Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 47, Indianapolis, Marion County, 3 November 1860 — Page 4

0 THE DEMOOEAOY OF THE STATE OF INDIANA. Fellow Democrats: For the first time in the annals of our political history, we have two candidates for the Presidency before the country, both claiming to bo Democratic, For the first time, we have to engage in a contest for the highest ollice in the gift of the People without a regular nominee. The Delegates sent to the late National Democratic Convention, returned to their constituents without accomplishing the object for which they were commissioned.' Instead of compromising the difficulties resulting rem the dillerent claims of the several candidates tor President before that Convention, they broke up in wild disorder. Jn-tead of uniting upou the ground of principle, and presenting an " united front to the common enemy upon one Demo-' cratic platform, they divided the Convention into two bodies and presented two platforms. Each body presented to the country candidates for President and Vice President, without either having received a regular nomination by a two-thirds vote. Each body presented these candidates contrary to the old established usages and system adopted by the Democratic National Convention of 1841, and which have existed for the last sixteen years. One of these divisions presented the names of John C. Breckinridge, of ' Kentucky, for President, and Joseph Lank, lately of Indiana, but now of Oregon, for Vice President. The other presented the names of Stephen A. Donglas, of Illinois, for President, and Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, for Vice President. Mr; Fitzpatrick having declined, a sub-commmittec of the friends of Mr. Douglas at Washington substituted the. name of Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, for the second office. As both of these tickets have come; before the conn-. try without the prestige of a regular nomination, which one has the strongest claims to the support of t lie Democratic party ? Let us reason together, as brethren of the same political family, having a common stake in the welfare of our Union and in the support of Constitutional Government. Shall we adhere to our National organization in the Union, or shall we

