Pike County Democrat, Volume 23, Number 23, Petersburg, Pike County, 28 October 1892 — Page 8

protected employer com* Bran getting his labor tree ot ooet and what ha can grab for himself from the pabUe money de> hated to his workmen. When raw material coat* nothing, 1 then labor represent* 100 per cent. If the foreigner gets both raw material and labor without coat, and the American | get* hi* raw material free and pay* all to labor, we *hould levy only 100 per cent, duty for the difference In wage*. Y et thirty-two tariff trusts are protected by duties ranging from 101 to 988 per cent to pay the '* differences in wages,” and in no one or' them does the total cost of wages in this country reach 48 per cent In no one of them is the difference in wages equal to IS per cent of the -foreign cost of the product The people pay ail the cost of labor for the tariff barons and enough more for the latter to “ make enormous fortunes ■when times sre good” by converting the larger part of the pauper tax to their own use. The sole object of protection Is robbery. It tabes from the people by false pretense (which is larceny under the statute) and cor verts to Us own use the trust fund It collects lor the beneQt of Its employees (which Is also larceny). The •• protection " comes in when an attempt is made to prosecute tor the larceny, and the prosecutor finds the robber protected from punts—rent. -I- — The object of the McKinley bill is to drive 9,000,000 farmers from the land | they till because what they raise is in excess of our needs, and when their surplus is exchanged for European mill | products the latter enter into competition with our own mill product! Our exports of the products of surplus farm ! labor in 1881 were 8730,894,943 | In 1891 they were $642,751,845 I Showing that our surplus farm labor « ! had lost a large poitlon of its foreign ! employment. Eut our exports of manufactures in 11881 were 889,219,880 ! and in 1891 were ^ $168,927,815 f Showing that what employment farm labor lost, mill-machine labor had gained by force and fraud through the protection of the mill-owner. One object of Protection Is to prevent tne surplus labor on our farms from competing here (through foreign exchange of products) with our mill machine, and another is to steal the farmer's home market for farm products by an exchange of surplus American machine products lor South American farm products. Our deficient mill labor fails to furnish the entire American consumption of manufactured goods, and our surplus farm labor supplies the American demand for mill goods by a foreign exchange of its surplus farm product! The mill-owners are “ protected ” against this foreign exchange of our surplus farm products, and are stealing this American market from the American farmer by heavy fines upon the ex* change. How muoh they have stolen is shown by our imports of manufactured goods, which in 1888 were $400,194,786 and in 1691 were $188,469,966 The American farmer has been so heavily fined on his exchange that he has lost in nine years an American home market for his labor worth to him $821,724,770 Protection has robbed him of it, for It has been foroibly taken from him by fines, making his exchange unprofitable. \ WC are neither pirates nor pauper! Our mill labor or farm labor produces aU we enjoy. Protection oan give work to n min band only by taking IS away from a farm hind.

BCoagresa pushes the button | the trutt does the rest. When domestic production makes the market price, the duty does not protect and the trust must collect the [dander. The 8,000,'000 fsraeis producing wool cannot form a trust and collect their “protection boodle" of 11 cents per pound from their customers, the manufacturers, but the manufacturers can and do collect from their customers, the people, not only the 11 cents per pound on the wool In their doth, but 11 cents on each pound of shoddy as welL This is their compensatory protection, and they have 45 per cent, additional to pay “ difference in wages." They rob the farmer of every cent, fee must sell to them at the foreign value of his wool to save himself the cost of foreign freight. Borne send their wool abroad to get a better price. Here are our exports of wool for six years past: 1SSS.. 8.138.090 188.. .... 857,840 1858.. ....._..„...„.,.„„. 22,164 1580.. ................................... 141 .or s 1890.. 231,048 1891. 891.028 Would our American fanners have sent this wool abroad for sale in foreign markets if the price here had not been osder the prices abroad? No American farmer ever yet received one cent more per ton forbls wool because a doty on foreign wool, because the price here was made by his own competition, and he had no trust to fix prices and collect buooie; but the woollen mill owner bus collected and pocketed every penny of tue farmer’s protection, because he has a trust to ax prices and collect the money. Take 1850 and 1860. Our export* of Amnestic merchandise were In 1850 *184,000,238 In 1800 816,843,428 Bhowibg an increase of 185 per cant. Take the “ protection era " between 1888 and 1890. Our exports of domestic merchandise were In 1830 •888,940,854 In 1890 046,898,888 Showing an increase of 8 per cent Or if we take 1881, *883,985,W7 and 1891, 878,870,888 We have a decrease of 1 per cent And the Mexialay Mil was intended to But e

{amine la lurope prevented K thlayeur, and may prevent u even next yew, from getting in its one wort But it will win in the end. Protection is tor the mmowner to plunder the firmer. Our exporta of breadstuff! were valued For 1880 $24,483,810 For 1870 73,860,033 For 1880 888,086,835 For 1891 they were only 188,131,636 A loss to the American farmer of $159,915,179 Under the increased Protection of 1883. The McKinley bill was passed to cut our ! exports of breadlfuffs down still further by imposing heavier fines upon machine products received in exchange, that 8,000,000 surplus farmers might bo clriven from the land they tilled. The protection oi the American mlilowner is protection from the surplus labor of our terms, producing that tor which there is no demand here, which must be exchanged tor something our people want. It Is robbery of the farmer to prevent his competition with the mllhowner. • For the nineteen years ending 1891 our exports of merchandise exceeded our imports by $1,580,836,748. Our exports of gold exceeded our imports by * $33,463,033. Our exports of silver exceeded our imIiorts by $388,880,111; a, total loss of wealth of $1,845,178,886 clriven out of the country to protect 14,500 mill-owners. Is it any wonder that our total wealth per capita, which in 1860 was $993, in 1890 was only $9H9 I’rotection teaches and Its deluded victims believe that the more wealth we export and the lesa wealth we Import the richer we are as a nation. The “balance ot trade " bunco is the eld “confidence game” applied to economics, to swindleTotera. To “cheek imports," to drive wealth out ot tne country, but not let wealth come Into the country, is the declared object ot Protection and the Republican party. Itsohjeot lathe robbery ot the workmen, the robbery ot the people, and the robbery ot the nation. Protection la all robbery—nothing hut robbery. The Tweed King took about $32.000,000 of the public money to improve New Tork, paid about $36,000,000 in vrages for honest work and stole $6,198,950. The 450 protected rings now take from the people over $680,000,000 yearly, pay less than $380,000,000 in wages, end divide up over $400,000,000. They take this money from the people under the false pretense that it Is all to be paid to their workmen, in addition to foreign wages. It is a trust fund, olf which the members of the tariff ring* are the trustees. The Tweed Bing used money from a trust fund, of w hich the members of the ring were the trustees, and when the trustees put $6,196,950 In their own pockets they stole it They became thieves. But when the members of the tariff rings put into their own pocket* the $<100,000,000 belonging to their workmen they are not thieves. They are philanthropists, publlo benefactors, who furnish employment (at no ooat to themselves for wages) for thousands of men. But it they were not protested by Federal lew tram State prosecution ter larceny, they could fie prosecuted as the Tweed Bing was and oonvictedss Twins was. Twsui did not steal enough to buy a single State. The McKinley rings “divideup* enough to buy the United States.

