Indiana State Guard, Volume 2, Number 23, Indianapolis, Marion County, 13 April 1861 — Page 1

THE CONSTITU TION, THE UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OF THE STATES!

VOL. II-

INJM AAAPOIJS, WD, SATURDAY, SAPRIL 13, 18G1

IVO .-33.

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SPEECH

HON. J. C. BRECKINRIDGE. Dhlivkiied in the Hall oi' this House of Rki--KKSKNl'ATIVES AT FRANKFORT, ON ' TUKSUAY, ApkilS, 1 06 1 . IN COMPLIANCE with an invitation op the Legislature op Kentucky. .

PLATFORM . OK THH .NATIONAL'' DEM00EATI0 PARTY,

Unsolved, That the platform adopted at Cincinnati

be athrmed, with the iollowmg explanatory resolu

tions: .

1. That tlio Government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary, : and during its existence all citizens of the United

States have an equal right to settle with their proi:

erty in the Territory, without their rights, either in person or property, being destroyed by Congressional

or .territorial Legislation.

2. That it is the duty of the Federal Government,

in all the departments, when necessary, to protect the

rights ot persons anil property in the .territories,

and wherever else its constitutional authority ex

tends.

3. That when the settlers in a Territory, having

an adequate population, form a state Constitution, the

right ot sovereignty commences: and being consum

mated by their admission into the Union, they stand

on an equality with the people of other States, and a

State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union whether its Constitution proliibits or

. recognizes the institution ot slavery.

4. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at tha earliest prac

ticable moment. 5. That the enactments of State Legislatures to defoat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave

Law are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect

6. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as an imperative duty of the Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as

its native born citizens.

Whereas, One of the : greatest necessities of the age, in s political, commercial, postal, and military

poim oi view, is a Bpeeuy comuiumcnuuii miiweeu the Pacific and Atlantic coasts; therefore be it ro-

solvod.

7. That the National Democratic party do hereby liledgc themselves to use every means in their power

to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of

their constitutional authority,' Or Uongress, tor the construction of a railroad to the Pacific ocean at the

earliest practicable moment., . :

GENUINE AMERICAN i-WATCHES

W P. BINGHAM & CO., . DEALERS IN . : ; ,-. Watches, Clocks and Jewelry. Agents for the sale of the GEN III N l AM ERICA N WATCH ES. We get these Watches direct frontline Manufactory Wo not only warrant nil we sell, but wc rccom mond them lo any one hi want of ft Watch as A durable, reliable, mid net-orate time keeper. We would rather Warrant (Jenoine AinericRM Wjtth for Jin year than an Knglish or Swiss Watch for one ymir. 'J'lic price of a fSeiiuine MTaltham Watcli H very rfawwable, posting los by one half than an English r Swiss Watch of the same quality. Beware or Counterfeit. Weha?e seen several persons wbolhouyht ther had a Oenwim Walt tarn Watch but which was only an English or Swiss iimuitalion of the American Watch. We have constantly on hand . larjre varie

tv in Gold and Sil ver Cmsks, direetlv from the Mamifactorj

AUo their Wrm Stye Wmdi for those who prefer a thtn waten. Our mock of Nwix Watches and Jewelry Uftrvlanm. P. .in i.ni I ion l.Pl.inr WnlcllCS. S ..r-fl to 5. Ml.

f;oiit!nsilion Mniitine I'ased Watehes, Ifl.AO to "5 SH er

Huntinp Case'l Wnt. hes, 7.) to I'-i.nO- , Silver Pull JeweUd U7l.d. Oil ti O 511

fare ;oin and Silver Ware; Silver Plated

Ware; Clicks, Ac . c. WaichcM Clock and Jewelry repaired and wnrraiiMtl. W. I. BI.-VRIfAITf CO., Twblfi- 90 Kst Washington St. lifdianapftii, lfld.

JUST RECEIVED BY EXPRESS!

