Pike County Democrat, Volume 23, Number 24, Petersburg, Pike County, 4 November 1892 — Page 3

Farms Untill ad Where Factories Exist in Profusion. _______ Cnttwmu Warner T.IU Why Farming Doe* Not Pay—Protection Baa Depopulated the Country la the Maaufaetartng state* of New .Vorlt, Coaaectleat and Haaaaehaaett*. >, Here, let a* say, at a farmer, located on a bit of land one hundred miles away from the nearest city. That city is his market. There are fanners all about him; he cannot sell to them either his staple products or the occasional sur- | plus or fruit or garden staff which un- \ usually good seasons may bring upon w his hands. The cost of transportation is so much taken from his profits. | Here steps in the protectionist There is in this region, say, a stream ca* > pable of abundant water power, “f^et us put a woolen mill here.” the , -oteotiouist urges; ‘'let us agree to pay something more than we pay now for woolen •tuffs, and so make it an object for some one to come here and start a manufacJ tor}'. Hundreds of hands will he employed; the railway will he pat through I We will build up a town right intha midst of our farms and have a market at our very doors. Good prioee then for everything.” It is done; the mill is hull;, the railway ia laid, the town growa : up. And the farmer—what at him? i Strange to say, we presently find him i getting poorer. ) Where is the mistake? It is just here—in the agreement to “pay aotneS thing more than we pay now” for manufactured goods. In the protectionist's ; theory that “something more" is put •way in • qniot corner; in the actual practice it comes out ai}d {days the mischief. If the farmers in this locality want a woolen mill, those in that locality want a cotton mill, and those in the next county an iron furnace, and so on. The result is that the farmers pay everywhere “something more” for everything

they buy. But this is not alL The promise of higher prices for wheat in the ‘‘home market” calls for scrutiny. The appeal, sifted down, comes to this: “Pension a number of com consumers to come and buy of you. Subsidise an army of artisans to settle at the farm gate. Pay them for making goods at a loss, and out of their profits they will purchase your abundance.” Where Uau the Home Market Clone ? This, however, is not the worst It is but fair to admit that though the protectionist was always at fault aud the farmer never helped by “protection,” yet that, in fact, the farmer did once have the “home market” for which he bargained—paltry aa might be the whistle for which he had paid so dear. But nowadays thero is no such thing as a “home market” for any considerable portion of his produce. The fanner in the Genesee valley not merely sees the trains ran past him to Rochester, laden with flour rolled in Minneapolis from Dakota wheat, bat uses the same flour in his own household, and his village butcher sells fresh meat from beeves killed at Kansas City. No manufacturing town dreams nowadays of looking to the locality about it for any supplies, except only the cheapest part of ^“garden truck.” The labor markets of the world are open to the American manufacturer, who thus has free trade in the one thing he bays most of—labor. He lives in a land where transport facilities are so developed that he need not depend upon the locality about him—and he does not in a locality whose surplus of food products is so great that their first price-fixing markets are found at Liverpool, a free trade city, aud so he gets them, too, at free trade rates. The ‘ American farmer has sold his birthright [ and has lost his pottage to boot. What the American farmer most needs is a home market in which he can purchase his supplies as cheaply as his competitors purchase theirs, and if he I can not secure this, then he should have the poor privilege of making his pur- | chase where he is compelled to make his sales, and be permitted to bring his I goods home without being compelled to pay unreasonable taxes and fines for carrying on legitimate business. But as to the “home market” fallacy, nologio is half so remorseless and restless as that of experience. It has en worked out thoroughly under ideal amstanoea, the characteristic nature k>f which no one can question. Before rthe war no state* were more thriving in [agriculture than New York, Oonnectileot and Massachusetts. And they eariii of all developed their manufactures, nd throughout their length and breadth I jilt factories of “protected” industries Ion every hand. There never was a farmling population more alert .to exploit a [home market; there never were manuI factnrers better pleased to create snob a [market if it could bo so created. What i the result!

Kew York Want of All. Worst of all, however, and most charcteratic, is the situation in New York ate. The most populous of any in the Jnion and once tho first in agriculture, Filmrpassed by no other in fertility, her JOeneaoe valley was the granary of the I country, and supplied our expert trade | long before Minnesota was a state, or | Dakota had a name. Her Orange county I gave the name to the first standard | brands of butter, and her Herkimer oonuty did the same for cheese—all this long before the war. Of late, her old at city has become greater till in population it now approaches 3,000,000. lyn. her second -dty, has grown to 1,000,000 from a quarter of that aumBuffalo, at the western end, numbers 330,000; Rochester. 150,000; Albany, ,000, and Syracuse and Troy, 75,000 a, white "there are numerous others from 90,000 to 50,000. f&e has meanwhile become by far the greatest manu-facturing-state in the Union. Hvety one | of her large towns is a manufacturing center, and throughout the state, dose > every oae of the old fanning centers, are factories, raUl* and workshops ► assured to the farmer whatever adhome marNot merely this, but the l in wealth rapidI interest