It were folly to pile up instance*. If one trust is steeling, then ell ere stealing. If one trust is protected in order that it may steel, then ell ere protected in order to eteaL He who would not accept the testimony here presented would not belieTe one raised from the deed. When Twxm was accused of stealing no one would believe the accusation. When the proof was presented that a bill for $7,000 had been with his knowledge “raised" to $11,000 end pai d by Consoiat, that settled the question. He was a thief. He was branded as a thief. Even the Tribune was forced to abandon his defense. How mtfch he had stolen was a matter of idle curiosity—for bookkeepers to determine anti lawyers to sue his estate for. When the protected tariff trusts were generally accused of stealing, no one believed the accusation. When the specific proof that the 8ugar Trust stole $43,000,000 in 1890, and will steal $13,000,000 in 1899, was presented, the question was settled. No honest man could longer doubt the accusation against the American League of Protected Tariff trusts. When a score more are arraigned and the proof furnished that each is stealing in accordance with its opportunities, further doubt becomes a crime and makes tire doubter an accessory. Each trust is on exact legal counterpart of the Tweed Ring. The latter collected certain taxes surd held the money os trustees to pay the expenses of the city government To divert tine money to any other purpose was theft When a contractor did work worth $6,000 he pnt in a bill for $10,000, and the trustees paid it, os they had a legal right to do. Whether he pocketed all or divided the surplus with them did not change the fact that they had stolen $4,000 by diverting it from the use for which the money was intended. The seven firms making steel rails pledged their honor that they required permission in 1890 to. tax the people $37,118,766 in order to pay it to their workman as the difference in wages between this country and England. They pledged their honor to pay their workmen $11,886,881 for English wegea out

1 of their own pocket, end the £97,118,- | 766 additional granted by the people. When they paid their workmen only £6,719,810 In addition to English wages, and put Into their own pockets £21,894,456 of the money collected by them bom the people for this purpose, it was a theft more barefaced than any fastened on the Tweed Ring. The money was a trust fund, for a specific purpose, and they were the trustees. To spend it even in building homes for the workmen would have been theft. To use it in any way other than the purpose for which it was intended was theft. To put it into their own pockets was larceny tinder the statute. To plead that they did not collect the whole amount from the people is to plead one felony tn extenuation of another. They pledged their honor as trustees that the difference In wages was £17.93 per ton; that if this protection were given them, they would both collect it for and pay it to their workmen. If they failed to collect It, they neglected their duty as trustees, and their workmen had a right to demand that they should be compelled to pay out of their pockets every penny they had foiled, through criminal neglect, to collect from the people. If they did not collect it all, then they were guilty of false pretense. If they did collect it and did not pay it to their workmen, they were guilty of larceny. That they were not bonded, and no civil action will lie to recover the money, does not change the criminal nature of the act. That they cannot be prosecuted in a State court because the false pretense was to a Federal body is no defense. That they cannot be prosecuted in a Federal court because it is a crime whose punishment is expressly reserved to the States is no justification. Moral condemnation is not dependent upon legal conviction. Acquittal upon a mere technicality makes a prison of the world and gives a man only the freedom of banishment There is no protection without a trust, or the equivalent of a trust, which is ability to dictate the selling price. No man can bo protected who sells in competition with another, and when a trust breaks down the “protection” disappears. Protection is robbery— that protection which dictates selling prices, which destroys competition, which makes trusts and selling agreements possible. All other protection is green goods, sawdust, used to bunco the farmer into voting for protection to the tariff trusts in the vain hope that he may get some of the loot for himself. It is from these taxes—the taxes lm posed upon the people by the protected industries—that the people want relief. It is not the Federal, State or local taxation that burdens the people. It is this private taxation for private purposes, far greater than all other taxation of every kind, that makes the American citizen the heaviest-taxed man in the world. ,T. K. Wsuson