WHITE Kit FPL! N G.AM. WlBTHR, . ilAKKOW BLACK S1I.K BHUSSKIJ5 IACK, 5AI1BOVV HLACK SII.K G1MPUBE I.ACB. . lll.Ai;K AND BROWS RK1KT KIUIUS, - TIDY YAKSH. At.L SOS., BLACK VKI.VET KIHBOSR, ' BLACK VELVET HUTTOXK, HI.ATK ASU EA.Nt Y BELT RIBBONS, Kill CLOVES,. BLACK MUSLISS AM) IK1SI1 LINES.S, W:.I LL"A RD'S f ' f,.b-- Ko. n l'at Wuhinsiiia tt. GOLD PENS!! The Largest and Best Assortment in the State, ' .at- ' " ' ' y . BOWEN, STEWART & Co.'s NEW AND IKTERISTISO. ELSIE VENN Ell. A ROMA.VCK OP DESTISY, , BY OLIYES WESEELL HOLMES, Jst rmmtie st . i a. , MHF.I, SHWiKI CO'.

Mr. Speaker, Gentlemen of the Semite and House of Jiepresentatives, and Fellow-Citizens : When I reuclied homo on Saturday last, I was informed that I had been honored by tin invita

tion from the General Assembly of this State, to

address them upon the present condition ot led oral affairs. . 4

1 feel most profoundly, sir, tlio honor of tliis

distinction ; and 1 only regret that 1 am not com

potent to reward tlie invitation in such manner

as 1 led convinced it deserves, and give to tlie General Assembly the counsel they have asked

at my hands. But, sir, owing all that I am to

the pepple of Kentucky owing so much to gentlemen around nie, who have extended me the

invitation, I did not feel at liberty to decline

feel, sir, that it imposes upon mo the duty to

speak with perfect plainness and Ireedom my opui

ions and sentiments in reference to the present

condition ol our country, btanding ns we do, in

he presence ol a broken Union- a broken L.onfoderacv the manner in which it may be re

stored, if that be possible; the relations which Kentucky and those States which are associated

with her may be obliged to take, and many other

kindred questions, are ol tlie greatest magnitude.. They rise, sir, far above all party considerations and all party platforms. In the course of my life, sir, I have inven and

taken blows in the ordinary political contests of

the country ; but 1 Lei that upon such an occasion ns this, one should eradicate from his bosom every particle of party feeling, and speak according to the dictates of his honest judgment concerning the very highest interests of . his State and of his country. Accordingly, Mr. Speaker, I will abandon any friend with whom I have been connected who differs with me in the views I entertain upon the all-absorbing question, and I will cheerfully unite with all to whom I may have been opposed heretofore, no matter how bitterly. All who will agree with the views which as a citizen I shall be bound lo take, I will

stand arm in arm with them as if we had been

twin-born. Perhaps the General Assembly will excuse me

if I detain them for a few moments with some remarks with respect to myself. You are quite

aware that the official position which I held in the last Congress made it impossible for me to

participate in the public discussions ol that body. But theie was no person throughout the country,

or at Washington, who felt a deeper interest in

what took place, or who tried, according to his

capacity, harder than myself to bring about a

peaceful adjustment of pur public difficulties. Among other things, I suggested a conference of the Senators from the Southern States, which

was held, with a view of uniting the counsels of

all those States upon some plan of adjustment, to reunite the States that had gone off, and to pre

vent further additions to their number. My dis

tinguished friend now before me (Hon. J. J. Crittenden) was in that conference, and I well re

member his speeches there, and his efforts to unite the counsels of all on some plan that should give satisfaction to the dissatisfied States. A few weeks after this, I had the honor to draft a paper, with a view to a conference of the border slave States, for the purpose of uniting counsel and preventing a collision of arms. It was signed

by the Senators from Kentucky and otherfeouth

crn States ; but wlien it readied tne iiouse oi

Representatives it was attacked from both quar

ters attacked from one quarter because, it was

said, the object was to gather together the border

States, and precipitate them into secession; attacked from another quarter the lower Southern States because, it was alleged, the object was to unite the counsels of the border States, and thus, perhaps, prevent ihe carrying out the

secession movement, failing to obtain the sig

natures required to give it the requisite moral

power, it fell through.