The following is published in the New York Tribune, the greet home market orgeat “State Assessors Elis, Wood and Williams are making their annual visitation to the several counties selected for this year’s inspection. Each year they look into the condition of affairs in half the oounties, so that it makes their visits to each county onee every two years. Saturday they looked into Albany county, tomorrow they will visit Schenectady. “ * We find a general depreciation in the value of farm lands,” said Assessor Wood. ’We have visited fourteen connties—Monroe, Erie, Chautauqua, Cattaraugus, Chenango, Broome, Delaware, Sullivan. Franklin, Clinton, Es«ex, Washington, Warren and Albany counties. In all we find the same condition of affairs. City property is increasing- in value, while farming property is growing leas and less valuable. I can not see any way for it to improve, and in a few yean yon will see more tenant farmers than anything else. I don’t see how these insurance companies that have advanced money will get out whole. No one wants to bny farm lands hen. They can’t get their money oat of them. Most of the farms wen bought about war times, when big prices wen paid. In Washington county I had an illostmtion of the receding value of fanning land. A man took a mortgage for $10,000 on a farm just after the war. Bte has held it ever since, and today will take $8,000 for the entire farm, after foreclosing the mortgage. *• 'The reasons for this state of affairs an many. In the first place, the farmer hen can’t compete with the farmer in the west Then is very little grain raised within oar borders now; potatoes don’t bring any price; butter is selling in the dairy district for fourteen cents a pound, and other products an equally low. This is good for the consumer, but bad for the producer. A few years ago western butter was not wanted; today it gets the cream of the trade in New York city. In a few years yon will see the present owners of farms in many instances tenants on them. “ *The cities are prospering though. ' New York city has added about $50,000,Q00 property to its real value the past yW; Brooklyn has added between $30,- ] 000,000 and $30,000,000 to its real prop-1 erty; Buffalo has increased $3,000,000; Rochester between $2,000,000 and $3,000,000, and Albany and Syracuse $1,000,000 each.’” Tho Horn* Market Club. Bat then is one point further. As the home market is to be a benefit to the farmers, of course it is tho farmers who have organized the Home Market club, of Boston, which is doing so much just now to uphold this beneficent system of protection. Bnt the fact is that it is the manufacturers who an doing it, not the farmers at all. It is as if the people of the Cannibal islands should organise a missionary immigration society as a son and easy way of getting a meat supply. Tlje home market theory may be briefly stated as follows: If yon farmers will only give ns manufacturers enough money to enable ns to go into business, and will oonsent to pay prices high enough to make it possible for us to con- j tinue our business at extraordinary profits, we will agree to bny what we need— what we must have from some sonroe— from you at low and steadily diminishing prices—if we can’t get them cheaper elsewhere. That is all there is to it. John DeWitt Warner.

Railroads and corporations all over the state arc evading the new tax law, and are testing the constitutionality of the increased rate. This is the same law that the Republican press over the state have been howling themselves hoarse, in trying to make the masses of the people believe that the fanner was the one who suffered the increase. Wo don’t know of any railroad company that is fighting a law that injures the farmer.—Winchester Democrat. Wool Price* Under Yarloa* Tariff*. The following table will show how the tariff has benefited the American wool' growers. It will be seen that the price was highest under ‘’free wool” and low* est when the tariff was highest. The prices are compiled from the market quotations and are anthentlo:

wool* Year. Tariff. Price 1848.90 per cent. 40c 1840.. ..;. “ .89c 1850. “ 45c 1851.. .*...... “ 47e 1889. “ 45e 1853 . “ 69c 1854 . “ 49o 1855 . “ 4fic 1856 .. “ .;.53c 1857.. ....Free..63c 1858. “ ..45e 1850. “ 50c 1880. “ 84o 1861. “ 44c 1869 . “ 47c 1883. “ 59c 1864.Si to 90 per cent.45c 1865.. .... " “ 4fic 1808. “ .47c 1867 .50 to 00 per cent....48e 1868 . “ “ 49c 1889. “ “ 48o 1870 . “ “ 51c 1871 . “ “ 58c 1879.45 to 55 per cent..«..COj 1878. “ “ 30c 1874. “ “ 50o 1875 . “ “ . 1876 ......45 to 50per cent. 1877 . “ “ ■ 1878 . “ “ 1879 . “ w • 1880 . “ ’* • 1881.. * . / % ■ • 1889. ” “ • 1883.40to 50 per cent. 4‘ “ », 1801-3.45 to 50 per cent. .58c •44c .47c .89o .S7c .49c .43c .43o • 30c The Warsaw Union has donned a handsome new dross, changed its form to an eight page paper and made other Improvements. Under the editorial control of Frank Zimmerman, The Union is one of the best Democrat papers of the elate, although published In a Republican stronghold. — Fort Wayne Sentinel. - ‘".V.;;■'-c; tu Meters. Under the Old tax law the railroads of