HcKlalqlim a Burdensome Imposition. To Ma editor of Ik* World 1 TUB Boston Journal said recently tnat those manufacturers who had not signed the remonstrance ot the National Association ot Wool Manufacturers against free wool were “ too tew and inconspicuous to require attention." The American Wool Reporter, a protectionist paper, commenting on this, says that in Massachusetts 169 woollen manufacturers signed the remonstrance, while 806 refused to sign it; that “ many of these are eery important manufacturers,” and that »an analysis ot New Hampshire, Connecticut, Bhode Island and other States would show similar results." While making his last tariff speech Senator Carlisle exhibited two samples of woollen goods made in Canada, a protected country which admits wool tree. These goods sold la Canada lor 22J4 cents a pound, but could not be made here tor less than 40 cents. This shows what our manufacturers could do It given free wool to work with. Consul-General New, stationed at London, is perhaps Gen. Harrison’s nearest political triend. In ills last official report he says that in 1880 Great Britain imported *58,284,955 worth ot woollen and worsted goods and exparted *128,584,700 worth, or more than twice as much. Now, a document entitled u The Necessity, the Efficacy and the Advantages ot the Duties on Woollen Goods,” submitted to the United States Senate June 8 on behalf ot the National Association ot Wool Manufacturers, contains a detailed comparison ot the wages paid in woollen Industries in America, Great Britain, France and Belgium. It shows that English wages, though lower than American, an 20 per cent, higher than French and 46 per cent, higher than Belgian. In the argument, of the National Assoctaooi Manufacturers It is stated: tlon ot Wo No Industry, whether!* be infant or lens established. con oomaete with a like industry In foreign countries except upon equal terms. * • * The moment ther are made unequal taoloug.MUblishad industry frggmgwg mMnudnj —f. 7*0 determine is nrouer and adequate we must kaow'what it the actual cost ot labor in the iisnoa iDDwur oh m u. ins itself against foreigi was founded yesterday, whether a rate of duty la production of competing products in tturone. and what it the actual coat of labor in the prod action of the same fabrics in the United States. • ' • This diherence the tariff must make good to permit competltioa on equal conditions. In other words, in this publication which was intended (or a campaign document it is practically asserted that It Is utterly impossible lor English woollen manuiacturers to compete on equal conditions with those of France and Belgium without a tariff equal at least to the difference in wages, a difference ot 20 per cent- tn the case of Pranee and 45 per cent. In that ot Belgium. And yet Consul-General New’s figures show that England is selling more than twice the value i in woollen goods that she is importing. The English manufacturer has precisely the same pretext for demanding protection as the > American, and if President whitman, of the National Association of Wool Manufacturers, i was located in England Instead of In this eouui try, he would no doubt Insist that British consumers should pay a heavy tax on every yard ot woollen cloth they bought. In order to enable their manufacturers to continue In , business. Under the revenue tariff of 1848 our manoi facturers prospered, in the words ot Mr. i Blaine in his •> Twenty Years of Congress I The tariff of 1846 waa yielding abundant nvenan and tba business of the country was in a ttouneh- : fug condition. Money became eery abundant after I the year 184U. | The McKinley tariff is a needless Imposition. It has raised no one’s wages aud in- ' creased every one's expenses. Messrs. Blaine and McKinley are its authors. Mr. Blaine lias denounced MoElnley’s part ot it in vigorous language and said that it ! would not make us a market for •* a pound ot pork or a barrel of flour." Gov. McKinley, by bis constant advocacy of extreme protection as a never-failing remedy lor the •• evil* ” of competition, has denounced Blaine’s part ot it {reciprocity}, which involve! the removal or high duties. Which of these gentlemen ta light la his (UAHAClIttUi f

QUAY’S CORRUPTION FID. Join Wanamaker Raised the Honey and Received fits Reward DUDLEY FOUND OUT AND HIS “BLOCKS-QF-FTTE" LETTED PRINTED. Floaters Bought with Fat Fried from Manufacturers. TTuuukw Billed •400,000 Among Hie Manufacturing Mwdt tor Purchasing Harrtaon’a B!w:kn, Knowing Hint It Would Not Bo Uoneetljr Food — Bln Bargain-Counter Coercion ce Into Qulotod—Quag Burned the Reoordn of Corruption—“ Plou* John “ Hades.Cabinet Offlctr; Dudley Fold tbe Penalty of Setting Caught in tbe Doreey “ Soup ” Campaign. WegHisGTOs, Sept. IS.—How much money the monopolists placed In the hands of Quay and Dudley with which to purchase Hr. Harrison’s election In 188S nobody win ever know. The records which told that story were carefully destroyed when the work ol buying was over. That the sum was enormously in excess of any possibly honest need or legitimate use is certain. That It was, in fact, corruptly used there is proot so coaclualva ss to leave no room (or doubt in any honest mind* That those who collected and those who contributed It were aware ot the corrupt use to which It was to be put we have convincing evidence in their own conduct and utterances. In the Closing weeks ot ths campaign, when the final arrangements tor purchase in New York and Indiana were complete, Quay tound that even the great sums which had been given him were not sufficient. He had taken larger contracts than he had the means to meet. He went to John Wanamaker with a proposition that he should raise among his manufacturing mends the princely sum of *400,000 more. What Wanamaker’s reward was to bo the sequel will suggest. It was then too late in the campaign lor the honest use ot such an amount ot mosey, and John wanamaker knew it. Nevertheless be consented to raise the money, did raise it and handed It over to Quay. He cherished the Idea, as a result ot long pretense, that he possessed a conscience. By way ot quieting It he made certain stipulations. But how flimsy these ware, and how carefully he avoided the making ot any condittona which might Interfere with the carrying out ot the corrupt business, are points best illustrated In tne aooount which he has hlmselt given ot the transaction. His words are as follows: Qur used the matter and told me why ha felt aura of oerryiac the election if A. had weeay. I teld Quay 1 weald undertake to relee the money U he weald allow ae to establiah a manufecturere' bateaaaad have e voice la the dbpoalttoa ot tha money 1 don’t mean that wa Inflated oa kaowina what waa done with every dollar ol it 1 didn't ■eant lo knew. Whea I Bella toit ot oJothee I don’t laaiat upon betas teld where theee oiothee ere loins. My reeponaibitlty eeeaea when I torniah a soedertiole ate fair price. What I did iaciit upon waa that I ehould he able to eatlaty the men wha treated me with their mosey that it waa need toi the purpoeea tor which they eabacitbed it. aadhhai guarantee Mr. Quay cave me.

