Indiana State Guard, Volume 2, Number 7, Indianapolis, Marion County, 22 December 1860 — Page 2

THE INDIANA STATE GUARD.

WU.MAM cui.lJ:v, EDITOR SATURDAY, ..... DECEMBER 22. Democratic National Executive Committee, The following named gentlemen compose this Committee: '.'' . Hon,. 1. 1. Stevens, of Oregon. Chairman. Hon. R, W. Johnson, of Arkansas. Hon. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi. Hon. Jesse 1). Rkkiiit, of Iniliana. Hon. Tiios. B. Florence, of Pennsylvania. Hon. John W. Stevenson, of Kentucky. i Hnn.trRO. W. Huohes, of Maryland. Hon. John R. Thomson, of New Jersey. Hon. A. B. Mkf.k, of Alabama. . I Augustus SciiNKix, Esq., of New York. Isaac H. Wuioiit, of Massachusetts. Aiiraham Hunter, Esq., of Benton, Missouri. Hon. Jas. G. Barrett, of Washington, D. C. Wm. Fl inv, Esq., of Washington P. C. Walter Lenox, Esq., of Washington, P. C. . II. V. Clunky, Washington, D. C, Resident Secretary. -l G. W. Rigos, Washington, I). C, Treasurer. Secession of Soutli Carolinia, The deed is done ! The ordinance of secession was passed in Convention at Charleston on the 19th inst. South Carolina, so far as that ordinance has effect, is out of (ho Union. What next? Shall coercion be used to bring Iter back, or shall she be permitted lo go in peace ? All parlies are divided on this, question at the North politicians know not what to do God only knows. Let us call on him for interposition. The President has issued n Proclamation, recommending Friday, the fourth day of January next, as a day of Fasting and Prayer throughout the United States, with a view of invoking a higher Power not a higher law to do that which man, we fear, cannot do : save this great Union from dissolution. There is now, unfortunately for the country, no Washington or Jackson to say lo the turbulent factions either in the North or the South, be tlil ; there is no human being, possessing sufficient influence over his excited countrymen, to calm the troubled waters of disunion. The Almighty God, who carried our forefathers in triumph through the Revolution of '7C that great power who ordained that "the battle is not always to the strong" who shapes the ends of men, rough-hew them as they will" can, alone, in this perilous crisis, save this hitherto favored nation from civil war and destruction. Let us, then, pray to him, humbly and sincerely, to give us his Divine aid in these days of political trouble and contention to prevent the effusion of fraternal blood to restore the minds of men to reason and moderation to protect the Constitution from violation to administer justice, equality and right to all the States, and save the American people from the horrors of civil war. Congressional. In the Senate, the resolution of Mr. Powell, of Kentucky, for the appointment of a committee of thirteen, to consider the critical affairs of the Union, and the resolutions of Mr. Johnson, of Tennessee, and Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, for the amendment of the Constitution, so as to adopt the Missouri Compromise line as a permanent settlement of the slavery question, have been under consideration during the week. Mr. Wade, the Republican Senator of Ohio, has made an extremely ultra speech, advocating coercive measures against South Carolina. Jlr. Johnson, of Tennessee, has spoken at great length against secession, and in favor of coercion. Gen. Lane, of Oregon, anil r. Pugh, of Ohio, have taken strong ground against coercion. The latter Senator characterized the arguments of his colleague (Wade) as "inflammatory ," and calculated to bring about the very thing he dreads disunion. lie charged that the 'Republican party had so conducted themselves as to excite alari. The difficulty is, the .South has read, and read too much of that party. He did not regard the personal liberty bills of any practical value, only as their object could be to insult the Southern States. He referred to the decision of Governor Dennison, and said it was entirely wrong; and now, when the Senator from Kentucky, had come forward with a fair line of parting, he had not heard one voice in favor of it from the Republican side. Why could not gentlemen come forward and meet it fairly? There could be no objection to the proposition of the Senator from Kentucky, except to carry on intestine strife. He (lid not design to offend the Senators of that party, but to show the vast responsibility on them. They have the power.. All opjiosing parties are shattered. His colleague said the day of compromise had jwissed. If so, the day of union was passed; for union was founded on compromise. His colleague complained of the weakness of past compromises. Then let us put this wh-re. it cannot be broken into the Constitution of the United Slates. He hoped, so far as the territorial question was concerned, all parties would unite up..n the basis of the resolutions of Mr. Crittenden. Thus this question, which has distracted us so long, will be put at rest forever. He called on tliose living in the distant States to help avert civil war, a calamity which would fall on the border States. He would not debate the right of secession. He thought this Was the path of duty and wisdom. He believed that in the programme of his colleague, we would be driven to the verge of ruin. Separate confederacies had uo charms for him. Mr. Nicholson got the floor, and the matter was postponed. The Vice President announced the committee on Mr. Powell's resolution, namely: Messrs. Powell. Hunter Crittenden, Seward, Toombs, Douglas, Codnmer, Da-, vis. Wade, Bigler, Rice, Doolittle, and Grimes. Mr. Davis was excused, by request, owing to the condition in which his .State stood. Charleston, Dec. 29. The Chair announced the committee to draft a summary of causes for the secession of .South Carolina. Mr. Rlicti's resolution for a committee of thirteen to provide fiir the assembling of a Convention of the seceding Slates to form a Constitution, was adopted. Mr. IngaU reported the following Ordinance: "We, the people of South Carolina, in convention assembl'-d, do declare and ordain that the Ordinance adopted by us in the Convention of the 2:sd of May, 1 7 Tx, whereby the Constitution of the United Slates was raiified, and all act and parts of acts of the General Assembly of the State ratifying amendments to said Constitution, are hereby reealcd. and the Union now subsisting between South Carolina and other Slates, under the name of the United Staffs o? America, i hereby (Unsolved." The ordinance was passed unanimously by 1C9 members. The news spread rapidly, and a crowd assembled which did some iuimeie cheering. From Kansas Resignation of Got. Medary. I.KAvExwfiKTii. Thursday, December 20. The HrrtH of this city publishes an address of Governor Medary lo the citizen ot' Kansas, in which be announces bU resignation.