Mr. Speaker, we stand now in the presence oi

a broken Union. A separation of the Slates has

commenced, and has been carried forward to a certain extent. The causes of that separation ought to be briefly considered before we come to consider the manner in which the Union may be restored, if that be possible. It seems to me, sir, if I may be allowed to make a few general obser-

Uions, that tlie difficulties in which wc arc now

involved havenot sprungup suddenly. The withdrawal of seven States from the Confederacy has

not been the work of politicians alone, or the im

pulse ot a sudden madness, or the ebullition ot blind rage. Great communities of men do not so act. We

all know that men are prone to suffer while evils

arc tolerable rather than alter the forms to which they are Rccustomed. I speak without reference to the merits of the movement I refer to, but with reference to the facts. It broke out with volcanic force; but the causes that produced it had been

growing, as the chemical causes that produce

olcanie eruptions have been long preparing in

the bowels of the earth. .

It seems to me, sir, that the causes of our pres

ent difficulties are to be found in the radical dif

ferences which exist among the people in regard to the character of the common government.-

The dominant party in tins country hold m theory, and carry out in practice, the idea that the common government is a government made by the

whole people in the aggregate, aiul as a unit. They fail or refuse to recognize the prominent and distinctive existence of the several States as

parlies to the Federal compact. Hence they

speak continually of the people, and of govern ment by tlie people. They say, are you not wil

ling that the majority shall rule? What objection

have you to the expression ot the will of the majorityno matter in what form that majority shall determine, or in what manner the will of that ma

jority is ascertained? It is a sufficient answer to your objection, say they, that this is a people's government, and you must bow to the will of the

people, or ot the majority oi me people. in an this, sir, the existence of these Stales is ignored. The eminent gentleman, now the President of the United States, declared upon a recent occasion in a public address, substantially, that the Stales hold the same relation to the common government that the counties of a State hold to the State itself. Accordingly they are prone to attempt to administer federal affairs between the States, precisely as the Legislature of a State will administer the affairs of each county within its borders. Growing out of this is a proneness to ignore 'constitutional limitations, and to do in the several States

just whatever the dominant party may desire to

ao. it rowing out oi mis is claim w monopolize all the territories of the United 8lates. It is vain to make a constitutional argument rain to appeal to the practice of the government vain to appeal lo the decisions of the judicial tribunals of the land. They will tell you that the will of the

nation is against it. The majority of tlie people lyour property in your own Stales. So far as they

in these Confederate Status being in favor of ex

eluding nearly one half of their brethren, and having tRe numerical power to do so, they propose to do so jn accordance with the vicious theory which they entertain, and of which I have spoken. I speak of this difference as one of the causes which has tended lo produce the present condition of federal nffairs. It is one which will have to be argued in Kentucky, because it is of the nature of political differences to work themselves down to their ultimate causes. We will have to determine whether this is simply a popular consolidated government or a limited Confederacy with constitutional limitations -a government

made by the several States. . - I hold the theory contained in the Kentucky resolutions of '90, which I believe have been indorsed and approved by the great majority of all political parties at one time or another -th at the

Federal Government is a compact of government

between the States; that it is mit the fanal judge of its own powers, since that would make its discretion, not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, in the last resort, each must judge for itself of tlio mode and measure of redress. As we determine that, we determine other questions questions of treason, questions of allegiance, and other questions that may arise in the progress of (he existing difficulties. I do not hold that any party to the" compact has a causeless right to break up or withdraw from the Government. I do not hold the right of a State to dissolve ils connection with the Union causelessly breaking the compact What I mean to say is, that a State must, in the last resort, judge fur itself of the mode and measure of redress. Its confederates have rights, and may

also judge of the mode and measure of redress

If the magnitude of the difference be such that it leads to a collision,, there may be bloodshed; but

the bloodshed will be between two Governments,

and the character of the contest will be war,

Those taken prisoners are not to be hung as trait

ors, but are to be held as prisoner's, uf war, This is ono of the important questions which will grow

out ot the decision of the question winch now ag

itates the country. ; Hence, sir, holding these opinions, whilst I have loved, and do love, the

common Government under whose Constitution I was born; while I will adhere to it with fidelity, and co-operate in measures to restore it to its pure original principles, I hold that the ultimate action of mv State is my action her destiny is

my destiny; that I will share it with her; and

that in rainc with her I do not feel that I am a

traitor to any Other Government; I do not fc

(hat I owe that divided allegiance which will

cause me to run the hazard of being hung by one

authority or the other, according as either may

get possession of my person.

