Pike County Democrat, Volume 23, Number 24, Petersburg, Pike County, 4 November 1892 — Page 12

CARL SCflURZ OH THE ISSUES. luhlu Mb ni Ik Ub if Imj 1i-sh.II Bit TIE THIEF BUT U ILLUSTRATIBH OF TIE GENERAL DEMOMUUM

a. 0ptB better to tlio Cleveland and Stevenson Club* of Brooklyn, in Which Ho Review* tho Situation Confronting the Voters of the Country—The Morel Vitality of Our Democratic System of Government In the Greatest Peril—Word* of Warning That Will Be Bead with Interest by Every Patriotic Cltlneu.

Qintlskin: I highly appreciate and bU cer«l7 thank you tor the great dlstinctlot you oon'fer upon me by your request that ] should puWtoly discuss the Issues to be do elded by the American people at the coming Presidential election. In compliance wltt your wish 1 should be glad to deliver az address before a public meeting were 1 not 4o my sincere regret, prevented lrora doing so by ill-health. I shall, however, with great pleasure lay before you in writing what would have been the substance of my speech You do me the honor to say that it has beer my “custom to discuss publio question* with a slnoere regard to the larger and enduring Interests of the whole country rather than to the partisan exigencies of the moment," such has at least always been my endeavor, and 1 shall submit to you now with entire candor what 1 think tbs moat important consequences will be, of the action of the people, one way or the other, at the coming election. And the terms of yout letter assure me that I am addressing met who always conscientiously consider in what manner they can best serve the publio interest before making up their minds as to how to vote. We are told that the tariff is the chief issue of this oampalgn. I certainly do not underestimate the importance or any of its aspects, but f regard it as only a part of a far more comprehensive question which la not merely economic, but political in its nature, and conceres the general working, in fact the moral vitality, of our democratic system of government. And this is ot a far greater consequence than mere considerations ot material interest. Let us look at our present political condition. There is a school ot pessimists growing up among us who, whenever anything goes wrong, are ready to declare democratic government a failure, and to despair ot the Republic. 1 do not mean that lnslgnldcani and ridiculous clash of poor beings who affect to be ashamed ot calling themselves Americans, ape tne customs ot toreige aristocracies and run after foreign titles. They are simply snobs. But I mean certain more serious persons whom the contemplation ot the frequen mishaps in the conduct ot popular govern ment has made faint-hearted and gloomy. It their dismal state ot mind only led them more sharply to find fault and criticise, 11 would do no harm, and might do good. But when K goes so iar as to discourage every attempt at improvement as useless. it is harmful, indeed. Let us remind these pessimists that it they apply the same methods ot criticism and the same reasoning by whloh they make our democratic govern ment a failure to aristocratic or to mon archlal government, they will surely makt them out failures likewise, and so even other kind ot government, until at last they will reach the conclusion that all forms oi government are failures, and thatitisabso lutely useless to try any. Only anarchy will remain, and they are not likely to make that out a success.

I, tor my part, although being beyond the time ot youthnil Illusions, believe that i Democratic Bepubllo will prove the most excellent torn ot government If administered, not necessarily oy angels, but by a fairly virtuous, self-respecting, patient, self-restrain-ing, sensible, industrious, liberty, peace and order loving peopie.and that the Amerloans,ln the same measure as they are and remain such a people, will successfully maintain Buch a government, and be strong and happy In it: enjoyment. It must essentially be a government of public opinion expressed In the forms of law. Such a government will of courst have Its shortcomings and make Its mistakes, perhaps serious ones and plenty oi them. But as long as the growth and actlor of public opinion In the body politic Is tret and genuine the good sense of -the peoplt may be trusted to bring about In time the eorreotton of errors and of existing evtlsnot completely perhaps, nor perfectly, bui Measurably sufficiently to make things It tbe end come out about right, to keep oui system of government In steady working order end to secure to our people more freedom ana contentment than they would bav« fa any other way. Paradoxtoal as It may sound, this is the country it which, so governed, things may g< badly In detail, but yet well 01 the whole. This Is and will remain true, provided always that we do not permit certain evu Influences In politics, tending to ob struct the growth and to pervert the expres elon ot an honest public opinion among th< people, to continue and become stronger that they now are. The most obvloua of the evil inlluehees in politics 1 speak of are money and the machine.

I know mere always has been, and always will be, some money used in elections (or per ftctly proper ends. But it la a notorious fact that sums are now spent in Presidential and even in State campaigns which a generation ego would have been thought (abulous; that the election ot United States Senators bj some Legislatures occasions financial arrangements as large as those ol the star tint ot a big bank; that In some Congressional districts and some municipalities the oost 01 a canvass is enormous; that muoh or that money is nsed forme purpose ot bribery In t variety of lorms ,'\hat not a tow constituencies, not long ago pure, are thoroughly- do baucbed, and that the evil has beer growing and spreading ot late Iron: year to year. Indeed, we have reaches the point when the raising or big turns (or use la elections Is officially recognized ss a high political tunctloa deserving signal recognition. Look at Mr. John Wantmaker, whose only title to rank as a statesman, when he was made a cabinet Minister, consisted in the collection ot a large electioneering tuna, to be spent where it would dc the most good by bis brother statesman, Man Quay. And the frankness and gravity with which party managers nowadays discuss the statistics ot purchasable votersfloaters, so called—and the methods ot buying and watching them, shows this part ol party wartare to have risen to the dignity ol a recognized and Important branch ot the science ot practical politics, and Its masters arc gratefully praised as “ peerless leaders.* As to the machine, we are sometimes toM by well-meanlBg persons that some sort ot « party machine la necessary. Let us dtstingulsh. Pubilc-spirttcu citizens term s party because they have substantially the

same objects ol public Interest In view: they seek to serve these objects by organized ettort, and to that ena lorm committees and clubs and whatever else an effective organization requires, all being composed ol men animated with the desire ol furthering the same nubile ends. This Is s healthy, legitimate party organization. What Is the macnine? An organization within a party composed ol office-holders or office-seekers, or both, who ostensibly serve a public cause lor the purpose ol having that cause serve thorn; politicians dubbed together lor mutual support and benefit; well disciplined under shrewd and energetlo leaders; seeking. In the first place, to rule the party to which they belong, so as to makii Its victory their spoil: striving to control Its caucuses and nominating conventions so that only such men bo selected lor public positions > ot power and emolument as can be depended ! upon to serve their Interests, and caring little or nothing tor any cause or any party, or any candidate, unless their Interest la served. They may sometimes support a candidate ot whom they oan expect no service with apparent zeal, hut only because they would otherwise forfeit their party standing and lose future opportunities. This Is the machine. Whether It operates only Id municipalities or spreads its power over whole States. Its spirit is the same. Nor Is that spirit very different when the olhce-holdlng lorce ot the national Government la called political service to promote personal ends. On the whole, it may be said that the development ot party organization has ol Sate years teen largely In the direction of machine methods. What will be the effect ot all this on our political Utet Money wrongfully used In elections corrupts public opinion; the machine. as tar as Its infiuence reaches, strives by the action of selfish, well-drilled and disciplined organization to obstruct, override, falsify, enslave public opinion. Thus both tend to poison the very fountain head ot democratic government. They do more. They serve to raise up systematically a race ot unprincipled, self-seeking, mercenary poll- ; tlclaus, and to repel from public Hie men who with patriotic ambition wish to serve the j public welfare according to their honest con- ! notions. Wherever money and the machine 1 are Btrong and successful, they teach the youth of me country that not ability, knowl- | edge, bonesty, public spirit, fidelity to duty,! devotion to the country will keep them i in public position, but . that subser-! venlency to a sell-seeking organization, the I willingness to sacrifice to It all higher alms, ! are necessary to political success; that the low arts ot the political manijiulator are worth i more to the public man than true statesmanship ; that those who are constantly troubled i by principle and a high sense ot duty are ; Impracticable visionaries and dudes and Pharisees; that suoh tools may seem to get a start occasionally, but not tor long; that he who wishes to prosper la polltios must discard suoh squeamish notions; that, if he be rich, he must liberally shovel out his money without asking where It goes; or, lr he has ability, he must place It at the service of the ; organization for weal or woe. How this sort ot politics practically worke i where money and the machine are strong, wa know from the experience ol municipal! Lies and ot States. What It woula accomplish It It spread over the whole nation, we oan welt i conjecture. These evils are not confined to ; any one party. Both 01 them have their sins I | to answer for. But a candid study of our i recent poinicsl history and our present con-1 dttlon has forced the conclusion upon me that In the Republican party these tendencies have, owing to peculiar clrcumstanoes, | come to their most dangerous development.