IB tu OBJ* Bit* BWiiuua „*»**,.«*, Horn Quay some assurance teat lie would actually use Uie money In the purchase ol Mr. Harrison's election and not appropriate any ot It to Ida own or other usee. He knew the men behind him. He knew that they were buying legislation short. He knew them to be too shrewd as business men to “buy a ply in a poke." He knew they would furnish the money U assured ol thedeUTery ol the goods, and not otherwise. He made no stipulation as to the honesty ot the money’s use. On that point he did not team to knout He only demanded to know that 11 was used In carrying the election. It is sale to say that no honest man can put any other interpretation than this upon 1 his utterance. Quay wanted the money tc ! buy roters and election officers with. Wans- : maker collected it tor that purpose. The I manufacturers gave ttTor no other. and when the purchase was made, when ! Mr. Harrison had secured his election, these thrttty manufacturers gare notice ot their - understanding ol the matter in significant words that hare been once already quoted la these despatches. Haring lurnlsned the : money with wnlch to purcnase the Presidency ! they deemed themselves entitled to control ' the property they had bought. Their organ, the Mwwjaetwer, put their case as lollows: IIU to tJU m Mat 3ft At toil (Sal a 2orv«, V not A, lorfeat, dart 9/ Ut tnttttt it dot. W, make the aaaertioo that tba mower oontribatod bj tbit (WuunkWi) club last yoar had autra Influence upon tha result ol tha natioaal ataetloa thaa all tha skill, tha iasanalty. tho labor and tha wirepolling ol aU tba professional paUtklaaa la tba elty of Philadelphia. Wo ballovo this proposition to bo copablo of poaitivo proof. If, therefore, control ot patrons** ta risbtly tha reward of vlctortona ' effort, the rlfiht of thla olub to aama tha Federal i office-holder® ot Philadelphia reate upon eolid groan da. When the election was over Quay seems tc have satisfied Wansmaker that the money had been spent in the way intended. Mr. Harrison’s election had been secured and Wanamaker made no Impertinent Inquiries as to the details ot the purchase. Without objection on Ms part. Quay burned the books containing the records ot this transaction, that no man might ever know the evil that , had been done or the method or It. : The next step was to collect \Vaaamakcr*s | tee* That thrttty man of bargains bad novel been heard ot la politics before. He had nevei held office or run tor office, or In any way participated In the councils ot his party. Nobody had ever thought ol him as a man ol distinction or capacity In tnls direction. But Wanamaker himself had ideas. He saw how | the Postmsster-GeneralsMp might be turned I to trade account and made to advertise and otherwise serve his business, sad he struck tor that. At the headot his croup ot money-giving ; manufacturers was Thomas Dolan, a man : grown rich already upon tariff tribute and eager tor further benefits. Dolan called his associates together’to secure tor Wanamaker the reward ho asked. They decided that Wanamaker must be Postmaster-Ueneral, and, with an arrogance justified upon bust. ' ness principles by the services they bad rendered, they communicated their decision to the President-elect. He recognize 1 the validity ot their claims and Wauamakerta purchased portfolio was tbo first to be announced as awarded. What use hs has made of the

opportunities thus secured and how he |gs administered tils office will or a subject ol consideration hereafter. We torn now to another chapter In the history ol the electionhartnr. The proeramma, when the money was raised, was to carry by purchase those doubtful states whose electoral vote would decide the contest. Quay managed the matter so dexterously In the East that his operations were never exposed In detail, though. perfectly understood as to their geuersl character. Dudley was lees fortunate. Me got himself found out. Bis experience under Dorsey In the “soap" campaign in Indiana marked him out as the proper person to take care of that State. In his reckless eagerness to make results certain he fell into the error of ••putting himself down In writing." His celebrated “ blocks of five” letter was discovered and published In Tn* Would and other newspapers It urn. ulshed the conclusive evidence, otherwise lacking, of the corrupt use to which the money contributed by the manufacturers was being put. so open, so damning a revelation was never before made by any man engaged In such business, even to hla pals. In the eon11 dence of mutual depravity. For the refreshment of the popular memory that extraordinary letter Is here reproduced: U. S. Quay. Chairman. J. S. Clarkson, Vice-Chairmen. J. a. Faaaatt, Secretary. William W. Dudley. Treasures. John C. Not. A. L. Conger. G. A. Hobart. Samoa! Fessenden. George R. Dane. J. Manchester Hay nee. M. H. Do Young. William Caaaioa Goodloa. Bias Sib: Ihopeyoohava kept costa* of tha liats sent me. Booh information is very valoalilo and should be used to great advantage. It has enabled me to demonstrate to friends that with pre-par assistance Indians is sorely Republican lor Governor and Pre-aidant, and haa resulted, aa I hoped it would, in scour lug for Indiana tha aid necessary. Yotur committee will certainly receive frem Chairman Houston the assistance necessary to hold oar boaters and doubtful voters and gain enough of the other kind to aive Harrison and Morton 10,OOOrlnraUty. New York is now safe beyond peradventure for the Republican Presidential ticket: Connecticut likewise In short, every Northern State, except, perhaps. New Jerser, though we still hope to oarrv that State. Harrison's majority in the Electoral College wilt not ho loss than 100. Make our frlunda in each precinct wake up to the fast that only boodle and trandolant votes and falsa counting of returns can beat us In this State. Write each of oar precinct correspondents: First, to find oat wit has Democratic boodle, and steer the Democratic orkers to thorn, and make them pay big prices fo their own men. Second, scan tha election officers closely, and make aura to have no man on the board whoaa integrity ig even Questionable, and insist on Republeans watching every movement of tha election officer*. Third—See that our workers know every voter entitled to a vote, and 1st no one olae even offer to vote. Fourth—Divide the ffoateru late hlocke ef ffve and pat a trnetted man with necessary funds la charge ef these ffve, and make him responsible that none get away and that all vote ear ticket. Fifth—Make a personal appeal to rour beat bueinam man to pledge thomgelveo to derate the entire da-, Nov. «. to work at tha polls, 1. e., to be present at tha polls with tickets. Thay will bo astonished to too how utterly dumfounded the ordinary Damocratio election bummer will bo and how quickly ho will disappear. Tha result will folly Justify the sacrifice of time end comfort, and will be eaonrae of satisfaction afterwards to those wbc help in this way. Ray great slraea oe this last matter; it will pay. Thera will he ee denbt ef year receive lag the necessary assistance through the National, Stale and Ceuuty Committees —only see that It u husbanded end made to produce results. I rely on yen to advise you precinct correspondents and urge them to unremitting and constant efforts from now until the polls oloaa and tha res nit la annonnsad officially. Wa wUI fight for a fair election ban if necessary. Tha rebel crew can’t steal this election from aa aa thay did In I8S4 without tome one getting hurt. Lot ovary Republican do bis wholo duty and tha country will pass into Republican hands, navel to leave it, I trust. Thanking yon again for you efforts to assist ms In my work. I remain, youri sincerely. WiuiAM W. Dvdlkt. fleece wire mo result in principal praolnota end county. Rirmuna Nanus-ei. CSI Firm avsNUg. Now HxaDQCABTKBl Exeeotive Committee:

XUQ puuuvauuu w VU13 IVbkW 6U IMVUU with the plans It exposed. The 10,000 plurality la Indiana tor which Dudley had bargained sank to a miserable a,348 by tea. son ot the Inability ot his agents to carry out tolly the nefarious scheme he had planned. And even the small plurality secured would bare been Impossible under the circumstances but tor that other purchase to which reference baa been made In a previous despatch—the purchase ot votes upon Tanner’a and Eoovey’s promise that tbe administration would pay tor them wltb Government money in the torn ot pensions, wnen the administration should get possession of the national strong box. The proof is thus complete that the present Administration and the Ilfty.flrst congress came Into being through flagrant and shameless corruption; that the election ot 1888 was purchased with money; that the money was secured In part by the sale ot legislation *• abort* to the monopolists, and In other part was Government money promised to be paid In the form ot pensions. ' Bow Mr. Harrison has dealt with the corrupt purchasers ot that election will he considered hereafter. Queries for the Protection Goliath. t* IX* Editor of r». World; It, as alleged, those engaged In agrlcul. tore exceed the number ot those engaged n manufactures, an excess ot agrlcul. turai produots should result. It the excesor surplus ot agricultural produots amoun ta only 8 per cent., why should not Icreigt goods in exchange ot said surplus be admitted freer Would the farmers, who produce th< urpius, he injured were such foreign goods admitted ireeT Goliath says that foreign goods, it tradi were tree, would bn ** rushed across the oeeai and be sold at the lowest possible price, even without any profit, in order to break dowi our manufacturers." As the goods would be “ rushed across the ocean” in exchange loi food products. It is dlf icult to understand now foreign goads sufficient to exchange foi 8 per cent, ot agricultural products would break down our manufacturers. It tbe farmers exceed In number those engaged It manufactures, the tamers cannot be recelv. ■ tng an equivalent in the exchange ot theli f products It there Is a surplus ot manufactured ! g«ods tor export. How silly, then, or proteo tionlsts seeking for reciprocity treaties wttl other countries In order to get rid of 8 pei cent.,ot agricultural products. As the capital ot tbe tanner Is not considered In determln- ! lug the money value ot bis products, nelthei i should the capital ot the manufacturer be j considered lu determining the price ot his products. ! U, as tbe Protectionist claims, labor Is protected, why the necessity of the Allen contract Labor law* Why cannot farmers tlx the exchangeable value ot their products with other producers instead ot allowing i hoards ot trade, syndicates, combines, Ac., tc I do sot i How could a farmer ever receive an equlvai lent in the exchange of his surplus products • under a protective tartfr? J. H. Brown. i Toronto, Onu [The W*«u> has proven from tbe census ngatn ana again that the export value of our 1 exports of tarm produots is over 30 per cent. * of tbe tarm value of all products and at leas* per cent, of tbe farm value. It it la umy i per cent, tbe robbery of tbe farmer remains tbe same. J

TIE PURCHASE OF INDIANA. How Dudey Was Protected by the j Administration from Indieiment JUDGE WOOD’S TWO ANTAGONISTIC CHANGES FROM THE BENCH. Seward of the Subservient Justice by the President The Hu Whs Bonsht the State of Indiana with Wenamaker’a Corruption Fond Weald Here Been Panlalied Had He Mot Threatened to Explode “Dynamite ” — Them Preware Wee Brought to Compel Wooda to Wreck the Machine of Justice—And When It Had Been Done the Unjhrt Judge Waa Promoted by the Beneficiary of Dudley's Crime. Washington, Sept 14.—Whatever measure of ignorance Ur. Harrison may hate managed to maintain daring the campaign or isss, toll knowledge at the means by which his election had been secured was brought to him very quickly afterwards. The Dudley letter, published Just before the election, had revealed the secrets of the campaign. The matter was In aU the newspapers and was the topic or conversation wherever men met together. Hr. Harrison perfectly knew the character ol the men who had purchased his election lor him and the methods they had used, Yet, with the single exception ot Dudley’s case, he In no way trowned upon the men or Indicated his displeasure with the methods. On the contrary, ho gave sanction to the methods by rewarding the men. He mad* Wanamaker Postmaster-General at the command ot the contributors ot the corruption > tuna. He rewarded Clarkson lor his part Ur | the campaign with the spoll3 - dispensing j place in the Post-Office Department. He[ turned Tanner loose In the Pension Office to! make wreck ot the surplus after the plan , proposed by that worthy around the cam-j palgn camp-fires. He raised no voice in pro* test against Quay’s continuance at the head ! ot his party’s organization, even alter Tua, Would bad lalc^^ the story ol that em- j bezzler’B crlmesT In Dudleyjs case alone he manifested a ccr-! tjiin measure ot sensitiveness. But the tacts■ that have since come to light strongly sug- I gest that his disapproval was directed against I the sin ot getting found out, rather -than rounded upon any broader considerations ot ! public morality. The sequel to the “ blocks 1 ot five “ letter is one ot the most humiliating Incidents in our political history. That Infamous letter gave specific directions to County Committee Chairmen as to the methods to be employed in bribing -voters and securing the delivery ot their voles. It tola where the money was to some from and how it was to bo used. That letter was widely distributed throughout Indiana, and ; many copies ot It were secured as evidence ot Dudley's guilt. It was explicit In Its terms, it left no room tor doubt. The statute which it transgressed was detective in many ways, but ft precisely and specifically covered Dudley's case. It did not make It an offense to attempt to bribe voters unless the attempt could bo shown to have been successful. But ft did make It a penal offense to advise or counsel such attempts on the part at others, whether the Attempts were made or not. This was precisely what Dudley had done; the proof ot his offense waa clear and convincing. It consisted ot his J own letter, signed by hlmseil and sent to