What does the State Guard want ? The Indianapolis State Guard, Breckinridge organ, is in favor of concession, instead of coercion. How much and what docs the Guard want the North to concede to the South ? Madilon Courier. ' , . , Equal l ights in the territories, as well as in the Stales that's all in accordance with the letter and spirit ot (lie Constitution. . But as we apprehend that the. editor of the Courier, like ilieditor (ir'thiT"JouihaIis "hot" very fond of the dry reading in the Constitution, we will tell him, in a plain manner, what we want without reference to that instrument. Wo want all the Southern States to be equals in every point of view with the Northern States in the enjoyment of civil ancj political privileges. We want all while menlto be equals wherever the American flag covers the soil. We want to see no inferiors, either in Stales or citizens. We want to see all citizens and property, recognized

by the Constitution, protected alike, wherever that instrument is acknowledged as the fundamental law- of the land. We want every while man, having the image of his Maker, to be the peer of his fellow man ; no matter whether he is born North or South of Mason's and Dixon's line. We want all men on both sides of that line to live as their fathers did, in union and harmony to acknowledge each other's rights and immunities. We want them all to uphold the white man's government which their fathers created, after they had mutually shed their blood and contributed their treasure during a seven years' struggle to assert, vindicate and maintain th'ise rights. We want to prevent the effusion of fraternal blood to prevent a war between brothers, sprung from a common ancestry, possessing the same love of country, the same courage, the same spirit, and the same determination lo prosecute to a successful end whatever conflict they engage in. We want to check the desolation of cities, towns and villages, where, industry, the arts, and the fields of labor have hitherto prospered and flourished. We want to see the Northern and Southern people continue to traffic and deal will) each other to keep up their commerce, and exchange their products and manufactures. We want to see the prices of all kinds of produce raised by our farmers restored to what they were before Lincoln's election, in order that. producers may realize a living reward for their labor as well as consumers, and not be .reduced to poverty and distress. We want to see our farmers and traders convey their surplus wheat, corn, horses, mules, hogs and cattle to Southern markets wherever they can make the highest and best bargains and receive, if not money, the largest amount of Southern produce, cotton, sugar, tobacco and rice in exchange. We want to see the Southern men visit Northern men as friends and neighbors travel with their servants through all the States, unmolested by mobs and negro stealers patronize the stores of our merchants, the workshops of our mechanics, and the hotels of our landlords, without the risk of having their constitutional property stolen from them while they are extend-' ing to us the benefits of their patronage and custom. We want to see Northern men return those visits, and travel through Southern cities and towns on trips of business and pleasure, without being regarded as abolitionists and held responsible for the depredations committed by a few negro stealers and rescuers amongst us. We want, in short, to see good feeling, sociality, intercourse, trade and. prosperity restored to all sections of our Union such as existed forhalf a century amongst our fathers, in the days of"auld lang syne," before while men's liberty and fraternity were put in jeopardy by a vain attempt to raise the negroes to an equality with them. We want to husband our National strength to reserve it for contests with foreign powers whenever occasions may arise, and not fritter it away in a domestic war between separate confederacies, which will only end in our mutual suffering,'' privation and ruin mairS us the footballs of monarchial governments, and reduce us all, so far as independence concerned, to the condition of the white serfs of Russia, or the anarchists of Mexico. ; Resignation of General Cass. The Washington correspondent of the New York Herald, in his letter dated the 11th inst., says : . The President is deeply exercised nnd grieved at ihe departure of his old and valued friend (ien. Cass from among the coterie of his most intimate advisors. But he has taken a stand against coercion, in which he is sustained by the Secretaries of the Army and Navy, and will abide the issue. Gen. Cass is preparing a letter to the President, in which he will explain his reasons for leaving the Cabinet at this critical period. It is well known that Gen. Cass has had in contemplation for some lime resigning his seat in : the Cabinet, owing to difference of opinion be- ; tweeu himself and the President in regard to the propriety of sending additional force to Fort Moul- ; trie. To-day his resignation was accepted by the I President, not however until the matter ofdifj fcrence had been fully and deliberately agreed j upon by all the members of the Cabinet, with the additional councils of that wise, able and discreet ! patriot and soldi' r, Gen. Scott, who is now here, and who attended the Cabinet meeting here toj day. I The Cabinet are unanimous in the opinion that it would be not only unwise ami injudiafeous, in ! the present disturbed and exeittd state of the 1 Southern people, to send additional force to Fort Moultrie, but hat il would certainly result in a j collision between the State and federal troops. ! General Scott, it is understood, coincides with i this opinion. 