I cannot say this ot the Republican party without a reeling of protoundeet regret, ha a political being I grew up in and with that party. During its great endeavorstor human freedom I saw in It all that was noblest and best, in its struggles l enjoyed the glorious sunshine or a youthful enthusiasm undisturbed by doubt or misgiving. And whatever or honor and distinction In publlo life tell to j my lot I bad under Its auspices, i clung to It j with almost Ollal affection and devoted alleg- { lance, and hoped to belong to It all the claysi of my lire. But the citizen or a republic i Is not permitted to forget that the duty to his country must be more! sacred to him than all party sentiment or ob> i ligation, and that he has no right to be! swerved from that duty even by the Impulse . ot gratitude. I know well convictions of I duty are different and lead different men 1 I different ways. 1 have to walk the path that my oonvloiton leads me, although It leadn me : away from gratelul attachments and cher- ; lshed memories. 1 The Republican party has Indeed a glorious' past. It sprung into being at the call ot the popular conscience, which rose up against the spread ot slavery. T his gave It Its title ot the ; party ot freedom and ot moral Ideas. It conducted tbe Government during the war for the Union, and under Us auspices the life of tbe nation was saved. This made It l a 11s time pre-eminently tbe party of national patriotism. Its alms were simple, clear and noble; Its spirit that ot patriotic devotion. But when Its first great ends had been aonieved, tbe civil war was ended, and tbe ; work o( reconstruction begun, then tbe ' lost ot power crept Into Us councils. , White the lire ot the Union was still hanging In the balance of battle, the Republicans bad inlt not unuaturally that the | ' ascendancy of the Republican party was nee- ; essary to the salvation ot the republic, and i that, in maintaining that ascendancy, the I end would Justify the means. This Delict be- I came so firmly rooted In the minds ot Repubi Uoans that, even when the vital crisis was over, they continued to look upon any attempt to deprive the Republican party ot pewer as a heinous offenso little short ot treason; and they sanctioned even the most arbitrary measures adopted at that perl Ml to keep the late rebel states under Republican rule as measures absolutely reoulreu for the protection ot the liberated alave and, the preservation of the Union.

TUB TARIFF SYSTEM UN-AMERICAN. But the prejudices sad passions ot the civil war could not remain alive lor ever to dem-1 onstrate the necessity ot Republican as-! cendancy. People would at last begin to think that the anti-slavery and Uhlan-saving mission of the Republican party was really tuimied. Then the tariff question was advanced to the foreground. By the exigencies cl the war, shrewdly taken advantage ot by protectionists, the Republican party had been drawn Into a protective policy. The protective tariff, however, had at first been presented only as a “war measure," as a »temporary necessity.” And niter the war the continuation ot the protective system ! had been advocated In a more or less npolo-' getlo way, with constant promises ot revision > In the direction ot lower duties. In election : campaigns It had figured only by the side ot. other more prominent issues upon which the Republican party relied tor success. Even then, carried to that length, our tariff policy had begun to produce a very deleterious effect upon the ways ot thinking and the character ot the American people. The Americans bad been In their dally life. In the employment ot their energies, their enterprise, their struggle for sucoess on every held ot activity, the most independent, selfreliant, selt-helplng people In the world. This quality was the glory or American manhood. To it more than to anything elite the American people owed their rapid progress, their prosperity, their greatness, aye, even the preservation ot the vital element In, their democratic Institutions. But the protective system, m Its more reernt expansion over constantly widening acids. is teaching them, impelling them, seducing them —nut a mere handful ot manufacturers, but almost all classea ot the people — to look to the Government for aid and support and protection against loss In almost everything they do. 1 maintain, and :t cannot lay too much stress upon it, any economic system that has the effect of weakening the spirit ot sell-reliance, sell-help, individual responsibility among the people, and Ol! making them look to a paternal Government tor what they should look tor to themselves— —every sueh system will deteriorate our national character, will eventually undermine our tree institutions, snd Is ossen

tlally an un-American system. JTmt patem la bringing forth a mow characteristic fruit even now. In 1884 somethin? happened which by the Republican politicians had heen represented as equivalent to the destruction of the country. The Republicans were defeated la a Presidential election. A Democratic President took the helm of the Rational Government. And still more, the country was not destroyed The Democratic administration proved eminently conservative, patriotic and safe. The old political capital upon which the Republican party had successfully banked so many years was Irretrievably cone, something desperate had to be done to regain the lost power. And It was done. In Its National convention of 1888 the RepubUcan party gave Itself over body and soul to the fioney power interested In the proteotive tariff, expecting from it substantial aid in the election. ran sweat!can paktt sous to m konst rowxs. I know that this la a .grave assertion. But If you are not yet satisfied of Its truthfulness, you used only study the history of the campaign of 1888 and what followed. There was not the slightest popular demand lor higher tariff duties. The Republicans had tlu then substantially admitted the desirability of reductions, and only asked that they, as the lrteuds of the system, be permitted to make the alterations themselves. But in 1888 the scene changed. With the most cynical frankness. Republican leaders notified the protected manuiacHirers, openly recognizing them as the beneficiaries of the tariff, that unless they permitted the •* tat to be fried out of them “ lor the benefit of the Republican party they need not expect any further tariff lavors—In taot, the tariff might be let go by the board—but that they would be well taken care of It they paid up. The Republican National convention took extreme protection ground. A vleta of Indefinite Increases of duties wns opened. The lat-irylng process proceeded vigorously. The beneholartes of the tariff contributed with profusion. The Republican campaign lund received unprecedented sums oi.money to be expended by Mr. Matt Quay. Thus tbe vlotory waa won. Then the helpful beneficiaries of protective dutlee demanded and received their reward: and that reward was the McKinley tauff. it Is a notorious tact that tor not a few of tbe new tariff rates scarcely any reason could be given, except that they had been asked tor; and the demand for them was enforced by the argument that they had been earned. 1 shall not discuss the economic but only the political aspect of the McKinley tariff, which seems to be tbe most Important. Ae baa been truthfully said many a time, the natural resources of this country are so enormous that la a sense it may prosper tor a long period In spite of any economic system ever so vicious; or. If It suffers. It may speedily recover. The American people can endure being plundered by a favored lew in this or any other way awhile without danger or permanent Injury. But, whether they are plundered—or, as the protectionists say, enriched by this system—what tbey cannot endure without danger of lasting detriment is the political demoralization which this sort of tariff policy inevitably brings with it. This is pollution of the blood. Examine the case with care and candor. The Republican party, us the advocate ot the protective tariff, 1s tond ot calling Itself the champion ot American labor. The only pretext for this pretension lies in .the tact that the Republican party by Its tariff policy enriches certain employers ot labor and then trusts them with Detug so philanthropic as to pay their workingmen more than the market rate ot wages—according to the wellknown scheme ol benevolence which conslstB in making tne rich richer, so that they can take better care ot the poor. In tact tbe Republican party Is the champion of the capitalists deriving profit from the tariff duties protecting certain Industries. The capital Invested in these industries constitutes a gigantic money power dependent lor tbe magnitude of Its profits on legislative favors, and there, ore Interested In Influencing legislation lor ts own benefit. With mis moueyed power, compacted by a common Interest, tbe Republican party nas a sort of tacit partnership agreement—and not quite tacit, either—to mis effeot: The party ol the first part, the moneyod power, Is to do all it can by way of furnishing campaign funds to be used In national elections, to keep the party of the ' ty. In poaparty ot tbe second part, me Republican part; session of the Government. The p second part, the Republican party. Is In return .it It can by way ot tariff legislation to to do ail_ . keep the party ol the first part, the moneyed power, m the enjoyment ot large financial profits. And the larger these profits are, the more able and me more willing will be the party or the first part, the moneyed power, to furnish the party of the second part, the Republican party, with a big corruption fund for buying the next election, expeollog, ot course, tor Itself again ample returns In the shape ot BtlU more profitably devised tart 11 laws. And so on.