rnanj poiwusi «uuuu<wui« to bribe voters In “ blocks of five." telling tbek bow to do U and promising tbe necesear j money. A reputable citizen ot Indiana promptly swore out a warrant tor Dudley's arrest, and that worthy dared not return to bis borne In Indiana until a year afterwards, when secured against molestation by tbe taxor ot tbe Administration be bad helped to put Into | power by bis purchase ot votes. | Meantime tbe matter came before Judge1 ! woods in tbe United States District court | for Indiana He submitted It to tbe Grand ; jury on Nov. 14,1888, one week alter tbe election. He did so In a ebarge to tbe Grand Jury clearly setting tortb tbe law la a fashion obviously sound, which lett no room tor doubt in tbe mind ot any Juror that.Dudley should be Indicted and brought to trial. The substantial part ot that ebarge was as follows: 1 will instruct you tolly upon the word “attempt” (aa it ia used in thia clause, lest of sectlun 6,811), ta order that you may ondaratand Ua force ia relation to the specifications made regarding "counselling" to bribe and actual bribery. * * * Thia elaoae makes it an offense tor any ana to adsiao anotbar to attempt to commit any of tbe offenses named ta the section (5,611). Do that while it ia not a crime to make the attempt, it ia a crime to adtiae another to make the attempt. If A attempt to bribe B, that is no offenao under tha statute; but it A advise B to attempt to bribo C, then the one who eommande or gives tho advice is an offender under this law. And 1 will say tt at I consider there is some wisdom in this provision Two days alter tbe ebarge was gives, and before Dudley’s case bad been taken up. the Grand Jury was adjourned to meet again on Deo. 4. Under ibis ebarge Dudley’a Indictment was certain, and bis conviction was scarcely less so. But Dudley bad no mind to suffer alone. Others were Involved with him in this ofj tense against the law, and others rather than be bad profited by It. Those others bad tbe ; Influence necessary to save him. He sum- ; maned them to bis aid with a threat, lie declared that “ bis pockets .were lull ot dynamite,” and that It be were Indicted “something loud would be heard.” The Grand Jury met again on Dec. 4 and began to take testimony in Dudley's case. The evidence was overwhelming, copy alter copy of tbe •* blocks ot flvd” letter was subj mttted. Tbe proot was positive that tbe let{ter bad been sent to the County ht'alrmaa j generally, though some ot them bad been I wise enough to burn their copies and were j unscrupulous enough not to remember with | any certainty what they contained. It was I obvious that unless there was Interposition ! ot some ;klnd, an indictment would be 1 found. Then Dudley, it was feared, would explode bis dynamite. 1 Tbe Inter position came apparently from I Mr. Harrison s own law office, through bis

partner, Hiller, now Attorney-General at tie Unitea Staten by grace of his appointment. Hiller was In frequent conssltction with Judge Weeds, and on tne 6tb of December Weeds abruptly interrupted the Inquiry by adjourning the Grand Jury lor a week. His pret nas was that 1C was necessary tor him to hold court at Port Wayne. Dow shallow that pretense was the subsequent tacts sufficiently showed. Woods went to i'ort Wayne on the 12th of tho month and held court there for one hour and forty minutes, to hear an argument in a civil suit involving the sum of *11.50. Meantime the consultations went on with n great buzzing. On the 17th of December tbe Grand Jury reassembled. On the 18th Matthew Quay arrived in Indianapolis end held n long conference with the President-, elect. On the second and third days thereafter Mr. Harrison's law partner was engaged for a protracted period la secret consultation with Judge Woods. Meantime the District-Attorney had resigned, and his assistant, Mr. Bailey, had been appointed to tho vacancy by President Cleveland. Upon the plea that the Senate had not yet confirmed the appointment, Judge Woods refused to permit Bailey, to slgfi Indictments, and adjourned the Grand Jury to meet again on Jan. 14. When the Grand Jury reconvened in January there was no longer any technical difficulty In, the way of Dudley’s Indictment, Justice Harlan having designated Judge Cloypool to act as Dlsulc;-Attorney. Some other means of saving Dudley must be found, and Judge Woods leund it oy completely reversing his former decision, overriding n long line of rulings upon which men had been convicted, and setting at naught decisions of his own under which men were at that time serving out sentences in prison. He called the Grand Jury beiore him and gave them an amended charge, including the following paragraphs: Another important question arise- in ropscQta the interpretation of this statute and that ta whether or not one is peniahabie who cooneo'.a or advisee another to oencmit any of these offenses if the offense ho not committed or an attempt made to oorun.it it, X instruct you that it must be shown that tho crime contemplated wan committed or an attorn pt made to commit It. it results, of course, that the mere eendinc bj one to another of a tetter or document containing advioe to bribe a rotor, or setting forth a scheme for such bribery, however bold and reprehensible, id net tajicfni’c. There must be shown inaddlUon an attempt by the receiver of the letter, or of some other instigated by him, to execute the scheme, by bribing or attempting to bribe some voter in respect to the election of Congressmen, or in each way as to affect snob election. Another point deserves consideration in this connection. If the view be adopted that advice not acted upon may constitute a crime, then tho exact words used m giving the eovice, whether oral or written, must be ascertained, usd every oe-eftie inttodoirnt ia J'aftrof ihsccvcra soil tv efloccd and all doubts rvaotuvk <» favor of sir accused. If tbe nee of money be advised, but the particular purpose of its use be not clearly and indeed conclusively indicated, a possible innocent nee will be presumed; and even if the purpose to bribe be unquestionable, and yet tt appears that tbe design was to purchase voted for other officers than Iiepreeoatativos in Congress, it would be no crime under tbe statnts which ia designed to protect the election for that office. Judge Woods's first Instruction was that of a Jurist honestly laying down the lew in accordance with Its letter, i:s spirit and the uniform course of decisions rendered under It. Hts second instruction was a pettifogging perversion nt the law ingeniously contrived to save a particular criminal v, hose indictment and prosecution It wa3 foreseen would bring forth disclosures so startling and so harmful to the approaching Administration, and to men high In the party that had elected It, as justly to he likened to an explosion of dynamite. The first lnstruetton was given In obedience to law. t he second In obedience to Dudley's demand with Its accompanying throat, asd apparently upon an urgent solicitation irom Gen. Harrison's law office. Even If the interpretation given to the law In this second instruction had been sound, Judge Woods had no business to present It to the Grand Jury, as he very wcli knew. His manifest purpose in doing so was to break the effect of his llrst instruction and to prevent tbe Indictment of Dudley. It was not tbe Grand Jury's business to search out the results of Dudley's advice or to fiud an ultimate verdict In the case. It was that body's business merely to Inquire whether or not there was sufficient ground to justify a trial of the vse by a court and jury. It was tor tbe . a -and Jury to aster tala, tt such ascertainment was necessary at alh whether or not actual bribery had been done under Dudmv’« in«trm»Mr.nsL