jealously guarded; that no money should be taken from the oeople, under any pretext, for other than public purposes; that the strictest economy should he e in all governmental expenditures, whether * tote or national; that legislation be confined to the legitimate obuf govu-nment; that public office is a lemn public trust. We are uncompromMagly opposed to the enlargement and concentration of federal powers; to the usurpation hy the •central government of the functions of ithe states; to bounties and subsidies in iwery form; to every species of class legislation and government partnership with private enterprises; to the whole theory md practice of paternalism. We believe that in a ’‘free country the curtailment of absolute rights at the Individual should only be such as la essential to the peace and good order of the community,” and we regard all legislation looking to the infringement of liberty of psrsou or conscience, not absolutely sary to the maintenance of public order, ait vicious In principle and demoralising ■■ e arraign the administration of Benjamin Harrison for its subserviency to the Interests of the money power, which geated it, and its indifference to the wclre of the people; for its brazen violation of its solemn pledges to the country, to elevate and purify the publle service; for its shameless prostitution of the pub.io patronage to the vilest partisan purposes, as Illustrated by tbs sals of a cabinet office to John Wanamaker; by the employment of the pension bureau as a party machine, and by the promotion of William A. Woods to a higher poet in the federal judiciary as a reward for his services in saving the “btooks-of-five” conspirators from the penitentiary; for its contemptuous repudiation of its promises to tlie veteran soldiers of the Union; and for its wicked attempt to fasten upon the country the odious and un-American force bill, intended to deprive the peor le of the right to regulate their own elections. We favor such a radical and comprehensive measure of tariff reform as shall relieve the necessities of the petmla and; the cruili material of our manufactures from federal taxation. Vre condemn the so-called reciprocity policy as a transparent attempt to Impose upon the American people the shadow of commercial freedom for its substance, In order to perpetuate the existing system of licensed spoliation for the benefit of trusts and monopolies, which are the chief support of the Republican party. We bolive that there should be kept in constant circulation a full and sufficient volume of money, consisting of gold, silver and legal tender currency at par with each otber. We favor the election of United States senators directly by the people and commend Senator Tnrpie for Ins efforts in congress to s, cure this great reform. We indorse the course of our distinguished senators, Daniel W. Voorhees

WU Jjmviu xurpio. our last most heartily applaud the action of at two legislatures iu passing the school-book laws; thereby giving the pea- ~" ' 'm * “school pie of Indiana a complete series of t text; books ecual to those formerly used, at one-half cf the old trust prices. We pledge ourselves to resist every attempt of the school-book combine toregain their control of Indiana, and by that menus bri|^^bout the frequent expensive changes ia^Roks of _ which the people Just ly complained in former years. We approve Ur* Australian election ayst;em, introduced in Indiana by the Democratic party. It has stood the test of experience, and we are in favor at maintaining it intact. This convention hereby renews the expression of appreciation of the patriotism of the Union soldiers of Indiana in the wair for the preservation of the Union, and we favor just and liberal pensions for all disabled soldiers, their widows and dependents; but we demand that the woirk of the pension office shall be done industriously, impartially and honestly. Wt denounce the administration of that office by the present commissioner, Green B. Kaum, as incompetent, corrupt, disgraceful and dishonest, and we demand his immediate removal from office. We most heartily endorse the action at the Grand Army of the Republic, looking to the establishment of a state home, where crippled and indigent Union soldiers may pass their few remaining days with their wives. We heartily indorse the new tax law as a arise and beneficent act, by which the increased revenues uecessary for the support of the state government are raised Lit, lw.li. ftiu AAMinral inns nf tliA