MORE PROTECTION WILL BE ASKED FOR. It latrue tbs Republicans tell via that tbs McKinley tariff la tbe closing act, tbe anal consummation ol tbe protective policy, and that beyond it nothing will ever be asked. Tbis la the old song. I know it well. This country never had a protective tariff in Its whole history neiore the enactment of which the people were not assured that this was the utmost measure ot the demands that would be made, and alter the enactment ol w blch the clamor lor more protection-higher duties—did not soon again beglu. It Is the experience not only ol this country, but ot the world, and It la In the nature ot high protection. Soil will be again with the McKinley tariff, 11 the Republicans are entrusted with lull power. More will be asked lor; more will be granted by the Republican party lor more subsidy needed to keep the party In the possession ot power. But even II the duties were not increased, the arrangement to preserve those now evlstlog would be substantially the same. But I hear some people answer: “ Why, Is it not perfectly natural that those who are prented by the tariff should contribute money tor tbe success ot tbe high tariff party, and that this party should then ao the best It can lor the benefit ot its supporters r' (guile natural? Yes! But Just there Is the rub! That there should be an economic policy followed by the government which makes relations between a moneyed Interest and a political party, involving the Buostautlal purchase ot legislation appears entirely natural. In tact almost Inevitable. Just that is the significant, the awtul fact I That there are so many people finding such a bargain perleotly natural and talking about it with the utmost coolness as an ordinary business transaction-lust that proves how tar the dreadfully demoralising Influence ot such a practice ot corrupt bargaining has already done its work. Who was there in 1888 that dared to detend Col. Dudley’s famous circular about tbe buying up ot purchasable voters In “blocks of flve?’r Tbe Democrats Indignantly denounced It, tne Refiubltcans blushlugly quibbled about Its genuneness or Its meaulug. Even Mr. Harrison, the beneficiary ot tbe work done wltb tbe “tat tried out ot tbe mabutacturers,” found It proper to banish Cob Dudley from the grace of his countenance. And yet, would, not the buying ot tbe “ blocks of five,1’ and all that col. Dudley was charged with. It standing alone, unconnected wltb a far-reaching system, have been a very trifling lucldent compared with the grand bargaining of legislation for material support between the Republican party and tnc moneyed power profiting by the tariff—a bargain ot the execution ot which Col. Dudley’s scheme wss only a modest, although significant detail?

rax raoricTXTK takikk a soobci op political COKHU PTION. We are all agreed as to the enormous dangers to the vitality ot tree institutions now. ing trom the illegitimate use ot money In elections. But can you find among all methods ot raising money In elections one that Is (uriher.reachlng and threatening In the long run more pernicious results than the systematic lnvestmeut of money by a great financial power In a political party, to obtain through that party legislation securing large pecuniary profits to the Investor? can you Imagine a more effective machinery tor the use of money tn elections, and all that it Implies, than a great political party lavishly subsidized by rich men and corporations who seek through It the enactment or continuance ot laws to make them still richer? 1 say to you, the most fertile genius ot evil la hts most ambitious flights ot laaoy cannot Invent a surer method fatally to demoralize the political lire ot a people governing them, selves by universal suffrage, than a policy putting up a stake ot untold millions ot money In Its general elections, that stake ot untold Billions to be won by a strong financial power through the victory of one ot the political parties ot the land. The result is turntable. You may object that after all there are many good meu among the leaders and the rank and tile ot the Republican party. Unquestionably there are. Let me be clearly understood, r _ 1 certainly do not mean to say that a man holding to the theorv ot protection may not be a perlectly honorable man, and that the rank and tile ot the protection party may not very largely consist of perfectly honest end patriotic people, meaning only to benent ibo country by tbe policy they support. It is undoubtedly so. 1 do uot mean to say that there has been no corruption and no use ot money In elections on the Democratlo side, for 1 believe there has been. I do not mean to any that the protective policy U the

original source of oorrupiton and of tie us# of money In elections, for I know a certain measure of noth these evils has existed, and moy etui exist, without It. k either do I mean to say that the plenipotentiaries I of the Republican party and the plenipoten-; t larles of the protected manufacturers bodily . eat down together and formally drew up, signed, sealed and delivered a corrupt compact. What Ido mean to say is that the high tariff policy having been adopted under the circumstances mentioned, the compact made itself and was mutually understood without being signed and sealed, but as well as It it bad ; been: that the campaign funds were actually delivered hr the moneyed power with the expectation of higher tariff duties yielding larger profits; that the higher tariff duties were actually delivered with the expectation of further and larger electioneering funds. What I do mean to say In, even admitting, for ; argument's sake, the good of the country, as : the Republicans understand It, to be their main object, and the money contributions of the beneficiaries oi the tariff only a mere Incident, that this Incident will, ns to the demoralization of our political life, have practically the same effect as If It were the main ooject. What 1 do mean to say Is, that while the high-protective policy Is not the only source of political.corruption, it is. In Its present development. Urn most Insidious and most poweriul promoter of It, and that it will inevitably, In the very nature of things. K continued, produce a state of political demoi allxatlon in the highest degree dangerous to the vitality of our free institutions What 1 do mean to say Is, that t he Republican party, however great Its history, and however honest and well-meaning many of its leaders and the bulk of Its rank and file may be, by the natural working of Its hlgh-tartff policy becomes the greatest engine of political corruption on a grand scale that tola country has ever seen. FOUTICAL WARFAKK FOR A MON ST FRISK. It la useless to point to the taet that Dudley was sent to the rear and that Quay, confronted with his reoord, had to give up the Chairmanship of the Republican National Committee as an evidence of the power of virtuous lnffueaces. So not Indulge In delusions. So long as the Republican party keeps tbst stake of untold millions of gain In our. national elections, to be played tor by a strong moneyed power; so long as toe Republican party Is willing to be helped to victory by ibat power and then to do its bidding, so long It will need Its Quays and Dudleys for tbe work to be done, and It will have them under whatever names; and Its Innocent good men will some day wake up and rub their eyea and wonder to whnt kind of work they hare given their aid. Two or three years ago the Republican senator Ingalls expressed these political maxims: “ The purification of politics Is an iridescent dream. Government Is force. Politics is s battle for supremaoy. Parties are tbe armies. The Decalogue and the Golden Rule have no place in a political campaign. The object Is success. In war It Is lawful to hire Hessians, to purchase mercenaries, to mutilate, to kill, to destroy. The commander who lost a battle through the activity of hts moral nature would be the derision and Jest of history. This modern cant about the corruption of politics is fatiguing In the extreme." When confronted with the startling nature of hts utterance, he Is said to have answered that this was not an expression of his own sentiments, but s description of the actual condition of t hings. 80 it is, a truthful description of our political warfare as the Republican tariff policy has made It, a political warfare tor a large money prize. All this has convinced me that for reasons superior to any economic considerations the true interests of the country demand the defeat of the Republican party and Its candidate, Mr. Harrison, unless there be ohjen* lions of an overshadowing nature to the candidate opposed to him, Mr. Cleveland.

