to tbe now colicky Infant that Is to produce American tin. With one year ol preparation lor It and one year ot production In tbe manufacture of tin, we have produced 13,800.000 pounds or the 700,000,000 we consume annually at a cost to the people In taxes of considerably over *1 per pound. This would be bad enough even if we had produced American tin successlully, but we nave not done It. Moetot the so-called American tin Is made ot English plate, English tin and English skilled workmen, wltn the addition of American noys to run the dlpplng-shed. In order to save the weakling cf the McKinley triplets from utter disgrace it has been gravely ruled by tbe Secretary of the Treasury that Un-plate made In chls country trom | foreign plate and lorelgn tit la American tin, so the infant tin industry Is established with a high official certificate that It is the happy child of its happy lather.

And now for the circus part of McKinley’s illustration oi the magnlUceut success of the tin-plate triplet Industry that Is so richly bot tled by tariff taxes paid by the people. A tin banner was paraded on the stage at a propitious moment to enthuse the multitude, bearing the noble Inscription. “ American Tin, Norristown, Pa.,” with the name ot the Ardmore Kepubllsan Club on the other. It was a magnWcent spectacular display, and Gov. McKinley bowed time anil again In response to the thunders of applause that drowned his voice. 1 am sorry to spoil this beautliul pageant, but It was such a sublime, such a heroic fraud, that I must expose it. That identical tin banner was mauuiactured by Mr. William H. Edwards, of the Ely Tin-Plate Company, near Cardiff,- Wales, who came over with his Welsh superintendent. Mr. Klchord Lewis, and later nought and repaired a mill at Norristown, imported his own plates from his foreign mill. Imported his own On irom Wales, Imported his own sallied workmen, and dipped the Engltsh plates in English tin by English workmen, and McKinley points to it as a grand achievement ot his tariff in producing tin. There is one ot the same Un-plates (pointing to a tin-plate cm the platform), and I have the certlncate of the man who made It. Here is the letter In the original: Richabd Lewis. Manager, Norristown Tin-plate Works, Norristown. Pa. NoBRlbl'Ov.H, Pa., Sept. 34, 1892. ItxBSBB. W. rolls, Sos a Co., Philadelphia. DxabSibS: Replying to your inquiry. we beg.to, say our place here is not whst is known as a tmElate worse in Walel, hot it. is rather the tinning ouse of a tin-plate mill, and in i hit *-eepeei :s exactly like the major ry of He tin-plate marks in America, except that we are working- on a larger aoaie than the majority of plants at present running over here in America. Mr. William H. Edwards, the ____owner, continues to operate nis tin-plate works in Wales, but when ths final operation oi tinning the steel sheets is reached, the sheets are shipped to use and finished by us by being run through patent tinning pots. Besides importing these steel sheets out to sine and ready for tinning, we also import the pig tin. ami palm oil used for tinning the sheets, as none of Amerioan produot oan be ohtaiued. Wopayl.65 cents per pound duty on the steel sheets and fortyfive per cent, op the machines. Oar (fa men ace experienced kandsj'ormcrlu engaged it ike industry in Wales. Rsspeotfully yours. RicHafib Lewis, Manager.

GIVE AMERICANS A CHANCE. Let us stop this drivelling cry for paternalism to develop American enterprise, it Is a monstrous libel upon American skill, energy l and thrift-, and those tvho prate about Chinese wall taxes to foster American enteri prise are either too knavish or too ignorant ; to speak for the American people. What do ! our leading Industries say ? What have they 1 done t In cotton fabrics, ’.vith tree raw materials, we export $13,000,000 a year and undersell England In India. The. Baldwin Locomotive Works, with heavy taxes on their materials and their labor heavily taxed on the necessaries of life- export one locomotive to foreign countries every other day of the year. American farm Implements are sold in every progressive country abroad, although taxed on their steel, lumber and everything they use, and 1 may mention In contldonce lor Gov. McKinley alone that they sell them muoh cheaper to foreign farmers than to American larmers. Hamilron Dlsston sells his saws and tools In almost every country of the world, although taxed on all his raw materials, and they are sold cheaper there i than here. His 40 per cent, protection : simply enables prices to be maintained here, but he finds profit In selling his products cheaper abroad. The Hoe printing press 1b ! m every enlightened civilization of the i earth. It Is taxed on Its materials and on ; its labor, but. Uko Disston's tools, the Baldwin locomotive, the American plough, &.C., 16 ' is the best In the world, and American skill, ! although oppressed by taxos, can make them better aud undersell all competitors In the markets of the world. Look at our shoe and leather Industry. With free raw materials we supply the entire : American market with the be3t and cheapest shoes ever sold, all tho product of American labor, and we sell abroad *12,000,000 per annum. These are stubborn facts, showing what American ingenuity and energy are doing And now let us hear from our tax-crushed large producers whom McKinley claims to protect. Major Bent, the manager of the i steelton Works, near Harrisburg, and one ol the largest' steel producers in the country, appealed to McKinley In 1890 to unshackle his industry by giving It free raw materials, but It was unheeded. Is a public interview given In the .Record, of this city, he said: “Give me free ore and 1 will sell pigIron in Liverpool and send steel raw to England. What American Industrie! most need Is free opportunities and not legls latlve protection.* Let another ton manufacturer he heard. Charles J. Barrah «s on* of the Urge contributors to the Qua] if.'