sttite. coat bad asietofors anjastly eseajied their fair woportion at taxation. We commend the legislature for refusing to adopt Governor Hovey’s recommendation to increase the state levy from twelve cents'to twenty-five cents on the #100, and for meeting the necessary expenses of the state’s benevolent institutions by a levy of six cents on the $100. We denounce the infamous conspiracy et the Republican county commissioners, township trustees and other officials of Indiana, who, for the purpose of creating ntifai r prejudice against the new tax law. have wantonly anu needlessly increased the local taxes, in the forty-six counties controlled by them, mors than 81,250,000— a sum greater than the total increase of •tate^tnxes in the entire state. We call on the taxpayers of thoee counties to rebuke at the polls these local offlaiuls, who have put this needless and oppressive burden upon them. That the law is In the interest of the masses Is attested by the fact that the corporate wealth has arranged itself against it. and is now engaged in a desperate struggle in the courts for its overthrow. Inasmuch as the exemption of the greenback currency from taxation by national law is not only, unjust in principle, but also Is tbe occasion of much fraudulent evasion of local tax laws, and inasmuch as interstate transportation companies are exempted from equitable taxation by the constitutional powers conferred on Congress concerning in terstate commerce, we demand that tue Indiana senators and representatives in congress use their influence to secure the passage of laws making greenbacks taxable as other money, and making interstate commerce taxable on the same terms as domestic commerce. w We congratulate the taxpayers of Indiana on the adoption, by the last legislature, of the system of* paying public offlcinls stated salaries, instead of giving them power to compensate themselves by fees and perquisites. We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the interests of public education, not only as Identified with the common school system, but also in connection with the higher institutions of learning, free public librari<» and all other legitimate means lor and preserving the virtue and The Democratic party stands by its record as the friend of the masses as aiialnst the classes, and calls the attention of the laboring men of Indiana, that it has given to them the eighthour law} the law to preveut blacklisting; the law prohibiting “pluck-ms” “ 'aw for th» protection of minstores; the law — — -cSiWSMIillllWIJIli eis, and lawr which maka it impossible for Pinkerton detectives to arrest and alsy laboring men in Indlaua because of their efforts toward self-protection. For twenty-five years tbe Republican IMWt^ has leglslated for tbe rich and powand fa tbe interest of corporate wealth. The Democratic party pledges Itself to remedy the costs growing ont of such class legislation and In all future contests to stand by the great producing masses whose toil and self-sacrifice are at the foundation of all natural wealth. We commend the organisation of the industrial classes for self-protection against trusts, combines and monopolies, and call the attention of the farmers and aborers to the fact that every evil comResolved, That this convention indorses the wise administration of Grover Cleveland; that the presidential campaign ol 1882 should be conducted on the issue of tariff reform as defined in the preal p~v -1 Indiana expresses Its unalterable conn

To vote a straight democratic ticket, stamp within the big square containing the rooster at the top of the ticket. If you stamp within the big square you must not stamp any where else or you will lose your vote.

Chronicle. Now it came to pass in the sultry month of August, when the Dog star rages and all loveliness sinks into a profound reverie and the poison reptile’s vision grows dim, that the republicans of Dike rallied themselves at the little town of Winslow whieh stands upon the banks of the Datoka river. It was early in the morning when they began to gather and behold when it was high-noon a goodly crowd was there awaiting the onset, for some had traveled many a weary mile to help their friends to a place on the ticket. Yea they wore there from all parts, all eager to hear and tak^part in the great conflict. At last the hour came and the convention was called and committees appointed so Kben these had made their reports and their proceedings were adopted the chairman arose eayiug whose name will you present flu- Representative. The Northerners presented Smith and the Southerners presented Bethel and the conflict last- , ed fur a long while. For be it kuowu to the dwellers of Dike that there has been and is yet great sectional strife over the county seat aud on this day the Are burned bright- 1 ly for men’s anger ran at a high gale, so when they could not arrange things satisfactorily they turned down the deck head and said 1st the committee make it. Now among the wise men of the republican party, there is none that etandeth higher than Bethel, in the estimation of the big 4 fur say they he lives to the South and to the Bast and we may need him in future events for Doe is a mighty mao and bis words are sweeter titan honev and the honey comb. Now we know hill surely that Doo did not receive the nomination at the repbulican convention,but It was given to one Smith who lives in our town and near the upper end thereof and Smith is a fair man well spoken of, and comely to look upon and behold ho is the cashier of the Citiaen’s State Bank and handles much money every day. But we know that the wrath of republicans runs high even at the towns of White Oak, Survant, Yetpen, Arthur aud cvuu at all places to the South and South-Kast where republicans are likely to come together aud the big 4 cried with a loud voice “Doc where art thou” and Doc said ’’apeak on fbr thy servaut heareth.” Then said one of the 4, ”Lo tne republicans of the south rebel,even thy constituency and they are this day preparing to defeat Smith. But live forever, O Doo, we have seen thee iu visious of the night and have meditated upon thee in the day time. Be of good cheer for we are thy friends and cure but little Ibr Smith, for tie never done us but little good in elections. Now it we have found favor in thy sight we pray thee to turn thy spotted pony’s head toward White Oak aud seek thy with and little ones and rest assuredly that we will do thee much good.” And when he had told his wife he was reconciled aud grew merry over a bowl of punch and smiled most graciously upon the big 4 at Deteraburg. IDGolly. H*innlt)if>flii Aninlnms.

