Indiana State Guard, Volume 2, Number 17, Indianapolis, Marion County, 2 March 1861 — Page 1
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TH E CONSTITUTION, THE UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OF THE STATES! vol.;.ii.::: indi anapolis md., Saturday, march 2, mn. - '. ;; ; . no. n.
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INDIANA STATE CONVENTION. The Kepresentatives of the People, without
reference to Party, in Council, THE CRITTENDEN PLAN ACCEPTED
PLATFORM OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY,
Resolved, That the platform adopted at Cincinnati
no atlirmed, with the following explanatory resolutions :
1. That the Government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary,
anrl during its existence all citizens ot the United
States have an equal right to settle with their prop- :.. i. i1 . :.t . :i .. .
VI iy 111 UlC V, I.1UIUUI. llll'll IIIIIB, CltliCl 111 pci-son or property, being destroyed by Congressional
or lerntorial Legislation.
2. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all the departments, when necessary, to protect the rights of persons and property in the Territories,
and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. .
3. That when the settlors in a Territory, having
an adequate population, torm a Mate Constitution, the
right of sovereignty commences; and being consum
mated by their admission into the Union, they stand on an equality with the people of other States, and a State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery. 4. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment. 5. That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of tho Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. 6. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as an imperative duty of the Government to
protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, wheth
er at home or in toreign lands, to tue Bame extent as
its native bom citizens. Whereat, One of the greatest necessities of the ago, in a political, commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts; therefore be it resolved, 7. That the National Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power
to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of
their constitutional authority, by Congress, for the construction of a railroad to the Pacific ocean at the earliest practicable moment.
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ELS
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Walrhru, Clocks and Jewelry repaired
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'We had only time, last week, to publish the resolutions adopted at the great Convention at Metropolitan Hall, Indianapolis, called by the People, on Washington's Birthday, to express their sentiments in favor of the Crittenden plan of adjustment; and such was the hurry in which we put even the resolutions to press, that several
words were omitted calculated to mar their sense. We, therefore, give below a full account of the proceedings of the Convention: The Convention was called to order at eleven o'clock by Hon. M. T. Carnahan, of Posey coun
ty, on whose motion Hon. W. K. Edwards, of Vigo county, was called to preside over the Con
vention, and Mr. Uarnahan called upon Hon. T. A.7, Hendricks and Gov. Hammond to conduct
Mr. Edwards to the chair. He was received
with loud applause, and said in substance as fol lows:
Fellow-Citizens: I thank you for the honor you have just conferred on mo. The purpose of
the Convention was that all Union-loving citi
zens, without distinction of partv, should come forward for the Union. We appeal to the affec
tions of patriotic citizens to avert the calamities of
civil war. This may be difficult. Our people inherited the true Anglo-Saxon blood. Neither North nor South of Mason and Dixon's line would they take offence. He hoped this passionate
blood would be kept down just now. Brother was meeting brother. American citizens were now
ed upon to act, without reference to sectional
ism and without reference to party. They had come up as patriots. And as patriots they were now called upon to lay everything upon the altar
of their country. This was an auspicious day. This was the anniversary of the birth of George Washington. Loud applause George Washington, the first in war, the lirst in peace and the first in the hearts of his countrymen. Renewed
applause. J
JNever should he and his precepts be the last to
be remembered by the American people every where. Here there was a perfect storm of ap
plause, and it was some minutes before order was restored. Would to God that every citizen could find it in his heart to act in this emergency as George Washington acted when his country call
ed him. Let each citizen, to-day, remember that
is country demands his services, and let him
render them as the patriots of the revolution ren
dered them. He trusted that brotherly affection, that conciliation and compromise would be brought to bear, and that we would to-day do something
tore-unite the Confederacy m a more perfect union
than ever.