Mr. Speaker, 1 believe that the federal tiov eminent was intended for a confederacy of States and in the language 'of the Constitution, went in

to operation "between the States" ratifying the

same. We can get along with this common gov

eminent as a confederacy. We cannot get along

with it as a consolidated popular government.

Wc have various interests at stake. We arc, in many respects, a various people. We have the

Puritans in New England, and wc have almost a

different race in many parts of the South. We

have a German element so scattered over some

of the Northwestern Slates, that it nearly controls them. The States arc possibly capable of being

united in a conlederacy for a few and limited pur poses, but that is all. Why, if it were as the ad

ministration holds if a majority of the non-slave-holding States, for example, putting aside the

limitations ol the Constitution, being the final judge of their own powers, can control us, what kind of a government is this? It is the most ex

traordinary non-resident despotism that ever existed among men. Not only is it a despotism, but an alien, non-resident despotism. When it assumes a parly form; when a political sectional party, uniting in themselves all the- powers of government; when they take tlie Executive chair, the Senate, and the Iiouse of Representatives ; when they reform, to use their own language, the judicial tribunals herejyou have a President, n House of Representatives, a Senate, and a Supreme Court, all elected on sectional grounds -it is an alien government, the worst that ever cursed the world. Mr. Speaker, I have thrown out these remarks, not for the purpose of going elaborately into this discussion, but as indicating some of the causes which have led to our present difficulties some of the questions which will come up for discussion if they are not soon settled. It may be said there are inconveniences in both modes of construction. It may be that the Gov

ernment will not be so strong under one form as we could wish it to be. But, sir, we cannot make a stronger government than the ono I have indicated, for a confederacy of States, of almost various races, covering a great continent, and embracing many millions of people. If there besomc tendency lo fly off in the parts, it would be better so than that it should all tend to a consolidated popular despotism. The one preserves municipal constitutional liberty the other is a sure road to political death. Mr. Speaker, the theory I have indicated, upon the part of the dominant party, carried out into practice, has brought a sectional party into power, and has broken this Union. Kentucky wants to play her part in restoring it. Here Mr. Breckinridge proceeded to give a sketch of the several efforts made in Congress and in the Peace Conference to effect the adoption of some satisfactory measure of compromise. In so far as the dominant party is concerned,

the sum of it is, that the representatives of the

majority of the Stales of this Union ot the nonslaveholding States have, in the midst of convulsions that ought to have moved every patriot to some prompt effort for the pacification of his country, voted down every proposition which came from the North or from the South every proposition, I say, that looked at all like a broad and comprehensive settlement of this question. They voted dowB the resolutions of the Senator from Kentucky, and they voted down the resolutions of the eminent and patriotic Senator from Pennsylvania, Mr. Bigler. They voted down the resolutions of Mr. Douglas, and they voted down the border States resolutions even, which I think they might have accepted, unless resolved to pass the South under the caudine fork ; for there was less in them for anybody to be aatis6ed with than in anything I ever saw. Then they voted down the peace propositions; but presented as their ultimatum the resolution of the late Senator from New York, now Secretary of State gentlemen, we won't abolish slavery in tlie States where it exists, we won't abolish it byCongress, and the Constitution (hall not be so amended as that Congress shall be authorized to abolish slavery in these States. Nearly four months of eloquent and patriotic appeal by many

..Senators and Representatives four months of

effort in the presence oi crumbling Cytale ana at the end of it all, the ultimatum which has been

offered bv the dominant party to the wronged

section is. we will agree to ssy that w will not

are concerned, that is the reward which they have

given lo tlio border slaveholding States for efforts as loyal, heroic, and patriotic as ever were made by men, first to preserve, and then to re-unite this Union. I desire in telling what I believe lobe mournful truths, lo state what 1 consider the present

policy of the dominant or Republican party

say to you, sir, that so far from intending to make

a thorough, fair, and honest settlement ol nation

al troubles, they are engaged to-day in devising plans by which they hope to secure to themselves, and ultimately to their principles, all the border

slaveholding States of this Uontederacy.