THE DEMOCRATIC PART” AND ITS CANDIDATES. As to IDs Democratic party, i think I giro myselttono illusions. It lias Its share ot high-minded, patriotic and able men, and it has Its bad elements. 1 do not overlook the dark spots in its history. It has had its period ot stagnant partisanship. It has its weaknesses as a party long out ot power, little used to the active responsibilities ot government, and accustomed to the feelings and ways ot an opposition. Sven thus It might be looked upon as a convenient, perhaps as 'he only, available club with which to beat down a great iniquity.. But It Is now something more than that. It has not only a bad cause to tight against, but a good cause to nght tor. It has again a living policy. Its best elements are Inspired with new hope. It Is drawing to Itself the young Intelligence ot tne country. Thoughtful men, old and young, lb active sympathy with the beat aspirations ot the American people, are giving It their support, seeing In It great possibilities tor good government. It Is true it has ltsdnternal strug. glee, but with all Its conflicts and waverings ft differs from the Republican party In this essential point: the more strongly the RepuoUcan party adheres to Its leading principle and policy, the more corrupt it will beoome, aud the more baneful In Its Influence as an agency ot political demoralization ; while tbe Democratic party, the more faithfully it clings to its leading principle, the stronger will It become morally, and the healthier its Influence upon our political life. And It has a candidate who represents Its best tendencies, end shows In his character, record, and known opinions the oest qualifications for high executive office. More than that, this candidate has been nominated In a manner which indicates s mast healthy reaction against tne. worst tendencies In politics ot our time, and whlcb, for tnat reason Slone, It there were no other, would make hla election In a high degree advisable, I certainly do not pretend that Mr. Cleveland is the Ideal man or the greatest states, man ot all times. He no doubt bee his limitations, weaknesses and shortcomings. But he possesses Id uncommon measure those qualities which are especially desirable In a public servant charged with great responsibilities. He has a conscience. He has a will. He has a patriotic heart. He has a dear head. He has a strong sense of right. He has a good knowledge of affairs. Bets a party man, but not a party slave. He Is true to duty regardless ot personal Interest. This Is not only the Judgment ot hts friends, but also ot his opponents, who, in a campaign like this,, wish they might not have to admit It. There Is to-day no public man In America so widely and well known and so generally and sincerely respected as Mr. Cleveland Is. Kven those politicians ot his own party who opposed his nomination had to respect him lor those very qualities on account ot whleh sumo ot them thought him objectionable as a President. 1 do not say that the “practical politicians ” wish a President to have no conscience. But they do not wish him to have so much ot a conscience that It will stand tn their way. They do not wish a President to have no will, but they do not wish him to have a will stronger than theirs. They do not wish a President to have no good sense, but they do not wish his good sense to be so keen as to see through their schemes and motives. They preler a nice, comfortable, amiable, pliable sort ot a President, who will easily accept their view of the fitness ot tilings, consider himself their agent, and readily understand that taking care ot the country means taking care ot the party, and taking care ot the party means taking care ot them. In this respect Democratic politicians are not peculiar. .> Tbe practical politician is tbo same in all

Now, as Mr. Cleveland possesses the most1 essential qualities ot a good President to an! extent beyond their liking, and the qualities most acceptable to them only In a small; degree, many ot the aotive politicians in the | Democratic party, high and low, were op-; posed to Mr. Cleveland’s nomination, and many others, frightened by this opposition, although appreciating Mr. Cleveland’s eminent ntness, became doubtful about hts availability. How then, was his nomination brought about? By a spontaneous uprising or the bulk ot the rank and tile ot the party against that opposition; hya demonstration or publlo opinion Inside ot the party so vigo- j roue, bo clear, so Imperative, that the ‘ opposing politicians oould not with-' stand It. What may well be called tbe people ot that party. North and South and Bust and West, peremptorily demanded the nomination ot drover Cleveland, and they carried their point. There was no machinery in motion behind tnat movement. There was no work In It. Whatever mere was of mauntnery and work was against him. So the district and State conventions pronounced In Cleveland’s lavor; so the National Convention was earned. As a gentleman who occupied tbe best post ot observation wrote me about the Chicago Convention: “ It was not a tight at alt We had not to awear realty to one another. It was a grand, enthualastlo rush over the whole Bela. You never saw anything like it.” exOTKK CUVILAND AN BONSST PATRIOT. What was It that produced among the people so strong a feeling tor Irover Cleveland? Not magnetism ot personality, tor ho oannot be said to bo a magnetic man; not brilliancy ot abilities, tor he Is more a solid thinker and worker than a brilliant man; pot anything in bis past Ute appealing to the ‘ popular imagination, tor his past Ulehas been rather prosy than interesting in tbe romantlo sense. Nor can It be said that there was between Mr. Cleveland’s political and economio views and tbe wishes of the people so inspiring a correspondence os to kindle e Borne ot enthusiasm for hts person. To be sure, he wee looked upon ea the natural standard

bearer la the struggle against the hlgh-tarlff PdUdy. But there was eras a decided disagreement between him and many Democrats, especially in the South, on the silver question, which they believed to touch their interest even more directly than the tariff. Ana yet, even while ihey knew that he was conscientiously, inflexibly opposed to their views and wishes, they joined with fervor In the,demand for his nomination. Nor 'was it mere party spirit. Inspired by a general bellei that or all possible Democratic candidates Mr. Cleveland was the one most certain to carry the election; tor the regular delaaation brum his own state loudly declared that he was the most Ukely to be detested; in short, those influences which in this respectusually sway the Judgment of parties and conventions were so strenuously exerted against him that the chances of his success might have been questioned even by hla devoted triends. What, then, was It that gave Mr. Cleveland his amazing pooulnr sunDort ? More than anything else the Impression produced upon the popular mind and heart by the moral qualities dismayed by Mr. Clevelabd as a public man. Tbe plain people said to themselves: >• Here is an honest patriot. Ue conscientiously studies his duty, and he has the courage to do it, without tear or isvor, without regard to his own Interests. Ue la not airalu ol his enemies and not atrald ol his triends. He Is no demagogue; with him public office is lnaeed a public trust. No matter whether he agrees with us on all points; he can be depended upon to speak what he thinks true and to do what he thinks right and lor the best of the country. No matter whether he will get more votes than another candidate, be is our mi _____ - __- _ man, and we would rather be deleated with him than nominate a man leas worthy.” This is the sentiment which nominated drover Cleveland, aye, which with us irresistible strength accomplished a thing hitherto unheard of and deemed utterly Impossible—the nomination ol a candidate tor the ' . not only without the support but the emphatic protestor the regular Clou from his own State. He was nom- ( by the people over the heads or the politicians and against a kind or opposition hitherto deemed Insuperable, lor identically those qualities which many ot the practical pojplC4ups regard as Inconvenient.