honest election tuna In 1888. to reuse the tariff on protection lines, but lie has bad enough. In a recent view given In the rime*, and repeated In that Journal this morning, be says: “Eventually we will all awaken, and instead ot building up a barrier around us that compels us to teed on one another like a lot ot cannibals, we will pull down the barrier, meet the Englishman wherever he shows his face and beat him out 01 the Held, ana we can <loJt every time." 1 beg to Inform Gov. McKinley that I am not quoting the Confederate Constitution nor the nulimeatlon resolutftms In repeating what he would call destructive free trade sentiments, but 1 am quoting the ripest experience and clearest judgment ot the men he falsely professes to to protecting by hla tariff taxes. Ana tf he wants more arguments irom like sources, let him read Charles H. cramp's recent article In the .Yor/h American Jteiinc, showing that we can produce American ships even of better struotnre than the English ships and quite as cheap 11 only given an equal chance. And if he would learn the truth about our overtaxed glass industry let him Inquire of George a. Macbeth, one of the largest of our glass manufacture! s, who says that what industry needs is free raw materials, or that, as Major Bent says, “ free opportunities and not legislative protection.” 1 plead t>nlght for American labor, for American skill, tor American energy, and I protest against Chinese'- wall taxes, lalseljr called protection, to restrict us to feeding upon each other apd closing the markets of the world against us. Give Americans % cuance. MONOPOLY ADMONISHED. I do not come with the cry ot the alarmist, but they must he hopelessly blinded to the clearest object lessons oi the times who tall to see the threatened revolution that must Bpeedllycome with the.sneep ot tha tempest If the studied and oppressive taxation ot the masses tor favored classes shall not be resolutely halted. On every side thero are murmurs which are heard by all but tnosa who refuse to hear. The industrial sky Is heavily overcast and muttering tnunders come trom every section. There have beep over four hundred labor strikes la our protected industries alone since the enactment oi the McKinley bill, and a majority ol them were strikes against a redaction of wages. There have been 100 monopoly trusts founded under the Inspiration of the McKinley policy and advanced prices to consumers and actually reduced wages, or reduced supplying power of wages, have log. lcally followed. The madly multiplied steel mills, sugar mills, Ac., under greed whetted by tariff taxes which protect bnly monopoly and make labor Its pitiable dependent, are now combined In trusts; some consigned to Idleness and their labor dismissed, while tha public are taxed to pay enormous prodta alike on the employed and unemployed mills. Greed has been quickened by unexampled proflts irom taxes levied In the name of labor and ol which labor has been robbed (applause), and now we have a full hundred trusts, denant ot the lame law for their suppression by which the pepple are mocked, and forbearance will sooner or later, and soon