1 ST Nothing will satisfy the people of those j Cotton Stales but- the incorporation of Ihe j Breckinridge platform in the Constitution of the I United Slates. Madison Courier. ! This is a slight mistake. The Breckinridge Platform is already incorporated in the Constitution. It was incorporated in it in 1787. by its founders. Such i ihe decision'oCthe Supreme Court of the United States. Nothing mil salis- : fy the people of tliose States but the enforcement I of the provi-ions of the Constitution, in accord--lance wiih the decision of the highest judicial tri- : bunal of the country. I 3T It appears that the Legislature of Florida j has not only called a convention, but has approI printed one hundred thousand dollars lo arm the j S ate, and passed a bill imposing an extra tax on ! gooJ- manufactured at ll.e Nort h and imported into Florida. "

Thurlow Woed's Concessions. The Albany (N. Y.) Journal of the 17th inst. contains a leading editorial from, Thurlow Weed, taking strong conservative grounds, and while firmly maintaining the constitutionality of the principles of the Republican party, advising such a compromise as will settle existing difficulties and the evils at present threatening the Union. The compromises of the Journal are set forth as fallows : , : . .. '", ;' ." : , ' ' .- . ; '

"We are prepared to say that an efficient but not revolting fugitive slave law should be passed, and that its passage should be followed by a repeal of the personal liberty laws." "We are almost prepared to say that Territories may be safely left to lake care of themselves, and that when they contaiu a population which, under the Constitution, entitles them to a Reprerentative in Congress, they may come into the Union with State Governments of their own, provided, of course, that they conform to the Constitution of the United States." The cautious mode of expression used by Weed in the nbove paragraphs indicates that he has consulted somebody perhaps Lincoln ; but whether so or not, the President elect could not draw to his aid, as the conductor of his Government orcran. a safer editor than Weed. There is not a politician to be found in the Republican party, throughout the country, possessing sounder judgment, clearer sagacity, and a more familiar knowledge of human nature, than Thurlow Weed. There is nothing like Greeley's fanaticism in him. Whatever he recommends or advises, results from deliberate policy for the best interests of his party, Whatever success his parly has ever obtain ed in New York, has sprung from his manage ment. He scarcely ever takes a step upon any important political question without previously talking it over in caucus with his leading political friends. He frequently perambulates the whole State sometimes it is said incori, in order to pre pare ihe minds of influential politicians for what he is about to usher forth in his columns. He often visits Washington, when Congress is in session, for the same purpose arriving and departing without fuss or pretension. There is not a more unassuming man in the editorial corps, and yet there is not one who does more for his party, than him. From what we have read of Lincoln, we should think that he is very much like Weed more remarkable for strong Common sense than dazzling talents more inclined to pursue a politic than a rash course in this crisis more disposed to concede a little lo the Southern people, than to attempt to drive them to extremes. We have no doubt that Weed has made a sly visit to Lincoln, and that Lincoln has authorized him lo say what he does in his Journal, in order to feel his way along among his parlizans, and to prepare litem for what will come forth in his inaugural address on the 4th of March, if not in some oilier form sooner. Weed is in favor of amending the Constitution for running the Missouri compromise line to the California boundary, permitting slavery south, and prohibiting it north, of that line ; but whether Lincoln will go with him so far, remains to be seen. Nothing short of this, with the enforcement of the Fugitive slave law, will satisfy the South ; but we are afraid it is too late even for that. We accept the above extracts from the Albany Journal, however, as an admission that the Re publicans have gone too far with the ultra Abo litionists in their crusade against the South. There is no man who sees this plitiner than Weed ; and there is none who would be slower in ac knowledging it. He sees that it is as necessnry, ( for the existence of his party, to make a concession, as it is for the salvation of the confederacy. He is a practical, as well as a practised politician ; none of your . "freedom shriekers," when there is nothing to be made in the shape of political ! 3 , i capital, by shouting for negro liberty. He sees! ' i Ullti 1 1 in UiWlv llrta luuc uirt, iiuiMf long riiuugn I ' J J '. and far enough ; and' that it is time to stop, and yield something to the rights of the South, in order to prevent a reaction in its behalf among the better portion of the Republicans. The Panic in the North. Private letters to members of Congress, received on the 14lh inst., from New York, say that over one hundred and sixty good firms and names went to protest during the last two days, and that hundreds of honest and industrious laborers are almost at the starving point. The Herald says there are at least ten thousand operatives out of work in New York city alone, whose means of suppport will soon be exhausted. Among these are aged men, women