nook upon Grover Cleveland’s nomination udder such circumstances as one ol the most encouraging political events—aye, the most encouraging political event—since the close ol the civil war. It means a vigorous assertion ot public opinion In favor of conscientious, clean politics on the greatest scale. It means a decided reaction against machine principles and methods In tbe conduct ol poliuaaf parties. It meaus that the people really wish to sec the best man they know at the head oi affa rs, and that they can And a Way to mike their will prevail against adverse influences ever so formidable, consider what a lesson this event teaches tne young men of the country I What does It say to them; “It is not true, as you have been made to believe, that. In order to achieve success la politics, you must be rich enough to bribe people, or demogogue enough to natter people, or unprincipled enough to pretend to be wnat you are not, aud always to trim your sail to the wind: or mean-spirited enough-bo make yourself tbe tool of spoilshunters and wire-pullers. It Is not true that in order to maintain your hold upon the support ot the people and your chances In public life, you must be prepared to renounce your aense ot duty and your standard ot honor and your pride ot manhood. Here you have tbe living proof that a public man may courageously and unflinchingly stand by hi* ,ogpnrtctlons ot duty; may pronouuee his honest opinions upon matters ot publlo interest with deflant straightforwardness, no matter whether they are shared by others or not; may refuse to stoop to the low arts by which, according to the eurrent notion ot the time, a following must be organized and support must be won; may not be everything to everybody, but may bp himael>, in the best aense ot the term; and may just because ot all this be preferred to all others and cnosen at the command ot an overwhelming public opinion tor the highest honors party can bestow. Here ts your example ! Here 1b the road to public usefulness and distinction and success with honor 1” This is a true significance ot Mr. Cleveland’s nomination, and this will be the highest signifies! oeot bis election by the people. JThlnk «, Jpray you, wnat such an object-lesson i be worth to the future of the Republic* what a new courage It will lutuse Into our political lue; how it will clear away the miasma ot demoralizing examples. Impressions and experiences; how it will put to shame that pusillanimous despondeney, that dreary -Ism that always despairs or the Republic and hampers so many useful endeav. t will strengthen the confidence ot » w___ > in their own power tor good; how _up tbe spirit of the doubter and ennoble the ambition pf tbe aspiring; how it will elevate the Ideals ot our young generation and attract again to political Ute so many who might be eminently useful but have turned away In disgust! 1 repeat, since tbe end ot the civil war there has been no event in our political history soiuU ol good promise, hope and eneouragement as Mr. Cleveland's nomination, and so it will stand In the annals ol the Republic It ratified by the popular vote. That It he so ratified is indeed an essential condition of its effect; for If It could be said that the uprising ot a heathy Dubllc opinion might perhaps be poien ‘ enough to bring about the nomination of a man on account ot the metal ot his character, but that such a man could, alter Ml. not be elected,-It would only mean a great opportunity lost, but the new hope might be turned Into deeper discouragement. His defeat might render the agencies ot evil in our politics more daring and more powerful then they have ever been before. 1 must confess, from this point of view, I lock upon the election or Mr. Cleveland as so Important to the future ot the Republic, that, dM l disagree with him on ever so many questions ot policy, I should feel inclined to sacrifice all other considerations. And 1 trust, In laotl am confident, there will be many patriotic and wise citizens, hitherto attacked to the Republican side, who will recogiize the Importance of securing to the country the incalculable benefit ot this coneumu»t|on, break through. the bonds ot narly and cast their votes tor Grover Cleveland.

PRBsiPKNT Harrison and his officr-hold-1NQ SUFPORTXRS. I know some Republicans will object and say: “Well, was not Mr. Harrison, too, nominated by bis party In obedience to a healthy public opinion on account ot bis superior* moral qualities, and will not bis Election be ot the same service t” I should he sincerely happy could 1 answer “yes;" hue 1 cannot. 1 must most emphatically deny It In the nrst place, he represents the party subsidized by the money power ot the protected interests In consideration ot leg. lslqtlve favors, tbe party most strongly embodying the demoralizing political tendencies Ot our times, in the second place, the circumstances ol Mr. Harrison’s nomination ware most essentially different rrom those attending the nomination ol Mr. Cleveland. We >ortF all glad to acknowledge that Mr. Harrison’s private character Is excellent, and tWould be the last man to attack it. Nevertheless. he had not been a popular man In hls own party when his re-election was thought or. hong ago It became evident that Sm wished to be renominated he had to wwk Tor it—and ne did. The office-holding machinery was set in potion lor him all over the land. I know ot no Instance lu the history ot this country when the local cauouses ana conventions in towns,districts and states which had to elect delegates to the National Convention were so largely and #o ruthlessly Invaded by postmasters, and revenue officers, and district attorneys, and marshals, as they were this year In iavor ot President Harrison. Every cabinet officer was expected to do hls utmost, and to present to the President the delegation from hls State with hls compitaStU* this array ol official lnOuenee would probably not have sufficed to secure Mr. HarMsou’a renomlnatlon nad some Republican statesman ot btgb character and influence openly taken tbe held as a competitor. Mr. Harrison was lucky. Tbe leadership ot tbe opposition to him was usurped by some ot the most disreputable machine politicians In the country, and they put torward as their candidate a man who, aside trom other grave objections, could hardly bave accepted the nomination without a breach ot faith. Against this crowd Mr. Harrison's force In the National convention apreared very respectable—which was not difficult—and hta nomination looked like the victory ol the conservative and decent element ot hls party over a lot ot despicable freebooters. Hut It is nevertnelesa true that Mr. Harrison’s majority In the Minneapolis convention had been got together by tbe most unsparing ckertloh ot official influence In tbe election or delegates; that It consisted, with not very many exceptions, ot office-holders and ot delegates elected by office-holders; that our Consul-General lu London, known as an adrolf political manager, was summoned trom. hls post ot duty to take command ot tbe Harrison forces at Minneapolis; that a -1 ot Federal officers ot high position on the spot to work under him and to votes tor their chief; and tnat aa the Crum, ot Bouth Carolina, and other inshow. the patronage ot the Goveruvraa unblushlngjy employed as a bribery to swell the Harrison vote. Mr. 1 _ ___„__Ham_nomination was, therefore, not. as it has been called, s vtotory ot public opinion

j over the machine; It was the victory of one ’ machine over another—the victory of the office-holders' machine over the machine ot l the disappointed office-seekers. And considering that every one ot the countless placemen taking part In the local caucuses and conventions, and In and around the National Convention Itseir, was (or the possession ot his offlce dependent on the pleasure ot the very man lor whose continuance in offlce he was to vote and work, the renomlnatlon ot Mr. Harrison naa been one ol the most scandalous exhibitions ol me misuse ot official power ever beheld In this country—the culminating triumph ot a system corrupt In Itself ana tending to demoralize the whole hoay politic. Tue Republicans themselves (eel the disgraceful character of this business. They do not even attempt to deny or to Justify It. in me soreness oi their embarrassment they resort to the childish expedient or tryuijg to meet the charge with me counter-charge that some ot Mr. Cleveland’s lormer Cabinet Ministers took an aetlve interest In promoting his nomination. Well, why should they not r nor lour years they have been private citizens, and so nas Mr. Cleveland. There is no official relation between them. For lour years they have not had any official Influence to exercise. They have no power to appoint any one to offlce, nor to remove any one. They have absolutely nothing to do won the Government service. Was there even the faintest shadow ot an Impropriety m what they did as independent private cltlxenst No. it there ever was an excuse carrying with it a confessed consciousness ol guilt. It is this pitiable quibble about gentlemen who some years ago were In Mr. Cleveland’s Canffiet to oover me scandalous debauch ol the public service, the barefaced misuse ot official Influence resorted to to contlnue Mr. Harrison la office. And It the manner ot Mr. Harrison’s nomination proves anything, It Is that, even lor reasons other than his own merits, Mr. Cleveland should surely be elected.

A DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATION WILL CONBEUIT1T1TE “ Granting *11 this to be true," I bear t timid business man ear, «but It the Democrats, with their extreme doctrines on the tariff, come Into power, will they not hurt our Industries and cause Injurious business dlsturuuuces? Are you not asking ot us too great a sacruioe tor the general good ot the Kepubllc?" No. I do not. In the first place, there Is no sacrince too great for the general good ot the Kepubllc. Inis is not the talk ot an Idealist, a visionary. I only do not think meanly ot the American people. 1 remember the time, the time ot the civil war, when the Americans showed themseves ready to sacrli flee everything, their comfort, their wealth i their lives, tor the general good ot the Ro ! public, and 1 do not think we have so degenj erated that the spirit ot selt-sacrlflce tor the common good is dead. But I oo not ask tor anysacrlflce. You ' might, perhaps, call It natural that I should ! think so, because I am known to believe that ! the abandonment ot the high protective sys- ■ tern would he a great boon to this country, morally as well as economically—morally, because It would stop the most dangerous i source of corruption and revive among our I people t he old Bplrtt ot self-reliance, and 1 economically because. Instead ot destroying our Industries, it would only put them on a healthier footing by giving them cheap raw | ; material and enabling them to conquer t he i markets ot the world. Instead ot lowering wages. It would raise and steady them by steadier employment: Instead ot unsettling business. It would only relieve It trom the constant changes which every hlgh-tarlff a brings with It, and give It that ity which Is possible only with an| economic system based upon just and rational principles. For these reasons 1 wish to see, not indeed a precipitate, but a systematic , and steady advance towards a revenue tariff. • But 1 will tell you candidly what 1 think will happen It the Democrats win this national election. I once apprehended. It the protectionists went to extremes, as they did In the McKinley tariff, there Would be danger ot some quick radical revolution sweeping away • the whole system with a suddenaass threatt enlng disastrous contusion. 'Wb Congressional election of 1890 pointed that way. But I mus confess that the^ttltude ot the Democratic majority broughWtythat election I Into the House ot Kepresentatlves has entirely cured me ot that tear, at any rate tor the time being. Instead ot there being danger that the Democrats In power wilt be too radical and energetic, I see ! more danger tnat they will not he radical and energetic enough. They are sound enough In theory, and sometimes brave enough In talk, as, tor Instance, In this year’s platiorm. But as to action, the greatest danger whlcn, as 1 think, the Industries ot theoountry have to tear trom a Democratic victory, Is not that the Democrats lu power would ruin any ot them by sweeping, violent, precipitate changes in the tariff laws, but that the changes which would redound to the great benefit ot our Industries will be too timidly planned, too narrowly circumscribed, and too haltingly carried out to do all the good that might be accomplished. It the Republicans carry the election, there will he constant changes in the direction ot higher duties, and a restless economlo condition in consequence; tor no high protective tariff ever lastingly saUstted Its beneficiaries. 11 the Democrats win, the utmost we may expect will be the removal ot duties trom most at the articles usually considered as raw material, and a corresponding reduction ot duties on the finished product; and perhaps some reductions to prevent the formation ot trusts and monopolies. This will be a movement in the right direction, but nothing like a sudden and violent revolution. This la my candid opinion, and I apprehend the record ot the Democratic majority in the House ot Representatives bears me out. Of the economic side ot our tariff I should like to speak at greater length, but I have to put off that pleasure to another time. eaOVXR CLEVELAND AND THE SILVER QUESTION.

I "UUL WI1UI, SUUUl LUO iree VUlDUgVW BiiVCI and a consequent financial erlslst” I hear j I another business man say. No man can be \ more anxious to secure and preserve to tbls i country a sound monetary system than I am; | and It Is my candid conviction that tbe elec-1 1 tton ot Mr. Cleveland will not poly not enaan-1 ger but greatly promote that end. Tbe treecoinage movement Is essentially not a partisan, but a sectional movement. In tbe sti-ver-mining States, In some ot tbe Western agricultural states,and In tbe Southern States ; It swept Into Its current Republicans and llemoorats alike. In tbe restot tbe country ; Democrats and Republicans alike were op. ! posed to lu in tne Republican Senate ot tbe i united states Republican tree-coinage men took the leadership and carried a treecoinage bill twice through that body. But iree coinage was numerically strongest lb the Democratic party, simply because so large a number oi Democratic Senators and Representatives balled trom tne scutb. stul tbe ! energetic opposition ot tbe Northern and Eastern Democrats, united with tne Northeastern and some Northwestern Republicans, Bncceeded twice In detesting tree coinage In the Democratic • Mouse otRepreseniatlves. The taot la. It was the Republican party that made the most dangerous political use ot the sliver question. It was tbe Republican party that began the deplorable pelloy ot concession to tbe mining Interest, which, bringing forth more and more extravagant demands, led us on the dangerous slope. It was the Republican party which in Its platform ot 1888 formally denounced the Democrats tor being hostile to sliver. It was the Republican party that, having thus stimulated the greed and excited the expectations ot tbe mining Interest, passed, without any necessity, the law of 18t»0, which, even without , tree coinage, threatens anally to sweep us|ver tbe bredP on tbe other band, considering tbe tact that the tree-coinage movement was numerically strongest among tbe Democrats, nothing has done more to weaken it and practically to deieatlt than Mr. Cleveland's Influence with bis party. When he, well knowing that a large portion ot his party was clamoring tor iree coinage, boldly raised bis voice against It, tbe spectacle ot a man who seemed at tbat time to be sure ot tbe nomination tor tbe Presidency It be would only remain silent, but who threw to the winds bis chances lor tbe blgnest place In tbe republic by antagonizing, in obedience to bis convictions ot the public good, so powerml an element in his party—tbat spectacle was so novel and so impressive tbat it powertully staggered multitudes ot tree-coinage Dem- | ocrats, who became convinced tbat ai man who aoted thus must be very sure ot being right. From tbat time on tbe reaction set in, and tbe tree-coinage movement among tbe Democrats, especially in the I south, lost not only In numbers but In spirit, i Its aggressive force was gone. It made, on | the Democrailo side, thenoetorth, only bait-; hearted lights In Congress and accepted its1 detests with perfect meekness. It could not prevent tbe adoption by tbe National Democratic convention of an antl-tree-colnage resolution much stronger than tbat ot the Republican platform, and It would not resist the nomination ot an antl-iree coinage candidate, And more than to anything else all this has been owing to Mr. Cleveland’s moral influence with his party. 1 regard the tree-coinage movement " gradually dylngout, on one condition. _ If Mr. 'Hina U “ *w“ n “M'***“ l“* Cleveland is elected to the Presidency, he will have much more prestige with his party as well as with congress than he had during his first term; in fact, more than any President has had tor the past twenty tears. And all that influence will work vigorously in favor ot sound finance. There is one service