That >t had teen done there wasao room for doubt. The bribery was general, open and notorious. A Grand Jurr indicted 130 persona ter that and kindred oflanses, and Judge Woods himself convicted and sentenced men under Indictment." which did not meet the requirements set lorth la this his second Instruction to the Grand Jorj. in one of those cases he had specifically and In terms ruled contrary to the Interpretation which he now gave to the law for the sate of shielding Dudley and protecting Mr. Harrison from the dynamite. The Grand Jury, however, could consider none of these things. It was bound by the Instructions of the court, and by virtue of those instructions Dudley went tree. Why Dudley was thus protected at the cost of the honor of a court It Is not difficult to conjecture. The Impulse was fear of what Dudley might reveal concerning the relations ot men in nigher positions than his own to the nefarious practices in which he had heen engaged. That the protection was arranged through the law office ot Mr. Harrison himself appears to lie clear on the faoe ot the facts. That the proceedings had Mr. Harrison's sanction has Been shown by subsequent events. In December, ISSi, there was a vacancy upon the bench ot the United states circuit court. There were honorable Judges in tha District Court and elsewhere well deserving of promotion to the place. Mr. Harrison passed them all by to give the promotion to this man Woods, who had thus debauched his court lor the protection ot crime. When it was nrst suggested that he might do this the suggestion was resented hr honorable men in both parties as one reflecting unjustly upon the President. Yet in the face of protest from men high in the counsels of the nation and in the face of a known and imphatlo public sentiment, Mr. Harrison node the shamelul appoint meat. Ko act ot his Administration—no act of any idmlntstratlon—has created a deeper disgust than this in tho minds of the people, if it las not made Dudley’s case tha President’s >wn, it has. at any rate, placed the President in the position of Dudley’s protector. • It has riven the sanction of his approval to official ;oti duct on the part of Woods which snould nave driven any judge guilty of it from the Sphere was no other reason for Woods’s promotion than his supservieney in this matter. Ue was not distinguished above other H'ed--ral district judges tor ability or service, and sven If the President strongly disbelieved in ihe existence ot conscious wrong in the fudge's action, he was suii bound to protect the Circuit court bench from the presence upon it ot a man bo smirched in public iptnion. No man wbo has given occasion, nowever innocently, to such criticism as that invited by Woods Is at lor judicial place, and jertainly no President properly regardful ot the good name ot the courts would ever have thought of selecting a ciau so dlsqnallQed lor so eonsolcuous a promotion. And the mat ter is made tho worse by the President’s own relations to the accusations against Judge Woods. The President was himself the beneflclary o’ Dudley’a offense, and less directly the beneficiary also oi that silence on Dudley s part whtoit was secured through Judge Woods’s action.