" You have seen in the public press an account

of an interview between a leading spirit ot this Administration and a delegation from Illinois, about the time of Mr. Lincoln's inauguration. It

is the key-note, in my opinion, of the policy of

that party, He declared to them then, substantially, that he had occasion heretofore to call their

attention away from the Union which was not in danger, to the principles of freedom which were in danger; but that now, having secured the principles of freedom, he contemplated calling their attention away to the consideration of the Union, which is in danger. Without indicating a purpose to surrender or yield in the slightest degree in regard to the essential principles of their organization, they are the loudest in proclaiming the old Constitution that Constitution which they have for years been perverting. , It js not the policy of the dominant party to surrender a single one of their distinctive princi

ples, unless compelled so to do by a general outbreak of the people. But they intend to shift the

matter from the question of Republican principles to the question of Union, and to Secure the fruits

of their triumph in the abused name of the union of the States. For this purpose they propose to use the border States. To-day, instead of devising some broad and general plan to unite these

Slates, they are engaged in the dirty business of

dividing out federal offices, and devising schemes by which they may attack and debauch these very States that have made the best and noblest efforts to, save this Confederacy.; :. Look at the character of the administration. The most radical, uncompromising, anti-slavery men of the United States are connected with it, and are prominent in its counsels. The Senate itself is organized upon the very principles of Abolitionism. The most thorough, radical antislavery men in America controlling the entire organization of that Senate. As to its course in the appointment of the men .who are sent to

represent this country abroad. One man is sent to Austria, who openly spits upon all your constitutional rights. Another, from the edge of the Lakes, is'senl to Spain,, to replace a Kuntuckian;

a man that spouted from one end of the country to the other principles that: would destroy any

government on earth. As Consul-General to

Canada, this Administration has sent the most

notorious, long-lifed Abolitionist in the United

States a man that has frequently declared that not only does he not feel obliged to carry out the

constitutional provision tor the rendition ot lugitivc slaves, but that he has frequently aided and

assisted slaves in escaping from their masters.

This man glories in the violation of constitutional

aw, The great mass ot the appointments seem

intended both to insult and degrade the Southern States. , ':',..

Then, Mr. Speaker, whatever may bo our

hopes, or our fears, I have, in the course of my remarks, slated facts. I have stated that, to the

extent of their power, the present dominant party, with the President of the United States at their head, adhere, amidst all the confusions of their country, to all the principles of their political platform, and that they have no purpose, intention or desire, in regard to our present diffi

culties, to settle them upon terms that Kentucky, or the other Slave States have asked, or that their interest demands; that they are willing to

give you alone the poor boon that the Constitu

tion shall not be so amended; that Uongress shall

have power lo abolish slavery a paper declara

tion, which they are no more likely to respect than the other declarations which they have so

openly trampled under foot.

I have spoken ot these things, lirst, because

they are true; noxt, because, in my opinion, it is

important that they should be known, in order

that the Border States may be better able to de

termine what course to pursue in their efforts (o restore this Union.

I suppose that, having been honored by the

invitation of this Legislature to address them, I am expected to speak plainly. Therefore, I do not trespass upqn your time to deal in idle specu-

ations, when 1 propose to give my humble sug

gestions as to the course which it seems to me Kentucky ought to take. , , Now, Mr. Speaker, as far as the Northern States are concerned, wo must pass by all the men in public life, and go to tlie Stales themselves. You have tried, first, to save, then to restore, the Federal Government through the medium of federal action. You cannot do it. You have lo fall back upon the States. You, must undertake to restore the Government by State action, You must appeal to the States of the North. So far as they are concerned, what is the prospect? It seems to me to depend upon the question, whether the moral or fanatical elementlust for dominion, or all combined, so strongly prevails as to make the question incapable of being settled upon a political basis. If this element does prevail so strongly, then, indeed, all hope is gone. If it does not prevail, then I maintain that the right political basis can

be had. If it can be settled upon that basis at all, it can be settled upon the right political basis