and gins, wlio nave iieretoiore ueen employed in j tution wllic) ,, be vid as part of the Con. the making of men's and boys' clothing. stitulion when ratified by the conventions of The Boston papers give similar account of ! three-fourths of the people of the States : similar embarrassments in that quarter. Thej ,st- In all the Territory, now or hereafter Shoe and Leather Reporter records the failures' .'l""' nh of f S- 30 fmi- slvey or , ,,, ,, , , , , , involuntary servitude, except for the punishment of Ba'tles A Bro.. of Mtlford; G. &. C. 1 apley, ; of crime is m.0liofod . wlile in a1 tle Tt.r,.it0. of Danvers; Phineas Corning, and Crosby & ; ry South of that line, slavery is hereby recogWoodburv, of South Naliek; also Durant Si nized as existing, and shall not be interfered wilh Winslow.'of the Br-ston leather trade, for $10,-' J5)' Congress, but shall be protected as property 0U0 or 815 000 ' ' a" l'ePiir,ments of the Territorial Govern-' ' ' I ment during its continuance. All the Territory Ihe ew lark Herald sums up the losses at ; iforth or South of said line.within such boundaries the North, since the election of Lincoln, as fol-1 ai nnnrHKS ,,. ,.rii1( ),.. ;, ,; .

lows: Flour at tide water. New York. . . . Wheat at tide water. New York. .. Corn at tide water. New York..... Flour in lie interior , Wheat in the interior Old and new corn in the interior. . . I'ork in the interior Imported and domestic articles, iron, woollens, &c Loss to manufacturers by suspensions, half work, less interest on money, ifcc. Decline in railroad shares and bonds, State, county and city bonds, bank capital anil shares Decline in wool lOSI.OUO.OOO, 3,700,000j Loss on real and personal estate in New lork 150.000.000 Loss on real and personal estate in ; the interior free Slates and cilies. 150,000,000 " ! Total " " -S478.62O.0O0, ,,,,m TTj ! ,', . 1 j . , ,. . i 47 " one ivinm uouui ws pia? nrii lucneiieu . ... r 3 .. .. in sew lork, a warm li ling was manifested by . the audience in the scene where tl Cardinal at-: tempts to wield the sword, and failing, says: " Put away the sword. States may be saved without it. The lines aspects, and were applied to present political were received n ub cheers and clapping of bands.