“The manufacturers and the trusts get the protection and the profits of the tariff—the farmer gets the husks aud the humbug”— Mon. Ben Butterworth. “The TARIFF BILL should read:—A bill to prevent the diffused blessings of Providence from being enjoyed by the people of the Ual.ed Btutos.”—JTo*. John A. Hasson, Aim. “I am tor Protection, which leads to ultimate Free Trade.”—Mon Janet A. Garfield, “Yes, men are on the free list. They cost us not even freight. We promote Free Trade In men, and It Is the only Free Trade I am prepared to promote.”—Alba, IF. D, Kell]/, Jk “If the tariff on wool makes clothing cost more, a person will get along with one suit, wheie he would otherwise have two."—Jug Gould. “The policy of protecting the wool grower Is to gradually reduce the price.”—Atom John Sherman', tSUS. “do on with your DRIVELING IDIOCY." (The McKinley Bill.)-Biotas to McKinley. When a gentleman stands upon this floor and tells me that this high, this extraordinary high tariff, U for the “protection” of the laboring man, I toll him I do not understand U »w he can possibly substantiate such a theory.”- Han. John A. Lagan. “If you levy duty on the raw material, you discriminate against American labor.”—Atom Henry L. Dawes. “There Is not a section or a line in the entire (McKtnley) bill that will open a market tor another bushel or wheat, or another barrel of pork. "—Hon. James G. Blaine. “What Is true of wheat Is equally true of other grains therefore the farmer has practically no protection at ail.”—Hon. IFnt. B. AD “A sjrs'em which gives to Vanderbilt the possession of wealth beyond the dreams of avarice, aud condemns the poor to a poverty which has no refuge from starvation except the prison or the grave.”—Hon. John J. Ingalls. Itraakeaaess, or the Liqeer Habit, Positively Caved by adailalvteriag Hr. Halaet (Juldes Specific. It i« manufactured a# a powder, which can lie given In • glnse of beer, a cup or oof. toe or lea, or iu food, without the knowledge of the patient. It la abeotutely barm let* and will effect a permanent and speedy euro, whether the patient is a moderate drinker or an eleohntie wreck. It has been

Aa Insult to the V. A. B. The .National Republican Commiree distributed among the members of he National Encampment a political locumonl that is an iusult to every nember of the order who is a mem* jet through pure motives. A pamphlet n the interest of the republican pary with a G. A. R. badge handsomely ithographed in colors, the front eovsriug having the following words and badge: “Compliments of the Republican National Committee, to the members >f the G. A- R., tweuly-fiftu annual mcampmeut.” The Grand Army is not, nor can it »e, a political organization without a notation of the constitution and all >rdera of the grand commanders, dnee its reorganization. At first it was political, but it went to pieces tttd a non-political G. A. R. organizaion was tormod. The constitution of the new order positively forbids—yes, prohibits— politics. and prohibits anv member from using the order for political purposes, and, in compliance with the etlcr and spirit of the law, it has jeen the custom heretofore to issue ui order every campaign year to detriment commanders, aud they to tubordinate posts, forbidding the wearing of the G. A. R. badge in [political processions and political demonstrations. And for the National Republican Committee, or the committee of any other party, to prosliute that badge or use it as a means pf strengthening any political party, s an insult to every member of the 3. A. R., be lie republican, democrat, prohibitionist or of any other politi:al belief. Every post in the nation resent tbe insult and proclaim to the world that the G. A. R., shall not be iisgraced amj^prostltnled by any poiilcal party or its repreaeutives.— Daklaud City Record. What Chase thinks of Democrats. Sovsrnor Chase at Union City. April SI. 1883 Democrats are imps of hell. If I bad a mind to swear, I’d say God lamu them to hell. They ought to be dead and mouldering in the dust >f the earth, aud the dust be scattered :o the four wiuns of heaveu that they might be completely obliterated from the memory of man.