"A union of lakes, a union of lands, A union that none can dissever;
A union of hearts, a union of hands, The American Union forever." , Loud applause. Mr. Edwards continued, "E Pluribut Unum," now and forever; our Government is the only hope of the oppressed throughout the world. Francis Scott Key, in sight of Baltimore, in sight of Fort McHenry , wrote that inspiring song, the echoes of which thrill every patriotic heart: "The Star-spangled Banner, oh, long may it wave, O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave." Great applause. Men may differ politically, but that was no
reason why we should not agree upon some plan to preserve this glorious Union. He hop
ed that would be the result of this day's delib
erations. : Mr. Edwards took his seat amid loud applause. Mr. Slack, of Huntington, moved the appointment of one Vice President from each Congressional District, which, after several motions in regard to the mode of appointing them, was agreed to the districts to nominate. The following gentlemen having been nominated, were appointed Vice Presidents: 1st District Samuel Hall, of Gibson.
dry citizens of Shelby county in favor of the Crittenden amendments, or some other plan of amicable adjustment, instructing Senators and Representatives in Congress in this regard. Republicans, Bell and Breckinridge men were, in Shelby county, unanimously for Union. Mr. Edson, of Posey, said that he had just sent up a petition. It was unanimous for union. Douglas, Bell and Breckinridge men were in fa
vor of it. The President of the Lincoln county club, in Posey, had headed the list for the Union. Out of three thousand voters in that county,
there are not one hundred who are not in favor of the Crittenden or border State propositions. Mr. Landers from Morgan county, presented like petitions. Mr. Cooprider, of Clay, presented like petitions. Bell, Douglas and Breckinridge men all joined in the Crittenden amendments.
Frank Smith, of Bartholomew county, presented like petitions. There was but one sentiment there Union first, and party afterward. Mr. Rightly, of Johnson county, presented like petitions. All men, whether Republicans, Douglas or Breckinridge, were for peace and compromise, and opposed to coercion. Mr. of Knox, presented like peti- I
lions. For the union now, and the Union nil the time. For anything which will save the Union.
Mr. Davis, of Scott, presented like petitions
His people were for the Union first, last and all
the time, irrespective of party. Mr. Hamilton, of Allen, said that he had pre
sented like petitions to the- Senate. There was
no sentiment that his people would not sacrifice for the Union. The large majority of the Republicans of his county said this. MiO , of Dearborn county, said that like petitions were in circulation there. Tho
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HANDS W A NTED! 1WISH to employ two actiTe handito cot mw-Iof; alto, oil? lo drive oxen in hautinir the tame W the So Mill. I th alo to hire an experienced and I runty farm hand, aeeoe toinr'l t tbe care of tlock and mi(n(r aratn. A dingle man will be oarded, and a heaae rented to a married man. For the f&rtn band, an Eiiglitbmao or German preferred; the oU art to he tneriratit. IS one need apply nnleta desiring, and determined to merit permanent ait nation a. J. B. BROWN, Galtaodet,6 miles ft. K. from ladlanapolla. N. H. I am now ready to reeeire order for all kind or l.nmher. JanlS-tf
2d ' Wm. K. Dixon, of Clarke. 3d " T. M. Adams, of Brown. 4th " Maj. John Andregg, Dearborn. Sth " W. P. Applegate, of Fayette. 6th " James H. Clay, of Hendricks. 7th " Dr. Dobson, of Owen.
8th " Dr. Yeakel, of Tippecanoe. 9th " Dr. James Gordon, of Cass. 10th " Samuel Hanna, of Allen. 11th " Andrew Jackson, of Madison. On motion of Thomas A. Hendricks, Esq., J. R. Bracken, of Marion, and Wm. F. Delamater, of Martin, were appointed Secretaries. On motion of John R. Coffroth, Esq., William Culley, of Marion, was appointed additional Secretary. Hon. Robert Dale Owen offered the following, which was unanimously adopted: Resolved, That a Committee of one from each Congressional District be appointed by the Chair to take into consideration the Slate of the Union and the most effectual means for its preservation, with leave lo report thereon by resolutions or otherwise. The President, on appointing the committee on resolutions as follows, said that he had endeavor
ed to select them without regard to party.
COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 1. Robert Dale Owen, Posey. 2. J. J. Douglas, Harrison. 3. Thomas M. Adams, Brown. 4. Cornelius O'Brien, Dearborn. 5. Wm. H. Beck, Fayette. 6. A. H. Davidson, Marion. 7. G. F. Cookerly, Vigo. 8. J. Spears, Tippecanoe. 9. J. C. Walker, Laporte. 10. H. MoCulluch, Allen. "II. John Hunt, Madison. Gov. Hammond rose and said, that at the time the call was made for this Convention, petitions had been sent to different parts of the Slate. Many of these petitions had been returned numerously signed for the purpose of being presented by the members of the Legislature of the respective counties to that body. He moved that those petitions in the hands of parties here, be sent up to the Secretary's desk, and that the Secretary endorse the names of the counties on tbe several papers, and that they then be handed to Senator Johnson, when properly indorsed, to be by him presented to the Legislature now in session. Mr. Dobbins had a petition from the people of Martin county. Gentlemen of all political parties represented Martin in this regard Bell, Lincoln and Breckinridge men. Applause. Unanimously were the people in favor of com
promise.