Union Meeting in Madison. A very largo and respectable meeting of all parties was held at Madison on the 1'llh inst., to take into consideration 'the state of tho country at the present time. The meeting was called to order by Dr. Howard Watts, who nominated Hon. John Mulvey, Mayor of the city, for President. Capt. Charles L. Shrewsbury nnd Capt. John Kirk were, on motion of James C. Thorn, appointed Vice Presidents. ..:,,: ,. On motion of R. W. Hubbard, Ben. B. Taylor was appointed Secretary. On motion of Capt. John Marsh, a committee qf seven was nppointed to draft resolutions expressive of the sense of the meeting. The chair appointed the following gentlemen: Capt. John Marsh, ; Capt. Nalhan Powell, , Mr. John A. Markley, . ' Dr. Howard Walts, Mr. William Johnson, Mr. William Slapp, Judge Charles E. Walker. It will be seen, from ihe names of the gentlemen composing the committee, that it embraced

prominent Democrats and Republicans. The resolutions reported by this committee, and adopted by the meeting, breathe a conciliatory spirit toward the South. The second one takes ground in favor of "mutual concessions." The third one deprecates any act, come from what source it may, that tends to bring upon the country the unspeakable horrors of internecine civil war. The fourth one expresses a firm nnd abiding faith that any and all conflicts as to interest and differences of opinion can be amicably settled under the Constitution in the Union, and witholds consent from its dissolution. The fifth one takes the ground that the election of a President, in con formity with the Constitutional provisions on that subject, is not of itself just cause for a dissolution of the Union, and appeals to our Southern brethren not to act hastily, but to wait for some act done by the incoming Administration in violation of the Constitution, and the rights of the States under it, for which a remedy may be had under the Constitution. The ninth one declares that all laws enacted by any of the States designed and tending to impede the prompl'and faithful execution of the fugitive slave law are unconsti tutional nnd void, and should be repealed immediately. The twelfth one declares that the federal government should not interfere, either to put down or build up, abolish or perpetuate slavery. As we have heretofore advocated nearly all these propositions in the Guard, we, of course, cannot view them otherwise than as liberal ones to be adopted by a meeting of all parties in such a strong-hold of Republicanism as Madison. There is only one addition which we should have liked to make to the resolutions, and that is: Resolved, That the Constitution should be amended in conformity with Mr. Crittenden's or Mr. Johnson's proposition in the Senate, so as to run the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific ocean south of which slavery shall be permitted, north of which it shall be prohibited. But, taken altogether, the resolutions adopted show a very favorable change in public sentiment since the election. Madison has given a good example to other cities and towns. Mr. Crittenden's Proposition to settle the Slavery Difficulty. Mr. Crittenden, of Kentucky, submitted the following proposition in the Senate on Tuesday last, which is somewhat similar to one previously i offered by Senator Johnson, of Tennessee. It J proposes an amendment to the Constitution sons i to adopt the Missouri Compromise, and to run the line dividing slave from free Territory, (he nutn& ie ir. way hefnrp the reneal nf that Comoro- . . ,0, , . , . ,, ,n mise in 1854, and to embrace all lerntory, now . , . , ,. . ... .... or hereafter acquired. 1 his proposition, it inser- , . , , .. ,,i e - , feil in the 1 .nnsj.ititt ion. won (1 he fair and in the Constitution, would be lair and just to both sections of the Union, If it had been submitted a little sooner, it would have doubtless been accepted by the South. We hope it is yet in time to save the Confederacy ; but we fear that the action of the Cotton States, to bring about a dissolution of the Union, will be too precipitate for Mr, Crittenden's motion : '.'Whereas, alarming dissensions have arisen between the Northern and the Southern States as to the rights of the common Territory of the United Slates, and it, is eminently desirous nnd proper that the dissensions be settled by constitutional provisions, which give equal justice to all sections and thereby restore peace ; therefore. Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives, that the following articles be proposed nnd submitted as an amendment to the Consti-

I ulation necessary for a member, of Congress, with 81,000,000 a Republican form of Government, shall be ad800,000, miued into the Union on an equality wilh the or660,000 jginal States, with or without slavery, as the 20,000,000, Constitution of the State shall prescribe. 10,000.000; 2l. Congress shall have no power to abolish 10,000.000, slavery in the State permitting it. 750,000, 3J. Congress shall have no power to abolish ! slavery in the District of Columbia while it ex20,000,000 ists in Virginia and Maryland, or either; nor I shall Congress at any time prohibit the officers ' of the Government, or members of Congress, 10,000,000 , whose duties require them to live in the District of

.... fi , ... ., ,,k ,.. Columbia, bringing slaves there and holding them as such. 41.,. Congress shall have no power to hinder t)e transportation of slaves from one State to ! another, whether by land, navigable river or 5th. Congress shall have the power bv law to pay n OWIler ,,. fu va,le of a fugiti ve'slve in all eases where the Marshal is prevented from discharging bis duty by force or rescue, made afler arrest. In all such cases the owner shall have ,,. ,, - , , . the power to sue the county in which the rescue , ;,.,. ... .j . U , . ,, ... . . , . -'j-........ . ' ' ...... hip .,it. i fuc me iiiui.iuuaia wnu coilllll itieu the wrong in the same manner as the owner could sue. 6th. No future amendment or amendments shall affect the preceding article, and Congress shall never have power lo inter fi re wilh slavery i within the States where il is permitted.