at least it can be settled upon a basis so much less than the full measure of right as has been proposed to them by Kentucky herself. We cannot settle the question, Mr. Speaker, by passionate and intemperate language. We cannot settle the question by refusing to recognize great facts that stare the world in the face. We cannot settle it by denouncing the citizens of the Confederate States as traitors and outlaws. We cannot settle the question by raising needless difficulties in regard to the navigation of the Mississippi, or the high or low tariff, or other questions which may be sprung by designing men. We can only settle it by laying down what is right, demanding what we are entitled to by the Constitution of the Country, and, getting these rights, offering the olive branch to the North on the one side, and to the South on the other. Now, sir, if wc were to undertake to settle the

question upon the high level of constitutional right, we would take the position that the Northern States must agree that the people of the South

ern States sball have the privilege of emigrating

lo the territories, and ot taking their property

tli them, and ol holding it there protected.

We would sustain that claim which has been ratified frequently in tlie political action of the Gov

ernment, and by the declaration of the bightcat

judicial tribunal of the land. Kentucky, in ev

ery form in which her Legislature, or coeven

amend the CBstituuon so as to deprive you of 1 express their sene, baa ratified that declaration

and declared it to be just. But, sir, Kentucky

and the border States have receded from that level to another.-'They have receded to the level

offered by the Senator from Kentucky, who en

terlained the constitutional opinion I have just

indicated as the full measure ol right, Out who yielded in a spirit of compromise, and his act has been indorsed by the people of this State.

Now, sir, 1 hold that if this question can be set

tied at all with the Northern States, it can be settled upon the basis of the resolutions offered by the Senator from Kentucky, with the amendment

submitted by Ins colleague in the benate w amendment which may be said to be simply dec- . laratory of the original purport of the resolutions;

because, according lo their proper construction, they originally expressed the sentiment they are made, perhaps, more definitely to bear by the

amendment offered by tlie colleague of Gov. Cmtenden. Then, here are resolutions which Kentucky re'

gards as constituting a proposition which she might offer to the North, and to the South, as a basis of settlement. It may be said that if she

offers more, there is no hope that the -Northern States will accept it. If she offers'less, it is perfectly certain the Southern States will not accept it. Indeed, the danger now is, that, those resolutions mav not reunite nil the States. I am

perfectly confident that nothing less will. lam perfectly satisfied that if the question can be settled at all, upon a political basis, that can be obtained. . Mr. Speaker, movements of this kind never go backwards. They have been allowed to progress until sometimes in reflecting upon the subject, thoughtful men can scarcely persuade themselves

that there is a hope of reuniting all the thirtyfour States in the Union. For one, sir, it would gladden my heart beyond measure to see them all under one constitution, as amended by the resolutions of my distinguished friend, although I believe that time will develop that political affairs in this country, having taken a course not anticipated by the frumers of the constitution political affiiirs having taken a course by which sectional parlies and classes of States, as such, rule the Confederacy without limitation that it will . be difficult to prevent frequent convulsions in the future without the full recognition df some selfprotecting element by which the weaker portion of the confederacy may have the power to protect and dafend itself. But if we could reunite , the States upon the basis of these resolutions, I

these additional guards might be afterwards ob tained. ' '''. ':;" Now, Mr. Speaker, what position nre we to take in Kentucky ? Do we want to keep those seceded States out of the Union ? Do we want to make some proposition to the Northern States

that may just patch up a settlement that will leave the Union with half the South gone, and with the remaining few feeble Southern' Slates members of a Northern confederacy? Then all we have to do is simply clamor down the Crittenden resolutions, and to clamor up the name of Union without condition without saying what are our terms, and what we must have. Raise the cry of Union without condition and you have the result. Those men who will reject adjustment measures, and refuse to take a manly, open stand upon the ground of settlement which they believe themselves to be less than the measure of constitutional right, and at the same time declare they are for the Union and the Constitution, are in effect the kind of men who, in their purposes and motives, are the very worst of disunionists; because they pursue a course that makes the permanent disruption of the union certain. They pursue a course that insures the permanent dissolution of this union, and insures the connection of this Commonwealth with a Northern confederacy as a free State. The men who aro the Union men in the true sense of the word, desire to agree upon some plan of adjustment which i may unite the States. They are more entitled