Mr. Mcrarland presr nUd a petition from sun-
sentiments which prevail in this meeting would warm the heart's blood of the people of his county. They thought this Union could not be pieserved by force. Mr. Prosser, of Brown, presented resolutions from the citizens of his county, in favor of the Crittenden amendments, or any other reasonable adjustment. . Mr. Shoulders, of Dubois county, presented petitions from Lincoln, Bell, Douglas and Breckinridge men, all in favor of compromise and the Union. They will not irive up the ship under
any circumstances. Mr. Ray, of Shelby county, presented like petitions, irrespective of party. In one township fortv-ninc were Republicans, and fifty-three Dem
ocrats who signed the petitions. In oilier townships the proportion was the same. Mr. Frazier said that the people of his county, Kosciusko, were opposed to the Crittenden amend
ments. The Douglas Democracy had rejected
similar propositions at Charleston, when they were reported by a majority of the committee on the Platform. The Crittenden proposition was the Breckinridge Platform submitted at the Democratic National Convention, which the Douglas
leaders would not receive either at Charleston or Baltimore. Sooner than receive it at the National Convention, they split, distracted and sacrificed the Democratic party. Mr. Prosser called the gentleman to order. He could prove by the gentleman's Vote in the Legislature that he opposed all honorable compromise; he had voted for coercion yester--day.-. Mr. McDonald rose to a point of order. He understood that petitions were in order. The gentleman from Kosciusko had said that he had
no petitions to present; on this point he called
mm to order. Mr. Frazier I will submit to the ruling of the Chair. Governor Hammond said a point of order had
been made by Mr. McDonald. He hoped that
point of order would be withdrawn and the gentleman be heard. Mr. Frazier came here as a citizen of Indiana. He was for free speech, Mr. McDonald Are you in favor of the sentiments which have called this meeting together? Mr. Frazier wanted to know what those sentiments were. Voice "Did you not vote yesterday in the Legislature for coercion?" Mr. Frazier If it had been the Chicago platform yesterday before the House, I should have voted "No!"
The Chair Mr. Frazier is out of order, as he is not speaking to a motion or on the presentation of petitions. He and every other man shall have the right of free speech in this Conven
tion.
Mr. , from Cass count', said Douglas
Maryland, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri, seven in number, await the action
of the North before they decide whether vhey wi
remain in the Union or join the Southern Confed
eracy.
Their leader, Virginia, while expressing her
love for the. Union and her desire to remai
within it, lias declared two tiling", felie declares.
that, notwithstanding that desire, she elects to
join the South and to aid m defense of houihori
rights.
First, If coercion is employed against the so
ceding Mates.
Second, If all offers of conciliation and adjust'
ment are retused.
No man who knows Virginia will doubt, that
she will keep her word. Nor is there a reason
able doubt, that, whenever she secedes, all the
other Border and Middle Slates will follow 1 example.
lo resort to coercion, therefore, and to Inject all. terms of adjustment, is to decide that the Southern Confederacy shall consist, not of six or
eight blaies, but of httecn; and that it shall in
elude within its limits our present seat of Gov
ernment. .
If the Middle and Border States remain in the Union, we may reasonably hope, that the seced-
ilig "Cotton Stales will gradually return to it. If
the entire South unites, the Union, in all human
probability, is broken up for ever.
If the middle and Border States remain with us in, and the Cotton States persist in refusing to
leturn, we shall have twenty-six btates to eight
we shall retain our seat of government; the grave
of Washington will still be within the limits of
our Union; our flag, if a few stars have dropped out, will still be respected throughout the whole
world as the ensign ot the United btates of Amer
ica; we shall still have double the number of the
original thirteen States; the identity and the consideration of our country will still be preserved. To insure these invaluable blessings, what is re
quired of us to do?
fust, lo obey the injunctions of our religion
and act the part of Christians to our brethren of
the South; to avoid violence and coercion; to remember that a soft answer turnelh away wrath, but that grievous words stir up anger, and that
we are bidden to fora-ive our brother, not seven times, but seventy times seven.