IfKrom tho WiisliliiKton Constitution. To tho People of the United States. A RECOMMENDATION. Numerous appeals have been made to nie by pious and patriotic associations nnd citizens, in view of the present distracted and dangerous condition of our country, to recommend that a day be set apart for Hum.i.iation, Fasting and Prayer throughout the Union. Incompliance with their request,' and my own sense of duty, I des

iguate Friday, tin 4th Jay of January, 1 8G 1 . for this purpose, nnd recommend that the people assemble on that day, according to their several forms of worship, to keep it as'a solemn Fastv L ; The Union of the States is at the present moment threatened with alarming and immediate danger panic and distress of a fearful character prevail throughout the land our laboring population are without employment, nnd consequently deprived of the means of earning their bread indeed, hope seems to have descried the minds of men. All classes are in a state of confusion and dismay ; and the wisest counsels of pur best and purest men are wholly disregarded. In this, the hour of calamity and peril, to whom shall we resort for relief but to the God of our Fathers? His Omnipotent Arm only can save us from the nwful effects of our own crimes and follies our own ingratitude and guilt towards our Heavenly Father. - Let us, then, with deep contrition nnd penitent sorrow, unite in humbling ourselves before the Most High, in confessing our individual and national sins, nnd in acknowledging the justice of punishment. Let us implore Him to remove from our hearts that false pride of opinion which would impel us lo persevere in tho wrong for the sake of consistency, rather than yield a just submission to Ihe unlorsecn exigencies by which we are now surrounded. Let us, with deep reverence, beseech Him to restore the friendship which prevailed, in former days, among the people of the several States ; and, above all, to save us from the horrors of civil war and 'blood-guiltiness.' Let our fervent prayers ascend to His Throne, that He would not desert us in this hour of extreme peril, but remember us as He did our fathers in the darkest days of the Revolution, and preserve our Constitution and our Union, the work of their hands, for ages yet to come. An Omnipotent Providence may overrule existing evils for permanent good. He can make the wraih of men praise Him and the remainder of wrath He can restrain. Let me invoke every individual, in whatever sphere of life he may be placed, to feel a personal responsibility to God and his country lor keeping this day holy, and for contributing all in his power to remove our actual and impending calamities. JAMES BUCHANAN. Washington, Dec. 14, 1860. Union Conference in New York. The New York Tribune of Monday last contains the proceedings and speeches of a number of the prominent members of the Union party of New York, who assembled together in that city on the Saturday previous. They consisted of the Breckinridge, JJouglas and Bell leaders, to the number of about one hundred and among those who participated in the conference, either personally or by letter, were Millard Fillmore Charles 0'Conor, Greene C. Bronson, Richard Lathers, John A. Dix, John McKeon, Daniel S, Dickinson, Hiram Ketchum, Amasa J. Parker, Washington Hunt, Charles Comstock, and Ed ward Cooper. The principal object of the conference was to appoint a committee to proceed.to the Soutli, with a view to entreat our Southern brethern to abstain from hasty and inconsiderate action, until time may be afforded the friends of the Union in the North to bring about a reaction of public sentiment and a reconciliation of existing differences between the two sections of the Confederacy. Ex-President Fillmore, Judge Bronson, and Richard Lathers, Esq., were appointed such committee, and a number of speeches were made in support of the movement. The following preamble and resolutions were adopted ; in which we recognize principles and sentiments that we most heartily approve, and which we trust will soon be restored lo the minds of the people of the whole country embracing, as they do, the doctrines of the fathers of the constitution : Whereas, The Constitution of the United States ' was designed to secure equal rights and privileges to the people of the States, which were either parties to its formation, or which have subsequently thereto become members of the Union; and, whereas, the said instrument contained certain stipulations in regard to the surrender of fugitive slaves, under the designation ot "persons held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, and escaping to another," which stipulations were designed to be complied with by the act of Congress making provision for such surrender; and, whereas, the agitated state of the country, arising out of differences of opinion in regard to these provisions, demands, that we should declare explicitly our sense of the obligations arising dnder them ; therefore, liesolved, That the delivery of fugitive slaves to their masters is an obligation enioined bv the Consti tution, in which all good citizens are bound to acquiesce ; and that all laws passed by the States with a view to embarrass aud obstruct the execution of the act of Congress making provision therefor are an infraction of the instrument aud should be promptly repealed. Resolved, That tho Torrilories of the United States are the common property of the people thereof; that they are of right, aud ought to be, open to the free immigration of the citizens of all the States, with their families, and with whatever is the subject of personal ownership under the laws of the State from which they emigrated; that the relation of master and slave cannot, during the Territorial condition, be disturbed by Federal or hx-al legislation; and that the people of any such Territory can only dispose of the question of slavery in connection with their own political organization, when they form a Constitution with a view to their admission into the Union as a Suite. Resolved, That we pledge ourselves to uphold these principles by all tho means in our xwer ; to seek by all practicable efforts a redress of the wrongs of which the .Southern States justly complain, and to maintain their equality under the Constitution, in the full enjoyment of all the rights and privileges it confers. Resolved, That while we deplore the existing excitement in the Southern States, we do not hesitate to say that there is just ground tor it. But we earnestly entreat our Southern brethren to abjtain from hasty and inconsiderate action, that time may be afforded tor bringing about a reconciliation ot existing dinereiices, and that the Union of the States the source ,