to the name of constitutional men than those who desire to see Kentucky remain in the Union without terms, and without conditions. What, then, would be our condition ? Let us suppose that Kentucky and her associate States those most intimately connected with her by geographical position, and by interest take no ground in favor of a thorough and substantial basis of adjustment, we all know that half the South will be gone gone forever. There will remain some six or seven slave States, having thoroughly surrendered, having given up everything, because to demand anything is "obnoxious to Northern States," as the phrase now is. These Slates will be left like an army in the field with both flanks

exposed, with nearly all their trade gone with nearly a quarter of a million of slaves in their

midst that cannot go either to the North or to the

Soulh laboring uuder the pressure of a high tariff, while the more southern States will prosper under a low tariff'; connected with nineteen free States that overmaster them ; compelled under those circumstances, to furnish funds and forces to harass, and possibly subjugate, the States below ; that is the prospect that opens before our beloved Commonwealth, unless she pursues a course that accords with her own glorious history a true, brave, and manly course. If I am wrong, I am willing lo suffer the consequences. If I am wrong, it is an honest error of judgment. I am uttering my whole heart, my whole opinions, to a body that has done me the honor to ask for them. Then, sir, I say it seems to me that if the State of Kentucky refuses to plant herself upon some position that is suitable to her own history and character; if she refuses to demand something she may reasonably ask, and ask without bringing a blush of shame

upon her cheek, something that she may oiler to her brethren in the North and her brethren in the South, she may then expect to drift into whatever vortex chanceTnay prepare to receive her. At the end of the territorial controversy, she may look upon the ruins of a departed confederacy, herself shorn of her power, a miserable fragment of an auti-sluvery Union. I hold that, in entertaining these sentiments, I am a friend of the Union of these Slates. I confess that to me it is strangely incomprehensible

how well informed gentlemen can take grounds

that fall below, far below, the measure pro

posed by Gov. Crittenden, and yet declare

they are, par excellence. Union men, when, if they

will only reflect, they must know that the effect

of their policy is to make the separaion ot Hie

States eternal. W ill it not be our policy to try a course which may bring back the Confederate States, upon which we can say to them we feel that we can maintain our position, our substantial rights upon tbis basis- -stand long, plead long, to re uuite all the Slates; is is not better to pursue that policy, and propose such a plan which we can get, if it is fiimly, bravely, and respectfully demanded from the North, if we can gel anything? Now, Mr. Speaker, it appears lo me, sir, diet if tlie States of Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and the other States indicated, were to take the propositions of Gov. Crittenden even make them stronger, if you choose; because if yon can ever

tions, or the people themselves at the polls, eould I get it off the fanatical basis, nd put it upon a

political basis, the full measure of justice and

equality can be secured take them offer them to the North and to the South hold them out to

-"both sections try to reunite all these States upon

this basis; say to them, we are members of a Confederacy of thirty-four States, that has broken in parts we desire to reunite the parts. If we find it impossible to reunite upon terms that we think you can reunite with honor upon, then the Commonwealth of Kentucky will be perfectly free to pursue whatever course her people may think consonant with her interest and her honor. It is not appropriate for me to go farther and say what, in such a melancholy contingency as that, I would advocate. It is not within the scope of these remarks, and I have expressed my opinion on a recent occasion. Mr. Speaker, I hope it will not be considered disrespectful for me to make one additional observation.. I am sure all will agree that whatever Kentucky shall do in relation to this important question, ought to be done by the expression of a decisive majority of her people. Her purpose should be the expression of a clear, unmistakable majority of the people of the State. On a question so momentous as this, affecting her future destiny, a majority of a few hundreds, or a thousand or two of her people, one way or the other, might become a subject of controversy or dispute. It might be said we have been defrauded or surprised in the election. Wc have been deprived of the expression of the deliberate will of the State. Therefore, -ir, I hold that her action should be the action of a distinct majority of her people. I hold, further, that when that majority utters its voice, all ber citizens are bound to acquiesce. ; Mr. Speaker, I have trespassed too long upon ; the patience of this assembly. The condition of my health, and oilier causes, made it difficult for me lo express the views which, in so unpretending a maimer, I have attempted to advance, and I have done it in a spirit of sincere gratitude and respect, upon the invitation so kindly extended to me. I trust sir, yea, I know, that the State of Kentucky, which has not been percipitate, but lias been loyal, true, patient and forebearing, most conspicuous of all States in the attempts which have been made to restore a broken Union, and a broken Constitution, will act in a manner answerable jo her character and history. She has vindicated her loyalty, her truth, her honor. It is the sense of her people that she shall make another effort in conjunction with her associate Border States, for the purpose of re-uniting all the States. There is not in this room or Union a man whose heart would leap with more glad