Second, lo assent to certain proffered terms
of adjustment. What are these?
In the first place, they embrace some matters, either of trifling importance or self-evident propriety, as the repeal of the so-called personal liberty bills; the execution of the fugitive slave law;
the right of transit, with slaves, from one State to another; a prohibition to abolish slavery in U. S. arsenals, dock-yards, etc when these lie within slave States; an assurance thatslavery shall not be interfered with within the States in which it prevails. Next, a provision that slavery shall not be abolished in the District of Columbia without the consent of Virginia and Maryland. This proposes no actual change; for slavery has already existed there. And if, by refusing this, Virginia and Maryland secede, will the District then become free? And if it were free and were in our power, can we conduct our Government in a foreign
laborer gains, therefore, by such a Constitutional
provision,
country .'
Democrats came up for the Crittenden amend
ments. His county never faltered, lhey could not be frightened by the raw head and bloody bones held up as the Breckinridge platform. Two-thirds of the voters of Cass would favor either of the petitions for the Union, although
Schuyler Colfax did represent that District in Congress. Mr. Zegler, of Clarke county, said the forefathers of this Union had baptized its name in blood. That name was "The United States of America." He regretted that there were exceptions taken to the settlement of our difficulties. He would tell Young America that this was a dangerous time to make records, and a very good time to correct them. The man who would not now come to the rescue of his country would be one day politically dead, damned and delivered.
Applause. The sentiment of coercion was more Bt for hell than it was for earth. The Crittenden amendment was what we asked. On motion of Mr. Hendricks, the order of business was suspended, in order that the committee on resolutions might report. Mr. Stolsenberg, of Floyd, said it might not be in order, yet he would state that the people of his county had got tired of presenting petitions. Universally they were in favor of the Crittenden
amendment, lhey had sent to Congress petitions therefor signed by 1,500 out of a total of 2,100 voters. Mr. McLean, of Vigo, presented like petitions in favor of the Crittenden amendments or border Slate propositions. The Committee on resolutions reported by tbeir Chairman, Hon! Robert Dale Owen, who, when he appeared on the stage, was received with great cheering. He read the following: Mr. President: The committee appointed to take into consideration the state of the Union, and the most effectual means for its preservation, have instructed me to make the following REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE. Your Committee consider the danger to the Union of dissolution, probably of civil war, and possibly of anarchy, to be great and impending, and that a few rash steps on the part of our Government may suffice to produce these lamentable results. Six States have already seceded and elected their Chief Magistrate. Two more will probably follow them. The remainder, the Middle and Border Slates, to-wit: Virginia, Delaware,
But no serious reason is made by any reasona
ble man to these provisions. The true point in
dispute is the lerntorial question. As to thiS;
the proposal is, to divide the territories of the United States by the parallel of 36 deg. 30 min. ;
prohibiting slavery north ot that line and permitting it south of it. This is the contested point,
upon the decision of which may depend the maintenance or the disruption of the Union. This is a question not of humanity to the negro, but of advantage to tho white. It is very commonly, but very improperly called a proposal for the extension or .increase of slavery. It is nothing of the kind. It is at most a mere proposal to extend the area on which slaves shall reside. If a hundred African slaves were resident in a particular county, and it were proposed to take fifty of them into the counly adjoining, would that be an extension or an increase of slavery ? Certainly not. We cannot extend slavery except by adding to the number of slaves. And this can only be done by re-opening the African slave trade. But the slave trade never will be opened so long as the Uuion holds together, while it may be established if Southern Slates form a Confed
eracy of their own. The effectual mode, there
fore, of preventing the extension of slavery is to
preserve the Union. It is only while the Union holds together that we can be certain that slavery never will be extended. Thomas Jefferson, in his letter lo John Holmes,
then Senator from Maine, dated April 22nd, 1820, says : "Of one thing I am certain, that as the free passage of slaves from one State to another would not make a slave of a single human being who would not be so without it, so their diffusion
over a greater surface would make them individually happier and proportionately facilitate their emancipation by dividing the burden on a greater number of coadjutors," It is sufficient, however, for our present purpose, to admit that, as regards the negro, his condition is not, directly or indirectly, made worse by being removed from a State to a Territory. For if so, it is evident that the welfare of the white race only, not that of the African, is in any de
gree concerned.