o. ourprosperuv ana power-may oe preserved and ; diminished zeal, its labors for the relief of sufperpetuated by a restoration of public harmony and i f i,:, . ,i i i , mutual confidence. j fenng humanity, over the whole area of our comRcsokvd, That the Hon. Millard Fillmore, the Hon. I mon country, wherever the victims of disease Greene C. Bronson, and Richard Lathers, Esq., be i ,ni1 misfortune shall solicit its friendly aid. appointed a committee to proceed to the South, with , , a view to make such explanation to our Southern 5 l'"K Number or Offices iw thk Gift op the brethren in rejrard to the subjects embraced in the ad- j General Government. There are at present drrss and resolutions as they may deem necessary, and about sixty thousand offices in the gift of the to give such further assurances as may be needed to ; General Government, for which we mav estimate manifest our determination and maintain their rights. ix nBndrt. thousand applicants, showing that a We extract the following passages from a speech little under one-thirtieth of the people of the Urndelivered at the above conference by that sterling ted Stles Bre ''nterestcd. not so much' in the good patriot and staunch friend of the Union, Daniel of ,he unl-7 " c''nge of the mdministraB rvi- .i . c r, lion. Does not this assist in explaining why a S. Dickinson, the assoc.ate of Clay, Cass. and Fresident U never cholen fur two1erm,f'now-.a. Bright on the committee of thirteen in the Senale, . days.

which brought forward the Compromise measures of 1 850 : I havo already remarked that this Union was a