ness than my own than if such an effort were successful. I trust that Kentucky will never forget that principles of municipal and constitutional liberty are more sacred to her than even tlio existence of a Federal Union of all the States that the Union is a great, glorious, and beloved means to accomplish certain great ends, which are life, liberty, and the protection of property. I trust, sir, that she will persist in her efforts. I know sho will use all honorable efforts to preserve the Constitution and to restore the Union. But, sir, if at last her efforts shall fail if the Constitution is to be perverted if its spirit is to be destroyed, and the habitation of constitutional liberty defiled, then I trust that the Commonwealth of Kentucky will gather up these priceless principles, and with them her household goods, and that she will bear them to a sanctuary where they will be protected by constitutional laws, honestly administered, and by a pure public faith, against the combined as- . saults of fanaticism, hypocrisy, and perfidy, Mr. Speaker, I return to the General Assembly my most sincere and profound acknowledgements for the honor they have conferred upon me, which I have repaid as best I could, by a simple, unpretending, truthful exposition of pubv lie affairs.. . . .. , . ' .. A Noble Response, The following is an extract from a recent speech

of Gen. Lane, in reply lo the assaults of Andrew Johnson : . . . The Senator on that occasion looked at mo, pointed in my direction, and made remarks not becoming a Senator remarks that have been too often made upon this floor, and that no gentleman would make. lie had struck treason a blow. The mighty Senator from Tennessee struck treason a blow ! To whom did he allude ? He said he saw the commotion on this side of the Iiouse ; he saw the book being brought in ; he saw that I was to reply to him. Sir, it the word "treason" was to be applied by him or any other man to me, I would say, you are a coward that cannot maintain it. Sir, I cannot express my contempt, of the man who would so insinuate, even in thought. ' A drop of treason never ran in my veins. At an hour's notice, when working in a cornfield for the support of my family, when I heard that Indiana had been called'on for troops, I offered my services ; and 1 did not look upon my family from ten minutes after I had received tlie police until I had gone through bloody battles ; until 1 had carried home with me evidence of my devotion to the Union. Does the Senator dare to charge treason upon me? I think not; for no gentleman would have the temerity to do it I might goon and say that I entered that service as a private, with my knapsack on my back, and was mustered into the service as a private, and I came borne out of. the service with the rank of Major-General in the Army. learned it on the battle field. On the battle field I lost almost the last drop of my blood without a murmur, in the service of my country. Who, then, is ho that would dare have the brazen effrontery to charge me with treason to my country a country which I have loved from my infancy, which my father fought for, and which I have never failed to fight for myself? I never will fail to meet the foes of my country, or to bleed in her oausc, while I am able. Though my arm is not strong as it once was, though my limbs may not now be supple or clastic as in youth, I am yet able, when my country shall need my services, to offer them, and I shall be the first to do it on any just occasion ; but never against one of the Slates of this Union, who has left it because justice lias been denied to her. No, sir ; never 1

Foreign Items. In the Iiouse of Commons, on the 2'2d ult., Mr. Gregory announced that on the 16th prox. he should bring forward the question of the propriety of a prompt recognition of the Southern Confederacy by tbo British government. A prominent feature in the news by tha America is the anouncement that the following clause has been introduced into the policies by the companies and private underwriters, and the fact posted at Lloyds: "Warranted free from all loss, claim or damage, arising from "seizure, detention, or anv other hostile act of the government or people of any revolting or seceding States of the Union, generally known as the "United States. The news from the continent is very warlike. France, Austria and Russia are making extensive military preparations, and our Paris correspondent writes that Garibaldi is actively employed organizing his forces for his promised Venetian campaign.