Union City Engle, Republican Organ of Randolpb county, April 33,1303. We submit the question whether Boveruor Chase’s speech was as courteous, discreet, patriotic and manly is the resolution claims it to be. Was It discreet or courteous for a minister tf the church of God, a follower of ihe lowly Nasarene and a teacher of his word, with Its lessons of mercy inward “even the least of these” to speak of human beings, even Ihe vilest as “imps of hell,” and express the wish that “God would damn them to hell,” thereby violating His command, “Thou shall not take th*). name of Ihe Lord thy God in vain ?” Was it dissreet, courteous, patriotic or manly? We leave the questsou with our readsrs. Two Sides of the McKinley Bill. Sealskin saeques reduced 33 percent. Imttat'on seal sacquee advanced 130 percent. Broad cloth advanced 30 per cent. Woolen* advanced 40 per cent. Flue caaelmere advanced 3S per cent. Cotton corduroy advanced 114 percent, Silk velvet no advance. Cotton velvet advanced 100 per cent. Silk, linings no advance. Cotton linings advanced 388 per cent. Btaek silk no advanee. Black alpaea advanced 0« per cent Bilk laces advanced 30 per cent. Cotton laces advanced 80 per cent. Diamonds uncut, free. Flannel shirts taxed 100per cent. Snails free. Wool hat trust protected 112 percent. Cat gut free. Coffin trust protected 46 per cent. Acorns free. Tomb stone trust protected 10 per cent. Dragon's blood free. Commou woolen goods taxed 111 per cent

Ex 'Commander of the tt. A, R. John P. Rea, of Minneapolis, Minnesota, ex-eommander-in-chief of the Grand Army of tbe Republic, has deserted tbe republican party. It is as yet known to but fbw men of bis party, buy it is believed .that Judge Bea’s flop means that the republican party is doomed in thatstate. Judge Rea has held many offices under his party, and two years ago stumped tbe state for his ticket. The significant part of the affair is that Judge Rea’s conversion was primarily brought about by Cleveland’s pension vetoes. Speaking of bis change of heart, Judge Rea said yesterday: “There was so much talk in Grand Army circles on tbe subject of these pension vetoes that I determined to look it up for myself. I did so thoroughly, and the result is that I will show what I think of it by votiug for Mr. Cleveland, I 'ailed to find a single veto that was not based upon principles of right and justice, and I honor Cleveland for his upright and manly course. “I believe his sympathies are and always have been with the old soldier, and I can prove my belief in no more convincing way than by giving to him the first vote 1 have ever oast for a democrat. In the next place I am oouviuced the repu’ lican partv is wrong in its tariff theories, and that the country will say so at the coming election in unmistakable language, and on this account also 1 will cast my vote for the democratic platform and the man who stands upon it. in Minnesota there is every reason why a thinking man should support Lawlor.the democratic candidate for governor, and 1 will be one of tbe mauy good republicans who will support him. “The republican party is on tho wrong track, both in the state matters and in the national, aud must be brought to a realising sense of its position by a thrashing that will teach it a lesson. This thrashing will come iu two weeks, end then I hope the party will correct and purity itself and make itself vvhrtjw the support of ail Republicans.”

What The Figures Say. An exchange of republican proclivities has the following to say: When opportunity was afforded Mr. Cleveland to demonstrate pr.iotleal regard for the soldiers, to prove tlmt he appreciated their services to the couutry and believed in giving them generous recognition—whnt theut Well, It is the general opinion of the s 'idlers that as President of'.the United States he tailed them. Figures apeak louder than opinions. This is what the official figures show as to President Cleveland's practical regard for the soldiers. The pension claims allowed during President Cleveland's administration and during the proceeding republican administration were as fhllows: Under Cleveland. Under Oarfleld-Arlhur. 1885 . 85,767 1886 . 40,837 1887 . 55,194 1888 . 60^58 1881 .. 27,394 1882 . 27,StM 1888. 88.162 1881 .. 84.192 127,412 192.070 Excess under ( leveland, 64,858. The amounts disbursed tbr pensions during these two terms were as fhllows: Under Cleveland. Under Oarfleld-JrAnr. 1885 .865,693,000 1X86 . 64,584,000 1887 . 74,815,000 1888 .. 79,018,000 1881.150.625,000 1888. M,290,000 1888 . #0,481.000 ISM. 57.278.00U $284,783,000 _ $223,828,00# Excess under Cleveland. $82,112,000. Of private pension bills President Cleveland approved 1,925; he vetoed 250—most of them because the claims had been previously rejected for cause by republican pension commissioners, and all lor reasons which have never been impeached. The private bills approved by President Cleveland were 250 more than were approved during the four preceding republican administrations. Does this look as though President Cleveland did not helieve in giving the soldiers “generous recognition I" Put the official foots againat anybody's prejudices or opinions t Mrs. 0rover Cleveland Is a beautiful woman, and the finest por:rait that has been taken or her since she its added to her charms that of motherlood is offered with Demorest’s Family Magazine for November. The portrait is •xquisltely executed in soft color Unto, and s hat greatly adds to its value is the fool that it is personally authorised by Mrs. Cleveland. This honor was reserved for Deraorest’s Family Magasine aloue, with the November number of which this superb picture (K&xlIK inches, and worth at least (2) is presented free Don't foil to secure a copy; and when you see the beauty ol this elegant work or art, you will frame il •nd give It the place of honor in youi home that Mrs. Cleveland's portrait deserves. The November number ol Demoreel’s Family Magasine is a remarkable one, containing over two hundred illustrations sml something to interest every memoei of the family. Price *0 cents. Take il s-ue Everybody will be delighted with For sale hy all booksellers and news ® ■* at**