But if it be a question as between whites alone, then the rights of the Southern white ought to be
regarded just as much as those of the Northern
white. VVhat is justice between them ? That a portion of the Territories of the United States should be open to the Northern emigrant, unshared by slaves ; and that another portion should be open to the Southern emigrant with his slaves. By taking slaves to a territory, the South, for the time, loses political power; for in a State, by the three-fifth principle, slaves form a basis of representation ; but as there is no Representative from a Territory, but only a single delegate, so the three-fifth principle is wholly inoperative
there. It revives only when tho lerritory becomes a State. But even then there is no political gain to the South except in the Senate only ; and to that she is entitled in virtue of her white population, not of her slaves.. The slaves who in the new State become, by virtue of the threefifth provision, a basis of representation, would equally have beeu such in the older States whence
lhey were withdrawn. I he political influence derived through them is neither increased nor diminished by their transfer from one Slate to another. Considerations of sectional ascendancy, then, do not enter into the question ; but, in addition, the question itself has ceased to be a practical one, for, during the last twelve years, though slave owners were free to lake their slaves into the territories of the United Stales, only twenty four slaves were actually taken there. If, as it is claimed by many, slavery is, by an opinion of the Supreme Court, acknowledged and protected in everv foot of United Slates territory, even up to the British boundary, then nothing but a Constitutional provision can exclude it from territory north of 36 deg. 30 min. The Northern
It is possible that the opinion expressed by the
Supreme Court, may, by some future decision, be reversed. But it is certain, that, meanwhile, there is no prohibition of slavery either north or
south ot the line. Meanwhile, too, there is danger of a contro
versy regarding jurisdiction between Congress
and the bupreme Uouit, than which nothing can be imagined more fatal to the supremacy of the law, because subversive of the authority of the highest judicial tribunal in the land. There is danger, too, that Supreme Judges may hereafter be selected solely with reference to the views they are believed to entertain on a single point; a condition of things, which would lend beyond measure to degrade the dignity, and character, and independence of the Court. I Thus we reach the conclusion that a division
of lerritory such as is proposed by the Crittenden or other similar plan of adjustment, and demanded by the border States, is equally just and ex
pedient..
It remains to speak of the effects, at the pres
ent juncture, ot coercion. The first and certain effect is, that it will unite
the fifteen slave States against us.
This Southern Confederacy, of some ten million inhabitants, will claim to be independent.
We may admit the claim or we may reject it.
If we ndmit their independence, then we have
clearly no right whatever to invade them or to
collect duties from them; an attempt lo do either
would be cause of war. As to forts mm other
United States property, the disposition to be made
ot them would be the subject ol negotiation. In
tins case, by bidding the scceders depart in puace,
and agreeing on terms of Reparation, though we lose them as sister States, we may retnin them as a friendly Power.
It, on the other hand, we deny their claim and
persevere in our denial, and proceed to enforce
that denial, either by invasion of any territory held by ihem, or by attempting, by means of the naval or military power of the Government, to
collect duties from them, such proceedings are
absolutely certain to be regarded by them as
cause ot war. lhey are absolutely certain to
ead lo a declaration of war by the South.
Coercion, then, whatever shape it assume, is
absolutely certain to produce, first a united bouth, and next a belligerant South. We shall have, bv our side, a hostile nation of some ten million
nhabitants, with a boundary of more than a
thousand miles to defend against them. We
hall have all the horrors and the sufferings and
the immoralities of war. There will be security neither to person nor to property. The farmer will sow, not knowing whether his own sickle or
an enemy's sabre is to reap. Men and women and children will lie down at night, uncertain whether their lives are safe until the morning. Coercion, in its commencement, is a decision, that, on the other side of the Ohio, in brave old Kentucky, there shall be a foreign soil. Coercion, if persevered in, will make Kentuckians not
foreigners only, but enemies; among whom we may carry fire and sword; whom no law will re
strain Irom carrying hie and sword among us.