to will render to that enure which Hr. Harrison, to bis Unsocial principles and purposes ever so correct, will Oe iurapable ot rendering. Under Mr. Cleveland's leadership the iree-coluage heresy will lose us lootbold in the party lb which It was numerically strongest. And thus the light will Indeed to decisively won and endec. There Is one thing, Sorcerer, which may restore the tree coinage movement to new hope. Ufa and strength. That is the removal or Mr. Cleveland irom the leadership ol the Democratic party by his defeat in tho election. Ue might die, and the moral influence of his teachings and example would survive. Btu U he la ue,sated he Is sent to tae rear, and that powerful moral Influence ho exorcised will to a tang of the past. For there is at present -fits other Democratic leader who can till that place, as there is at present no public man who can exert such an Influence In either party. I. therefore, cannot Impress it too strongly upon those who are anxious as to the soundness oi tho llnanclal policy or the Government, that they can serve that reuse in no totter way than by Keeping Mr. Cleveland, under whose flrst Administration not a single objectionable financial measure was enacted. In the leadership or the Democratic party; and that can to done only by electing elm President again. THE REYOhCTJONAKT FORCE BILL. Or would any oue be deterred Irom voting tor Mr. Cleveland by the Republican complaint regarding the suppression ot the negro vote in some ot the Southern States ? There again every consideration ot souud statesmanship is In Mr. Cleveland's tavor. That the me$ns ot force and of fraud employed to Keep the negroes in certain states from voting were in themselves of evil goes without saying—notwithstanding the circumstances adduced to excuse such practices. But the i difficulty is now solving Itself as well as It I can to solved, ana the only thing needed Is that It to let alone. Every well-informed and candid man will admit: (1) that the efforts to suppress the negro vote arose mainly trom the tear ot negro domination; (2) that this lear was stimulated and in a certain sense just tiled by the unexampled profligacy of most ot the so-called carpet-bag Governments during the reconstruction period; (8) that the fear ot negro domination subsides whenever the negroes cease to vote as a compact mass on the side Ol one party and divide their votes among the different parties controlling tho elections, as soon as that is done, the different parties bid for the vote of the negro as they bid tor the vote ot any one else, and vie i with one another In protecting him in the exercise ot his rights. This process Is now going on and will soon remove the trouble In i a perfectly peaceable and orderly way. » The only thing that threatens to prevent I the consummation of this salutary develop-; ment is the desire of Republican politicians i to reunite and secure the whole negro vote ! tor the Republican party again, and thus to ' capture some ot the Southern States. This , endis tosrrred by w$at Is commonly called tne Force bill. Although this measure Is nominally to provide only a machinery of ! control tor congressional elections, it Is i looked upon, not unnaturally, as another attempt to organize, with the aid of the oa-! tlonal power, the negro vote again as; a compact and obedient party engine lor general party purposes. The Inevitable effeot of the enactment ot the Force bill or anything like It would be the revival of the lear of negro domination In the South, and with It a violent and disastrous dlsturoance ol the relations between the two races, which In the course of time had shaped themselves in a friendly manner highly ad

vau^ityeuua w tutt geuenu prosperity. consider what this /means. The South ! came out of the civil -sar Impoverished and desolate^ The sudden aholltlon of slavery put It through the throes of a tremendous social revolution. There was the defeated and humiliated Southern white man not knowing what to do with the new, unaccustomed system of labor, confronting the emancipated Blave not knowing what to do with his newly acquired freedom. It was a fearful situation everywhere: distress, perplexity, convulsive efforts and collisions; society, utterly disorganized, staggerlpg tn the Drink of a bloody war of raoes. The army, still present, kept something like order, but under Its protection white adventurers, at the head ol the Ignorant negro voters set up those carpet-bag governments from whlcn some of the Southern states suffered i almost as much spoliation as from the war ltselr. Alter long agony a ray, of hope dawned, ftwsldent Hayes withdrew the troops from the south. The southern whites overcame the negro majorities, partly by violence, partly by stratagem—stilt a bad aud deplorable state of things, indeed, but one under which the energies of society revived and Its working forces got into fruitful activity again. The spirit of enterprise returned and a new prosperity followed. The relations between the white and black races grew steadily more Irlendly and lavorable to , mutual co-operation. But t he tear or a return of that negro domination from which the South had suffered so fearfully still hung like a dark, threatening cloud over society, as long as the colored people threw their vote compactly on the side of one political party. • And that fear brought forth all sorts of sinister efforts to avert the danger. At last this cloud Is itted too. The negro vote has actually begun to divide. If tne process now going on continues, tne tear ol negro domination, and wltn It the greatest obstacle to a harmonious co-operation of tne ' two races on the political held, as well as j that of productive labor, will soon be a thing I of the past. Mo true friend of the colored ; race can wish a happier solution of this dim-1 cutty, tor the political rights of the negro! win stand under the active protection of all political parties. No true friend of the Southern people will fall to hall it as a most au-I gploious event, for It will take a burden of dread from the mlndsot the southern whites:! It will powerfully promote peace and good-will between the different elements of tho southern population; It will give the southern j people increased confluence lu their future and Inspire them with Iresb courage and energy In the development of their prosperity. No good citizen wno has the common interests of the whole country, North and South, at heart, wUl 'aii joyfully to hall it as the removal of a source ol irritation between the two sections, as a new bond of cordial feeling. as a new guarantee of material progress In the South, and of t nose advantages which come to every mart of the country by the growing prosperity of every other part. A KEW Bit AND Or BISCOBD.

into tula nope rut situation me eorce mu is ■ to be thrust as a new brand of discord. No j matter whether It be advocated by mere par-' tlsan lust ot power or misguided zeal In be- | halt of a principle — Uio effect ot the measure, 1 it enacted, will be the same; and insidious stretch ot governmental power, the Incitement among the southern negroes ot unwarranted political ambitions and expectations by tne reappearance ot the Federal Government as a meddler with elections; the Interruption ot the salutary division ot the negro vote between different parties; the revival among the Southern whites of the old dread ot' negre-~domUiatlon; new dis-1 trust and discord between th» two j races; the poor and Ignorant negroes, lor i whom the Republlcau politician pretends to care so much, hurried Into a hopeless contest j with the numerically strong, intelligent and wealthy whites: the fruitful co-operation of the two races in the south again violently disturbed; the peace of society again endangered ; enterprise again discouraged, the social energies again lamed, me progress ot prosperity agalu Impeded by tue prospect ot mcalculaolc trouble—and all tbts at a time when, alter long, King years of social conruislon&nd terrible suffering, the more threatening perplexities are sure to solve themselves, It only left alone. in view of ali this I must confess that! whatever specious pretences may bo put j torward as to the objects of tbe measure, 11 Look upon the Force bill as one ot tho, most reelkless, most cruel, most revolt-1 Ing partisan contrivances ever devised. I know the Republicans are artiully disclaim-1 Ing that the Force bill Is an Issue in this! campaign. Mr. Harrison hlmselr tries to | evade It In his letter of acceptance by an adroitly son-spoken recommendation of a i commission of inquiry. »it no well-informed and prudent man will be deceived. The Re-1 publican platform substantially Indorses the J measure. Almost every prominent. Hepubil-1 can ot influence has been a strenuous advocate ot It; among the most strenuous President Harrison btmseli. They have. been made cautious by the obvious cur-> rent ol public opinion against it, but not one ol them has openly, unequivocally declared ! that he will cease to favor «. No, you may ; be sure tbe party, as tt is led today, will do anything—It will recoil from nothing, how- I ever Asperate, to keep ttselt In power. There is not tbe slightest shadow ot a doubt In uiy mind that the Republican party. It it keeps the Presidency and gets sufficient strength In. the two houses ot Congress, will mane 'he Force Mlt the law ot the land, whatever the consequences may be. only lts defeat can surely save us from this late. HARRISON'S VIOLATIONS OF C1T1L-SIRTIC* REFORM. I cannot, without unduly taxing your patience, discuss here the flagrant failures ot Mr. Harrison to redeem his solemn pledges with regard to the reform of the civil service. Our lamented friend, George WlUtam Curtis passed just Judgment upon that in Ms last addreeato the ClvtPSerMce Reform Lezgue,