8nlijoct. Mr. Leake aBeged that his had offered to pot in » complete plant their own expense ant present it to the government, but they were prevented j from doing this by Postmaster General Wanamtiter, who, it is charged, was' financially interested in a rival pneumatic; tube company. This rival concern, he said, wanted to pat in a plant for which ! it should he paid $25,000 by the govern* | meut. Leake also charged in a general way that Wsnum&ker had made use of his office to farther the interests of this company and defeat the Leake people. In his charge to the committee Leake says: Serious Charges Made. I “The following statements have been made to me and others in the city of Philadelphia by one George Bratton and other persons interested in the companies which are the owners respectively of the said Clay system, via.: “That John Wanamaker was financially interested in said companies. That by reason of the said interest of John Wanaker in these companies the Clay system was certain to be adopted by the postoffice department. That 7,300 shares of the capital stock of said Pneumatic Transit company had bran deposited in the National Bank of the Republic for the benefit of John Wanamaker, poetmaster general of <the United States, abd others, subject to be delivered to them when tiiis Pneumatic Transit company should have secured the right to construct the pneumatic tube line between the general postoffice and the sub-station in Philadelphia.” “It will be remembered.” said an exofficial of the postoffice department to The Republic ;»rrespondent today, “that Mr. Wanamaker has recommended the appropriation of $100,000 to test the value of the pneumatic system, with the belief that it would greatly enlarge the usefulness of the postoffice department, especially in large and crowded <htie3 like New York and Philadelphia, and ultimately become generally used. At first the Leake proposition, which would cost nothing, was adopted provisionally by the poetofilce department, but for some mysterious reason—jmt as in the case of the patent cancelling machines, it was hung up by the officials, and other interests intervened. Now I know nothing about any big scheme in which Mr. Wanamaker may be engaged, hut this much I do know, that there is a ring in the postoffice department, with men like W. W. Dudley on the outside, who continue to hang up improvements of all kinds, got possession of competing patents, and either finally succeed in getting their machine or derives purchased by the postoffice department, or, failing in that, blackmail the successful competitors, who, worn out by long delays, submit to divide the loaf rather than get no meal at all. “It is the same thing with all contracts for supplies famished the postoffice department. There is a seal lock ring, an envelope ring, a stamp ring, and when it comes to bidding for contracts, there are several star route rings, having their ramifications in the department, just as deep and strong' as they did when Brady managed the business in the department, and when Dorsey held the fort in the senate, and Likins did the outside business.”

Not Observing tit* Ln Just Now. No one is surprised that Mr. John C. New has left hia consular post in London and returned to the United States to manage Harrison's interests between ■ now wad the Minneapolis convention. Yet it is in direct violation of the law of the land which distinctly prohibits federal office holders from active participation in political campaigns. Republican administrations are not particular about observing any law that stands in the way of party success. Of course Mr. New denies tliat he is here upon any other than private business. But a good deal of latitude may he given to the term, and it may fairly he supposed that Mr. New has no more urgent private busi-1 ness just now than to assist in prolonging an administration that will keep him in an office worth anywhere fromfaa,000 to 250,000 a ve»r.—Evansville Courier. A Temporary Fox. The only increase of state taxes made by the last legislature, beside the monument tax, is the six cents levy for what is known as the 1 'benevolent institution fund.” This increase was not included in the general tax law, which does not provide for the levying of a dollar. The general tax law simply provides how property shall he assessed. The act of March 7,1681, creating the “benevolent. institution fund,” contains but one section. as follows s That there shall be assessed in the year 1S81, and In the year of l&M, the sum ot six cents upon each $100 worth of taxable property in the state, to be collected as other state taxes assessed at the time are collected, which money, vrken collected and paid in the state treasury, shall be kept and known as the "benevolent institution fund,” and tko proceeds o» the tax herein levied is hereby appropriated to the use of the benevolent anti reformatory institutions of the state. It will bs noticed that this act is only a temporary measure to relieve the state . from debt,- After this year ao more j benevolent institution tax will be levied, j The tax of three mills to complete the ! soldiers’ monument will expire in 1888. j The state tax levy will then.remain at twelve cents for the genera) fund and one-naif cent for university endowment fund, just as it was before the legislature