Coercion, then, is civil war. Whether coer-
cien fails or succeeds, the consequences will be equally fatal. If it fails, disgrace will be added to disaster. If it succeeds, what shall we have but conquered provinces, which it will require a numerous standing army to maintain in -submission to a Government which they will detest? Coercion, then, is far worse than is a rejection of all terms of adjustment. For while the latter dissolve the Union, peace, may still be maintained. But coercion is certain to bring upon us hostilities as well as dissolution. Guided by such considerations, your Committee propose, for adoption, the following RESOLUTIONS.
9. Resolved, That we will use our utmost ex- . crtions to induce our fellow citizens of this State, -by memorial or otherwise, to protest against the spirit of violence which mingles in our public councils, and which we believe to be the expression of political partisanship, and opposed to tho true sentiment of the people. Mr. Hendricks moved the previous question, upon the conclusion of the reading of the report and resolutions. No more cogent arguments could be presented in favor of concession and compromise than were contained therein. Governor Hammond moved that the Chairman, in putting the vote, call upon those voting in the affirmative Bnd negative to rise. The report Bnd resolutions were adopted by a rising vote, according to Governor Hammond's suggestion, nem. con., and great cheering, waving of hats, and every evidence of the most heartfelt enthusiasm was manifested. Mr. Ray offered the following additional resolutions, which were adopted nem. con.: Resolved, That our Senators and Representatives in Congress cannot disregard the sentiments
expressed by the resolutions of this Convention, without disregarding the wishes of a large majority of the people of this State, and that it is the duty of the General Assembly of this State to instruct our Senators and request our Representatives in Congress so to vote as to give effect to said sentiments. Resolved, That it is the duly of the Commissioners representing the Stale of Indiana in the Peace Conference at Washington, lo support such measures of adjustment as are contemplated by the resolutions of this Convention, and that it is the duty of the General Assembly of this State so to instruct said Commissioners. Judge Reid, of Clark, offered the following, which was adopted nem. con.: Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are hereby cordially tendered lo Hon. John J. Crittenden for his consistent and untiring efforts to effect a settlement of the difficulties which threaten to destroy both the Federal Constitution and the Union formed by that immortal instrument. Mr. Owen being loudly called for, took the stand, and said, that already recently he had addressed his fellow citizens at length on the perils and exigencies of the crisis. The report just read also embodied all he could wish to say.; Certainly his fellow citizens did not just now wish to hear from him further. Thomas A. Hendricks, Esq., Judge Hall, Mr. Dixon, and Joseph E. McDonald, Esq., having been successively called upon, all addressed the Convention in a spirited and able manner. On motion of Mr. Davidson, of Marion, the proceedings of this meeting were ordered to be published in the papers of the city, and papers throughout the country requested to copy the same. On motion of James B. Ryan, of Marion, the Convention adjourned sine die.
1. Resolved, That it is the duty of every good citizen, in view of the imminent dangers
that threaten our country, to act, hist, with a single eye to the preservation of the Union and the maintenance of peace belween its citizens; and, to that end, lo postpone all political predictions, partizan interests and party creeds, So far as they may conflict with conciliation and may tend to break up into fragments this confederacy of Slates, and to assent lo any just and reason' able plan of accommodation, which promises to settle the existing difficulties. 2. Resolved, That if the southern form of labor is excluded from one portion of the common territories of the United States, it is just that there be another portion of tire United States wherein that form of labor is admitted.
3d. Resolved, That an extension of (he limits, within which the slaves of the United States are
to be permitted lo dwell, is not an extension of
slavery, which can only be effected by an importation of slaves ; and that a refusal to accept any terms of adjustment, by imperiling the maintenance of the Union, is the most likely means to
extend shivery itself; seeing that while the slavetrade will never bo allowd while we remain united, it may be reopened by a southern confederacy. 4. Resolved, That if the Peace Conference shall adopt and propose for the settlement of the present difficulties, the plan of adjustment of Senator Crittenden, or any other fair and just proposition substantially resembling it, such plan shall receive our cheerful and hearty support. 6. Resolved, That if the Peace Conference
shall fail to agree on any proposition, then we earnestly recommend that a National Convention
of delegates, to be elected by the people, be call
ed by Congress, or'by the States, to which shall be referred the question of the settlement of our national difficulties; it being our firm belief that
the popular will reflected through delegates so elected cannot fail to result in some fair and
honorable plan of adjustment.