New Jersey Democrats Nomin Jtid'fe Werts for Governor.; HE LANDS THE PRIZE ON, PRACTH THE FIRST BALLOT. George T. Werts BeMtnd 4) V'»:e. Before the Remit of tht 1U Ww Announcoil—Toe platform 1 donetl the Nominations of Cleveland ‘iceven.ou ami the Able Adu litiatlou of Got. Abbott. Tbkntox. K. J.. Sent. 14.—At the New , sey Democratlc State Convention held ) to-day Supreme Court Judge Georgo Werts was nominated lor Governor ol b Jersey, ptactlcaliy on the Seat ballot. 1 The first roll-call of counites gave him j votes, two less than a majority. The of candidates were Edward F. C. Toung, who received 334 votes; Aogustus W. cutler. 49 votes; Gen. Richard a. Donnelly, 63 votes Mercer County, which had cost fifty votes tor Gen. Donnelly with the understanding that they should goto Judge Werts oaf the second t allot, changed to Werts beforeuhe result o! ths roll-call was announced, whin gave Judge Werts 4bi votes. Two-ttlrds or the votes lor Cutter, Which were also to tavor Judge Werts, but which wore cast la favor of the candidate of lta Congressional district, followed the leap ot Mercer county, and a general stamped* followed to the Supreme Court Judge. 1 Edward F. C. Young never had more than SS5 votes ta the convention and twenty-3ve ot these were obtained hr refusing credese ttais to regularly elected delegates to Hudson County. It was a remarkable convention from the star; to the finish and the Young men were outnumbered ana outgeaerald, and were oppcsed almost unanimously by the voice at the dense crowd In the convention ball They fought a determined battle until Urn last and died hard. The convention was called to aider hr Allen F. McDermott- chairman ot the Democratic state Committee, and congreaaman Edward F. McDonald, ol Hudson County, wan elected permanent chairman. 4m. The platform, which was read by Delegate x Lane, of Union county, enthusiastically In. dorsad the nominations of Grover Cleveland and Aulal E. Stevenson and tee administration ot gov. Leon Abbott. It referred to the , following legislative measures la the Interest cl labor, all ct wHon were approved by aDern. ocraric Governor: *~ -■■jActa which secure, beyond the reach ot fraud, the payment of wages to meohanlos aua otters engaged In the erection of buildings; an act providing tor sixty tree scholar* snips In tne Stale Agricultural College; acts to authorize tee ettaUtahmcnl of iree puefio libraries and reading-rooms !u cities and, towns; an act giving a lien for wages duo for labor performed and materials furnishedin finishing alls and goods ol which silk la n component part; an act lor the Improvement ot the State Agricultural Experiment station; an act making Saturday a halt holiday; an act extending th* provisions of the Mechanics* Lien law to money due lor labor or materials furnished In the erection ot public buildings; an act prcbtbltlog corporations from forcing their employees to contribute to relict funds; an act eroatlog a State Board ot Arbi’ration for tne amicable adjustment of grievances and disputes teat may arise between employers ana employees; acts pro. vldlng tor absolute secreey In the exercise ot the elective lran-Ulse; an act providing for • commissioner of mines to inspect all mines In this State and to secure oropor saleguards. ter the protection ol the lives of men employed^ therein; at act making wages due workmen and laborers a first lien upon the assets of Insolvent corporations; an act providing for ■ the Incorporation ct trades unions and labor organizations, and other acts. The resolutions denounce all frauds perpo. trated upon the elective franchise, and call I the attention ol tile people to the tact teat prosecution and punishment ot those Crimea have been the work ot a Democratic Erase* eutor and Democratic Jurors. in conclusion the resolutions ask from fair* minded citizens a comparison ot this taot with the action ot» Republican Senate which vo ed to scat as senator a man from Hudson vho, every one knew, was not entitled to tha office. The action ot that Senate was pro. tected by constitutional privilege, hut it wsa none tee less a crime. Judge George T. Werts, the Democratlo can. didate for Governor ot New Jersey, la a wellknown lawyer oi Morristown, S. J. He was a member of the Senate Brora Morris County, And was President ot the Senate part- ot his term. He was recently appointed a Justice oi tha Supreme court by Gov. Leon Abaeth

HAILE AND WOLCOTT. They Will Load the i:»y Sta’e ItrpnhHeaee ta the November State Fight. Boston, MasA, Sept, 14—The Republican State convention met lit Tremont Tempi* this morning and went through the programme drawn up tor It beforehand. Rev. K. A. Horton offered a prayer and chairman EL s. Draper, ot the State committee, was made temporary presiding officer. Alter he had spoken briefly and the usual committees had been appointed the convention was permanently organised, with Charles fl. Alloa, ot Lowell, as Chairman. There were lew spectators present and little enthusiasm. The names ot Lodge, Barrett and a lew others were applauded, and when Chairman Allen mentioned llorrlson and Reid In his speech the convention cheered. Mr. Allen s speech was lonff and confined to the financial and tariff Issues. In It* course, speaking ot the necessity ot work to carry the State, he referred to Thk Would • Western Campaign Fund In these words: Taeopponents of the Republican party—-and M oupoQvuti I include all the boierogeneou* elemeutt that for on. reason or .Bother ref usa Vo .at with u*-Wi.l .pare no effort to carry the btaV. Into too Democratic cointun. They may. to bo sore, toM $1,000 or $10(1 into th» caps »Meh th» raiabajb — ctisSug attaches ol Democratic organ. .r. oircoUJt ice for . Western campaign fond, with . f«U knowledge that in so doing they ato oontrlbotlnff subviantia* .Id to tho promoters of free coinage, wild-tot bank, and other eitt.TiMtant hato.lw^ KliU-'-at cuw vwo. — Bat by far the greater part of mousy tciii bs ixpcudfd irituiu w— wrouoh her If possible from her moorings. The platform was read and adopted with applause. Thlsttehet was nominated hy acclamation with the exception ol the candk date for Lieutenant-Governor: 6»v«-»«—WrjjcjAVI H. f SpringSald. iiMii.sant-Sorwaor—Books Wolcoxt, of Be* t0.svri#'ary of St a**—WILLIAM M. OuM-Attorntv-Gonorol—AXJlEBT It. PlIASSCBT, At*(filer—Joujt W. KlUBilh. jvwMirsr-GkOKom A. Masnjct. The lollowlng are tho electors named: At Largo—NaUtasM P. Banka and John Dk e-R«.«&Jr * £ cWsSS Sifflsrti*iWSL%.iaa*r &. Lovett; 18, Johnt&hpkta* There were lour Candida; es for the nomination to tha Lieutenant-Governorship—F. W. Breed, ot Lynn; J. ti. B. Adams, of Lynn; 9. C. Darling, of Somerville, and Roger Wolcott, on the first ballot there was no cbMoe, on the second. Darling and Breed having withapawn, the vote stood: Wolcott, *39; Adams, «S; Darling, i; T. It, Hart, £ Resolutions complimentary to Danes were adopted. Mont:,mi Dotuocrata Put Up » Ticket. Gkxat Falls, Hon., tept. la—The Demo, crats metln State convention here today and nominated this ticket: t Ootornor-TtMOIHV KCOLUXS, of Grant Fall. Limu'tikanl-Gwr***—**• P« alKLTOM. Ow«wm>-w. W. Dimvx. or Butts. _ _ I’rooiJ-ntUI A?«ctor«—A. W.nvilAW Pad, Fk*fc Waltxb Uoowj. The platform indorses the tanff plank at t the National Democratic platform; declare* I that the price of wool has steadily declined under tho McKinley law; declares admire lion tor Rlehard P. Bland, “ whoso efforts < tehall ot free coinage deserve w«port;1* opposes the admission ofdenounces the Force hill and Indorses Ur* l ministration ot Gov. tool