Now, relative to the manner of road corporations were copied tram old law, under which the railroads have been assessed since 1873. For twenty years the railroads of Indiana have been paying taxes on the assessment made without the so-called ‘Mae process of law,” without protest If this provision of the law is unconstitutional, then the old law was unconstitutional. Why was there no attempt to have it declared invalid! Because under the old law, thn railroad paid taxes on about one-fourth of their retd value. Of course it was to their interest not to kick at the law then. But when the Democratic board of state tax commissioners complied with the new tax law and made the railroads pay their foil share towards supporting tike govern* ment, then these corporations began to kick and refused to pay the1 increased taxes by enjoining the county treasurers from collecting the same. Then they sent np the howl, “UnconstitutionalT* “Unconstitutional!" Had the members of the state hoard left the railroad assessment as their Republican predecessors had fixed, then the railroad taxes would have been paid without protest.

IU Itauuo U1C5C DlUUS WU1 cost the railroad companies at least $100,000 in attorney's fees and other expenses. A few months ago the Republican press, inspired by the state organ, the Indianapolis Journal, reiterated charges that the new tax law waa framed in the interest of corporations. The most partisan papers went ao far as to state that the provisions relating to the assessment of railroads have been drafted by corporation attorneys. Of course, since the banks and rail* roads have combined to break down the law we hear no more about the “favored corporations at the hands of a Democratic legislature.” privileged Cium Opposed to Fns Wool The National Association of Woolen Manufacturers, which only includes a portion of the woolen producers of tha country, has issued a protest against the enactment of the house free wool Mil. “What the woolen manufacturer of the United States now needs, before all else,” (ays the protest, “ia a period of entire rest from tariff agitation aimirg at radical departure fro* the condition* upon which the industry is now organised, and to which it lias been fully adjusted.” The privileged classes, of course, ask nothing better than to be let alone, but it is not the purpoee of the Democratic party to grant their request What we desire to emphasise in the above, however, is the nse of the word “adjusted” —a word that is playing a great part in the new vocabulary of Republican politics. When prices are what the common people call advanced, in Republican vernacular they are “adjusted.” When wages are decreased, the Republican press gibly informs na that they hayw- . been “readjusted.” And so on. Wliat the Republican party sadly needs ia to be readjusted by a spanking good defeat—Rochester (N. Y.) Herald. Mixed mi Silver Issue. An object lesson on the division in the two great parties on the question of free silver, was furnished in the convention of three states on WednesdayThe Republicans claim that their party is opposed to free silver coinage, yet the Republican convention in California indorsed it The Democrats are charged with being in favor of the free silver heresy, yet the conventions of the party in the states of Michigan and Wisconsin repudiated the doctrine. Itseesoa that parties are somewhat mixed on the silver issue.—New Albany Ledger.

A Tariff Lraaon. Mr. John Jones, of New York, is aa importer of woolen goods. He telegraphs to his agent at Liverpool to bnjr $100,000 worth of woolen goods and ship at once. The goods are promptly purchased and shipped, just $100,000 worth. When the goods reach the wharf at New York city, the cnstomhonse officers come aboard to verify the schedule of the cargo and the goods are stored in the warehouse where the duty Is determined. The goods are found to be woolen doth and according to the new tariff rates, Mr. Jones is compelled to par, before he can dispose of his goods to the trade in this country, a tariff duty of forty-nine and one-half cents on each ponnd, together with 60 per cent on the original cost at Liverpool, making a tariff of $70,000. The goods will thus hare cost Mr. Jones by the time he has them ready for the market in this country, $170,000, not taking into account the shipping expenses. *■ Mr. Jones now sells to the wholesale merchant or to the jobber at some profit of course, he in turn, ,sells to the retailer at a profit, add finally the retail merchant sells it to the consumer ata profit. We thus see that all the profits and all the expenses are charged up to the consumer and it is he who foots the entire bill Verily, the tariff is a tax and the consumer pays it—Richmond Sun. Sow the Twine Trust Was Knocked Out. The New York Press illustrates the following with one of its fearful and wonderful “tariff pictures" _ Farmers, the free trade orator tells you that the wicked tariff robs you by encouraging the binding twine trust. Maybe ho knows that the average price of four grades of binding twine has fallen from 18. TO centa a pound in 1860 to 8.06 cents in 1891. but be isn't going to dwell on that fact. Yon must study the facts for yourselves free trade orators indulge in generalities. The silliness of the above is Why is binding twine cheap,’ and how was the trust knocked out? By reducing the tax on twine? cents to seven-tenths of a cent j Every war-tax organ in the ■ eluding The Press. said the twine trust was not aided in its by the tariff, and yet after the tax reduced, that paper dares, in the faoe of an intelligent public, to make such comment aa above quoted— Rnshvilla Jawc