6. Resolved, That we believe the final refusal
to accept some satisfactory plan of adjustment
will cause the detection oi the border and middle
States, will divide the Union into two confeder
acies, which may or may not remain at peace
with each other, and will open the door to such
agitation in the North itself as may result in
other smaller divisions of the free btates. 7. Resolved, That in view of the present distracted and deplorable condition of the country, of the imminent danger of hostile collision, and
of the fact that efforts are now in progress to
bring Rbout a peaceable solution ot our iNalional difficulties, it is the duty of the Government, while such efforts are in progress, to maintain the present status, and to refrain from all acts whatsoever of a warlike or aggressive character, and that if, unfortunately, such efforts should finally fail, we deprecate all attempts to maintain the Union by war. 8. Resolved, That we earnestly recommend to our fellow citiiens the duty of abstaining from all violent, criminating and irritating language towards our brethren of the South, and of adopting, in practice, that Christian spirit which is genile and easy to be entreated, which is not easily provoked, which bearcth all things, and which leads us lo do unto others as we would that they should be done unto n.
New Native Grapes for Wine and Table. The Alvev, grown by Mr. S. Miller, of Calmdale, Lebanon county, Pennsylvania, is pronounced "one of the best of our newer grapes, if indeed it do not prove to be superior to all for certain purposes.' Mr. Miller himself "considers
it of the highest value," even ranking it "superior to the Delaware in all those qualities essential to a popular fruit;" an opinion which, it is perhaps possible, may be influenced by Mr. M.'s interest, present or prospective, in the sale and dissemination of plants. The Alvey is described as "a good sized berry, bunches long and tapering, flavor very full and peculiar, skin highly charged with coloring matter, and will probably furnish a must of first quality. The vine evidently belongs to that section of native summer grapes most exempt from mildew, and has been noted as a fine, free grower, keeping its foliage in localities where other varieties have been denuded by mildew." All important facts, 60 far as true.
Tbe Delaware is another excellent grape of which Mr. Henry C. Noble, of Columbus, in a communication lo the Ohio Cultivator, says: Your readers have read and heard much of this grape of its beauty, delicacy, hardiness, and constant and healthy bearing, as also of some o : its peculiarities of growth. All these things are true. It is one of the greateet acquisitions to horticulture that has been made for years, for it furnishes a delicious hardy table grape, superior to anything we have ever had before. I speak of what I know, for I have two vines of large size and full bearing, which produce every year a plentiful crop of delicious fruit. But it took several years to get them fairly growing, and the practical advice 1 wish to give is, for every reader you have, who has any taste for fruit, and who loves to cultivate a tree or vine, to procure a Delaware grape vine at once. Some one has said that if you are going to build a house, it "will do lo consider the matter well, and revolve it in your mind for years, and then, it may be, not build at all; but if you intend to plant trees, plant at once." So as to this vine don't stop to consider the matter, but plant at once; for it is not soon to be cheaper, and if it were, the time you gain is worth more than the price of the vine. This variety has its name from the town of Delaware, in Ohio, and it is therefore a matter of State pride to grow it. It has been proved by our very best horticulturists, and is therefore not an experiment. Now, why not plant it?
I may think I have an interest in this matter. So 1 have; I have forty vines now set ont, and expect to have fifty or seventy-five more next spring, and not one for sale; but I want the people for once, to get something worth their money. Hovey's Magazine notices another new Pennsylvania grape as follows: "The Williamspoi t originated on the mountain near Willimsport, Pennsylvania, where it is now growing, away from any dwelling, and, therefore, is no way related to the Isabella, which does not exist in the neighborhood of the vine. It is perfectly hardy, a prolific and extravagant bearer. A correspondent of the Farmer and Gardener thinks 'it promises lo be a great acquisition to the list of grapes.' " The Concord is a heavy native grape, about which a great deal has been said at limes in horticultural journals pro. and eon. It has fought its way up very successfully, however, and is now becoming an established favorite wherever introduced. The American Pomological Society, at its last meeting, placed it with two other of our meritorious natives of recent general introduction, the Delaware and Dina, as "worthy of general cultivation;" and the judgments of this Society, carefully and deliberately arrived at, are seldom reversed. Tlie Concord, like many other fruits, appears to improve as it travels southward; being better in Pennsylvania than in Massachusetts, whsrf it originated. By the time it is well established in the Ohio Valley, it will probably be "just aboui right" for Indiana tables. This makes it matter of particular interest to our readers, and hence we make room for several aotices of it in brk-f.