union of good feeling, a fraternal union, of equals, of good fellowship, and that lie who supposes that these States can be continued as members of the Confederacy by coercion that they can bo fought, defeated, subdued into equal and faithful members of the Confederacy should go homo to his domestic hearth and there breed jealousies, distrust, and animosities between himself and the partner of his (bosom she who pledged herself to love, honor, and obey him who is tho mother of his children who lias attended him through the vicissitudes of life, and the bereave ments which have awaited them; and after he has created this disturbance, let him then attempt to chastise her to make her love and honor him; and when he has succeeded at home, let him attempt to chasfiso a State until it shall become a faithful member of the Confederacy. All the paper law we have- all tho strength, force, and power of the Constitution the army and navy, the National Legislature and Executive power of the government, are all not worth a single rush to compel a Slate to remain in the Confederacy one hour longer than she chooses to remain. If the allegiance of a State can be secured to the Federal Constitution,!! must be becauso it believes that it : is its duty fo the sister Htates upon the great principles of equality, upon which the Federal Government rests. Will tho children of a common father, who have sat down at the family table as equals, consent to bo degraded by being driven to submission ? Let thoso who believe that this evil can be averted, and that the Union can be preserved by force, attempt that method; but let good men, every patriot, set to work to correct the public sentiment of the North. Tlie public sentiment of the South has been goaded and irritated until it has arrived, in a good degree, at a point of desperation. The South cares little about the mere election of Mr. Lincoln they view it as the development of a public sentiment, as a last aud final evidence of the sentiment of the Free Stales.- They look nt us as States, not as individual members of the community, as we look at them as States, and not as individual members of society. They regard this as an evidence of public sentiment which has passed beyond their control, and they say now that there is no hope for them within the Union, and they will secede. What we must convince them of is, that we will not only repeal the obnoxious laws upon paper, but we will repear the public sentiment that is more pernicious than all the obnoxious laws of New England and all the Free States together. Applause. It is a sentiment that has been infused by political demagogues who have gone through tho land executing a commission of evil; and if Satan himself had been permitted to come upon earth to scourge mankind, he could not more successfully have accomplished his mission than by going through the country and preaching demagogueism and sectionalism upon the subject of Slavery. And whether he did it as a political demagogue or a ministerial one, I care very little. " Applause.!.- I call none such ministers of the gospel. I call them ministers of depraved and vitiat'cil nnlitMU. ftnr Kl..lu.n hnllura will . wUI, us as we reason with them. No amount of finished and eloquent addresses will serve us in this emergency no finely-turned periods in speech no resolutions, however patriotic and well pointed and considered, will answer the occasion. No commission of individuals, however elevated, patriotic, and pure of record, will be of the least avail, unless the Southern people are satisfied that they represent tho public sentiment. When the conscientious belief of the South can rest on the sincerity of our resolutions, addresses and speeches as representing the public mind of the North, and not until then, will conic concord and unity. I havo little faith in anything except that which goes toward creating a pure, patriotic, elevated public sentiment. I have little faith in a meeting in this great commercial city, or in anything that it can do further than as is an evidence of a public senliment. The. South are sure of the fidelity of the City of New York. Applause. It has been true at all times; it has never swerved with its great and mighty patriotic majority. But the South have seen that the vote of the country is overwhelming, and renders the City of New York powerless.. So far as it is an evidence of the public sentiment of the State and City, it will have its influence. But we must go further. and must repeal the obnoxious laws on our statute book; and the repeal must carry evidence that it is not for any mere temporary purpose that it is not because our pecuniary interests have been touched. but it must be in evidencA flint, it Is a. retitmimo- -nub ile sense, and that those who would not see have been made to feel, and that returning sense and reason are real and permanent. The free states must be brought up to the consideration of a great public duty. The South have not offended us. We cannot say they have ever laid finger upon us. They have not invaded our domain. They have not interfered with any interests belonging to us as sovereign States. But they read in our newspapers that their slaves have been run off by an underground railroad, an they see it set down in derision that one Southern inuiviuuai nas oeen roooeo or nis property one more slave, instead of having been returned according to the compact of the Constitution, has been run off into the provinces of Canada. They have determined to bear these things no longer; and it becomes Northern people to determino whether they will permit this state of things to go on, or whether they will make one last grand effort to see whether this sentiment can be corrected. You cannot send forth a stream by any natural process tliat will rise higher than a 'r-i... i - mi , - . t. .,

igncr man a ave no faith their sources f1 e. It is usebelieve that movement of

luuiiuwu. aiio oouiu Know h. j.ney nave no lann in addresses ana resolutions that have not their s in the feelings of the masses of the people, less to say there is no serious trouble. I believe South Carolina will secede, so far as the movement of hor Convention can do it, on the 17th or 18th of this month, and events must transpire shortly after which will bring all. cotton states in association with her; and eventually every Stato which is a Slave State, and intends to continue such, will go along together, This is as certain as the laws of gravity ; and he is a blind man and madman who cannot see it. All that we can now do is to get time to convince the Southern people that there is a returning sentiment of truth and justice in the Northern States; that the honest masses have been misled, and have misunderstood this irritating question, as I believe they have; and upon proper consideration will go back to their duty as members of this Confederacy, and will welcome back our Southern brethren to the groat family of polotical, social, and moral equals. Applause. Our Constitutional and Federal laws, I repeat, are well enough. Our obnoxious State laws should be repealed, and in their place, a public sentiment should be set up and borne aloft, as the great lawgiver of olden times set up the brazen serpent, that everyone who had been bitten bv abolitionism should look on it and bo healed. Great applause. I will close as I begun. 1 did not intend to take part in this meeting. I have no particular views but what I have ofien repeated, and my hope is that by this respectable meeting a public sentiment may be drawn out. If it be as just, conservative, aud beneficial as we believe it to be, we may then properly represent it to our Southern brethren, and no longer be misunderstood. Look the dan.ger fully and square in the face. We must not put too much trust in meetings, in Congress, or in legislation; but if we would remain a united people, we must say that however wrong we may have been, however much error we may have committed, we have reconsidered our conduct, and are satisfied that we must treat the Southern States as we "rotcd them on the inauguration of the government, as political equals. When we have done that, we shall have done our whole duty, and perhaps this glorious government may still go forward to the fruition which awaits it. Ll.oud applause. A Goop Resolution. At a meeting of the Howard Association, of Philadelphia, held in the "cily of brotherly love," December 10th, 1660. it was Rksolved, that come what may of good or ill to our beloved Renublic Union or r)inninn the Howard Association will continue wilh un-