at me latest, cease to be a virtue. Look at our own city. We welcomed Claus Spreckels to our midst, save him ever; aid, public and private, to lacllltate the erection of his sugar retinery that was to be the citadel of aggressive hostility to the sugar trust. Under the tariff law in force when he located his rel nery here he could not have been, driven from his purpose ; but the McKinley tariff came, with free raw sugar tor our refineries and a continued tariff tax on redned sugars, and monopoly was clothed with omnipotence. The Harrisons and the Knights, loyal to Philadelphia, long stood with Spreckels In Independence 01 the Iron grasp of monopoly, but they are human, and when purchasers came with almost Illimitable gains created by class legislation against the masses, one by one they were tempted to sell at prices they had never dreamed of, and now the sugar trust Is piaster of all. Spreckels finally accepted the bonus of several millions, as would any practical business man, and taking his millions In his pocket he chartered his special car and bade us larewell as he sped across the continent to the golden slopes of the pacific. Like the sugar trust, although lew are such conspicuous object: lessons, nearly every great industry that Is pro.ected by the McKinley tariff Is now In the deadly embrace of an organized combine, aod the people are paying the cost ol this appalling abuse of laws enacted In tha name of labor. (Applause.) Will not monopolists be admonished.? Kona can overthrow honest protection In this country but those who have prostituted It to robbery and rraud, but tney are making rapid strides toward a national suicide second only to that of slavery. It would not be admon, lsned. It would advance to blight the Territones. It would set up Its altars of bgndage In the free States. It would oe supreme master, and It oelleved In Its own omnipotence, but at last the storm broke upon It and the bondman became, master ol tha master, and slavery was dead. Tha battle Is now on against the mastery of classes which seek to enslave tha masses, and there can be but one Issue In such a conflict. Kobbery and iraud—and I use tha terms will) well-considered appreciation ol J; their Imijorwhave lorced the battle by tha demand 'lor national approval 01 the odious and oppressive taxes of the McKinley tariff. Labor is told by McKinley himself that these taxes are for labor to gather and not for caplMrtal, and when so told, why Shoula It not rise-'" up and demand Its own t If refused now, will It be content? How oan there be labor rest when protection teachers tell labor that pro. taction taxes are solely lor laoor, and labor knows that II protection teaching be true. It is robbed ? Or that 11 not true, It is defraudaa by false promises? Will It not return again and again to tbe conflict ? And when all else falls, will it not come with lex ta’ionis emblazoned on Its banners ? There Is one, and only one, way to labor peace and labor eon, tent, and that is by the prompt repeal of al! needless taxes on the necessaries ol life and ol all taxes levied ostensibly fox labor, which are now perverted to satiate ths greed or the monopoly power that buys eleo. lions with the plunder of robbed Industry, and contracts with the power whose success H purchases for oppreslve taxation of the people to repay a hundred told the price ol political debauchery.

WHAT HIGH TAXES HAVE UUJIE. The McKinley tariff has now Seen In opera* tlon two years and the same balelul policy ot excessive taxation ot tne people has been maintained since tne necessities ot war ceased, wltn tne McKinley tariff lnereasin* Its oppressive matures. That restrictive pc* Icy drove American commerce trom tne Bead ot tbe world tor a generation, and now tna same insane policy Is illustrated by trying to revive commerce by paternalism and tax a* tlon. Wltn tree snips we would nave bad tna stars end stripes floating over our commerce in all tne wafers of tne world, and long ere tnis, wltn free opportunities, we would nave been building our own snips. It naa aliollsned tne sailor industry tbat once gave ua 100,000 of tbe best sailors ot tbe oceans. It bad Increased tbe cost of tbe necessaries ot busk ness by tbe madness ot taxes on rave materials, and tbus Increased tbe cost <4 American products, reduced tneir consumption and necessarily lessened tbe demand lor labor, it baa increased needless taxes on tne necessaries ot life to satiate tbe greed ol combined capital, wltbout increasing tb« wages-ot tbe workman. It has given us monopoly combines to control prices of nearly all tbe products we consume. It bas built up tbe plutocracy ot centralized wealth herd that dated the decline and fall ot Home, then i the mistress of tne world, and It has mads tbe common mind familiar wltb three allltera. 1 tire wordS ol tearful Import—tariff; trusts* tramps: It bas given labor unrest lu all tbe Industries It professes ts protect, and bred labor disorders in every section ct tbe land. It teaches labor that H Is protected by tbe taxes levied upon all In tbe name of protection, and labor bas finally awakened to tbe fact tbat it is robbed ot its protection while oppressed by Increased coal ot living. It is this now generally known lact in labor circles tbat crimsoned th« records ot our State with murder at Home* stead; that filled tbe mountain regions o< * Tennessee with outlaws bent on bloodshed, and that baited tbe great building Industries of New England and New York for bait tbs season. It has benefited the tew who paid the price ot political debauchery to win such legislation, and It bas oppressed the many until tbe sullen murmurs of revolution come up from