an address which no candid man euiood without admiration and proflL And Mr. Curtis then, knew nothing ret ot the shameml use or official influence In packing the Minneapolis Convention with office-holders and the representatives of office-holders roe the dispenser ot oatropagc. Korean I permit myself here to ffclew President Harrison's , conduct or our foreign affairs, a careful study of which has torced the conclusion upon mo that in same uft he most lmportunt cases, ot which President Han Ison seems Inclined to speak with especial self-appreciatloo. tho established principles oi international law as wed as the good traditions or our own diplomatic history were disregarded with—to call tblugs by their right names—a demagozto recklessness compatible neither with tho dignity nor with tne safety of the Republic. 1 have said enough to show that 1 cannot but consider It my duty as an American citizen, having the present and future wellara of tne Republic at heart, to support Mr. Cleveland’s candidacy in this contest and to advta* my fellow-citizens to do the same, I knew we are at wars, la a degree, taking chances when casting our ballots. We can only form our judgments conscientiously as to where the chances ot public welfare aro best, and we must, above all things, be careful to subordinate things of less moment to those ot a higher order of Importance. Doing this, we snail, l trust, unite In the conddeut expectation that by the election or Mr. Cleveland to the Presidency of the United states the country will be assured of a wise, honest, conservative aud sate administration ot nubile aflalra; that Its material interests will be promoted by a rational economic policy; and, what Is of greater consequence, that the growth of demoralizing Influences in our poutlcal Ufa wilt be cheoked, and that our youth will bo Inspired with nobler ambitions and loftier conceptions of publlo duty, usefulness, success and distinction. I am, gentlemen, very truly yours. & Scnnaa. Bolton, hake George. Sept. 8.1893. FRESH MR. DORRANCE.

He Had No Business to Collect Pottage nnd He Won't Da It Again. [JVom (»• Warwick (w. r.) Ptipa'ek. ] In the exuberance of a misguided partisan* ship that led linn to Interpret tbe postal laws to suit himself, postmaster Dorrance, of Middletown, thought be would make blmself famous as a lynx-eyed official by detecting and punishing a violation of tbe postal law by the Dispatch. So, when be discovered folded In tbe JWs. ' patch a New York World supplement con* tabling political matter, be decided off-hand that It was bis duty to collect postage of our Middletown subscribers before delivering tbs message of Democracy. Then be rushed over to tbe Press office and said: “ Behold, what a man am 11“ And then tbe editor of tbe Press dipped bis pen Id v bis bitterest gall and wrote as follows: HE’S “ONTO IT.” X FLAW OP CIRCULATING CAMPAIGN LITXSA* TURK AT THK BXFIN8K OP CNCLS SAMI WHICH DOSS.N’T WORI with POSTHASTE* DORRANCE. When tbe Press Thursday received Its ex* change copy ot tbe Warwick Dispatch tbs paper was marked “ Postage due, one cent,* and It took a coin of that denomination to get tbe paper out ot the Post-office. When tbs paper was opened a good fat copy of a special edition ot the New York World, lull to tbs brim of tree-trade sophistry, dropped out and tbe riddle was solved. Tbe law which permits publishers to send out their papers through tbe mall free ot postage to actual subscribers within tbs county where published Is very strict. Mid* dletown at least has a postmaster who haa always seen that It Is not violated. No Middletown publisher has ever been permitted to told In bis paper even a small sixteenth sheet circular, much less anything else that Is not a legitimate supplement. And that Is right. Weunderstaud that It is tbe plan of tbs Democratic campaign managers to circulate Democratic free-trade literature In this wag as so-called supplements to country papers, and that It has been going on tor some time all OTer the State with tbe consent of easy* going postmasters who do not know tbe re* qulrementsot tbe law or else were careless as to Us enforcement. But lc tbe postmasters at tbe delivery end ot the line collect tbs postage ot tbe subscribers, as they are required by tbe law to do, tbe abuse will ba snore lived. No. this kind ot swindling isn’t fair, if Thm World people are anxious to get their paper as s campaign document In tbe bands of tbe people or tbe State, let Brother Pulitzer, who is reputed to be worth almost as many millions as Is Andrew Carnegie and whole hobnobbing with princes In foreign lands, scud It out In the legitimate way and pay postage upon it as other papers have to do. Fres Traders are natural smugglers. Now, Instead ot being “ontoit ” Mr. Doiw ranee. In his Ignorance ot the law, bad Jumped right ** Into It * with both feet. For postmaster yuackenbush, of Warwick, wheats not at all ibe *• careless " official tbs Press Intimates, had already charged postage against the Dispatch before muling the papers in uuestton, under paragraph 6 oi see* tiou 350 ot the Postal laws, which reads as follows: A publisher who purchases for bis subscribers a portion ot an edition oi another secondclass publication Is deemed a news agent and may receive and mall tbe same at tbe pound rate. When fresh Mr. Dorrance collected extra postage on tbe Dispatch and tbe “sloppery “ Press slobbered him all over with fulsome praise tor so doing, and at tbe same time la directly criticised tbe Warwick Postmaster as being ** an easy-going postmaster who did not know tbe requirements ot tbe law,” it naturally touched Mr. tjuackenbush on tbe raw, and so he at once wrote to headquarters to Washington for a ruling on the matter. . Yesterday Mr. yuackenbush (and doubtless Mr. Dorrance as well) received a ruling rroia the Third Assistant Postmaster-General referring him to tbe identical paragraph quoted abbve and saying that The World supplemenrcould legally be lolded In another publication and mailed to subscribers under It. So Mr. Dorrauce was clearly wrong and tbs extra postage which be collected hr tooU through illegally, bis Ignorance of the law. But it’s dollars touougbnuta be won’t dptt

“THE WORLD" SUPPLEMENT. PnMIihed Monthly and Mailed to An? usun. An Address to Farmers; A Slurp Tariff Lesson! Now Jersey’a Eiperleooo; The Bulwark o t Wagtnt Public Paupers; The Seren Threads ot the Wool Bunco: Discounts for Ex ports Only. ntuaugai. War on the Farmer; The Protection Bunco; Pro. taction Green Goods; Swindling the Parmer; Blech Record of Republican Corruption; The Present Situation; Are’Our Imports Stolen! What fs Ore*, production 1 MARCH. Protection,by John Do Witt Warner. Thu ia kin book in full, and a complete text book. t AI'KIL. Tariff and Disease, by Darid A. Wells; Tha Rome Market Bunco, by John Da Witt Warneri Snan's Speech in the House; Protection’s Dank Ditch;The Par Valueof Protection; Hew the Far* uer la Robbed. MAT. Seren Kicks by the Tariff Mule; Shoddy and Fran Wool, by John Dewitt Warner; Cruel Klrj* Ooali i Defense of the Tin-Plate Duty, by R. G. Hoodt Free-Trade Fallacies, from the Toledo Blade; A Gatling Gnu cf Small Shot Directed on PretecriH The Histories of Ous Hundred Tariff Trusts aompiled by John Da Witt Werner. . JULY. A List of 500 Stiikss and Lookouts In Protected Industries Since the McKinley Bill Wes Sigoedl 5u.ly of the Presidential Vote m Peat Years rtepa to Catch Fools; The Reciprooitr Humbug! Who Makes the Thrill; The War on lhe Farmer! l he Tariff on Pottery; Fifty Shota at Protection. AUGUST. Cleveland's Pousion Record; Carlisle's - Great Speech (In full); Teriff Nonsenee; Judge Patter* icu's Speech on the Force Bill. • SPTEMB**—MTBA. The September number contains the proof that die Protected Tariff Trusts are granted protection ranging from three token times the total emonuk paid by them for labor, Congressman Hemphill's greet cpeech on More Money end Lees Texes end the Reply of the One Hundred Teriff Trusts to TnH WoBhD's indictment. The foregoing are mailed at one cent eachis 00 cents per iOO. A refer having a set la thoroughly equipped for argument with any Proectlontst fivlng. No advocate ofProteo* uon can stand lor a moment before the array of tacts and figures. They are better than all the printed books coin billed, for ihey are ou tho live issues ot the day. No one knows how good they are until he has studied them. Every subscriber to Tea Woitno should <*• dor a set.