chug to the State organization 't I here is a divided house before us. One or the other, if not both divisions, will fall. We intend to go with the National organization of the Democratic St:vtes, which presented the names of Breckinridge and Lane, in preference to the sectional organization of delegates from the Republican States, which- presented the names of Douglas and Fitzpatrick.' How will you go' We intend to support the nomination made by the fifteen Southern Democratic States, together with California and Oregon, and a large number of Democratic delegates from Pennsylvania. New York and other Northern States, forming a National organization, in preference to the nomination made by the Delegates inost- : ly from the R publican States of the North. 'Which one will yon support '? We will give you. as briefly as we can, the reasons which influence us in our course, in a plain and candid m inner; and we trust that y on, as National Democrat-;, loving your country, your whole country, and no'hing but your country, will give them your serious consideration. In doing so, we shall " neither extenuate nor set down aught in malice" against either of the candid He claiming to be Democrats, although a sober and serious duty to the Democratic party will compel us to speak plainly of men and things, as we'd as of prim-iples and measures. Why did not the National Deuiociratic Convention 'make a regular noinina' ion tor President ?. hy did not tiro-thirds of the Convention unite upon one man for that hiiih office, in the same manner as two-thirds of former Conventions united upon the nominations of Polk, Ca., Pierce, and Buchanan? Because a majority of the delegates representing a miiiorily of the States voted down, in the Convention, the Platform reported by the mtority of the Committee on Resolutions, representing a majority of the members of the Confederacy. In thus voting down the Report adopted by a nrijonty of State, they struck a blow against . the principle of States' rights, which formed the basis of the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 17!l8, drafted by Je Hereon and Ma lison, and incorporated in the Cincinnati Platform, as well as in every other Democratic Platform since the first organization of the Democratic party in 1800. . . Why did a majority of delegates, mostly from the Hepublican States, thus reject the Platform adopted by a majority of Stales, mostly' Democratic t Because, it contained the following propositions: 1. That the Government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary, . and during its existence all citizensof the United States have an '.equal right to settle with their property in the Territory, without their rights, either in person or properly, being destroyed by Congressional or Territorial legislation, ' 2. Tuat it is the duty of the Federal Government, in ail the Departments, when necessary, to protect the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its Constitutional authority extends. 3. That when the settlers in a Territory, having an '''adequate population,: form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty commences, and being consum--mated by their admission into the Union, they stand on an eqmlity with the people of other States, and a State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery. What is there in the above propositions that any delegate, claiming to be a Democrat, should vote against? That the Government of a Territory, orq inized by an act of Congress, is provisional and tempo'ary, we presume every citizen of the once. Territorv, and nov State, of Indiana, will admit. Have not all citizens of the United Slates an eqml right to settde, with their proper! y, in the Territory, without their righ's. either in person or property, being destroveu iv vongressionm or lerraortai legislation The Constitution of the United States, adopted by the several original States, in their separate Mate capacity, as a compact between them, places all their citizens, as well as all the States, upon an equal footing. It gives them all, according to the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott cas", an equal ris'it to settle with their property in the Territories. So far as this goes, Brkckiniciugf. and Douglas agree. Has either Congress or the Territorial Legislature power to destroy their properly, no matter whether it eon-ists of slaves or horses, after their settlement in the Territory, during its provisional and temporary organization, under an net of Congnssf Mr. Bitr.cKin'kidgk holds, in accordance with the. decision of the highest judicial tribunal in the country, that neither Congress nor the Territorial Legislature have such power under the Constitution. Mr. Lincoln, the liepublican candidate for President, .asserts that Congress has such jower. Mr. Douglas says that the Territorial Leijirtdture possesses such power. Which one of these' candidates is right? We believe that Mr. BitKCKiNiiiPGK occupies the true position. We believe that he stands on Constitutional ground, and we think that he ought to lie supported, not only because t'ie Supreme Court of the United States has decided his position to be right, but because all the Democratic statesmen in both Homes of Congirss. who have sworn to support the Constitution, pledgcdthom.solvos, a the representative men of the Democratic party, to abide the decision of that tribunal. We believe that it is our dutv to sustain the groat body of Democratic representatives in Congress, both from the North and the South, in the pledge which they made upon this question. We believe that the honor of the Democratic party is closely and indissolubly conneted with the acts of its representatives; and that disgrace would fall upon any party that do"snot sus ain its agents in their adherence to good faith, in earn ing out a pie Ige so solemnly made to support the decision of the Supreme Court. But justice toward all our Southern brethren, who 1 a...l. tn a!.il,tr witli im in sn manv flAVC BMWU Pliuuiuii . . . contents, and who liave never infringed noon anv of rv,n,-t ttmnal ri"hn. comiv! us to sav. that we 1 cannot perceive any practical ::ierenc3 in uie positions taken by Mr. Lin-oln and Mr. Douglas on this question, to far as the rig'its and interests of t'ie slave SUtea are involved. Mr. Lincoln believes that Congress, the creator of the Territorial Government, can abolish slavery in the Territory, and thus destroy the Southern man's property in th lalr of his slaves. Mr. Dool'Ixs 1eL'eves that tho Territorial Legiatun-, the creature of Congress, can virtually tk the same thinj through " unfriendly legislation." He maintains th3t the crenturt can do what the Susreme Court savs its create cannot do. He assorts that the Territonol Legislature can tax lav-. like liquors so

high as to make the property unprofitable to its own- under the patronage of the Aid Societies of New cr, and thus drive it out of the Territories ; that they ; England, took possession of the soil and adopted tho have the same right to enact a law for the purpose of, Topeca Constitution,) be allowed to set up squatter taxing slave labor beyond endurance as it lias to en- sovereignty, call it a State Government, and be adact a Maine Liquor law. Mr. Douglas ought fo know mitted into the Union upon an equal footing with that the Supreme Court of Indiana, as well as the ju- : New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia or Indiana, with dicial tribunals of other States has decided that even ! their several millions of inhabitants ? Every Terri-

State Legislatures have no such power. If a State tcli pc ional legislature lias no constitutional power to pass a Maine law, does it possess the power to authorize the Board of Commissioners in any county, (a body created by the Legislature,) to do what it cannot ? Can the creature, in any ease, exercise, constitutionally, iikmv power than its creator 1 We say not. If Mr. Lincoln, who would abolish slavery in the Territories, directly by an act of Con gress, is an Aholitionist, what is JMr, Douglas, who would do the same thing, indirectly, by an act of the Territorial Legislature ? Will not such legislation on the part of either Congress or the Legislature destroy the property of the slaveholders in the labor of their slaves? Will not such legislation violate the equal rights of the Southern people, mid prevent them from settling in the Territories? Would its adoption be 'doing unto others as we would have others do unto us?" We are not tho advocates of slavery but we are the advocates and supporters of the great compact between the States which forms tho basis of our Union. Judge Perkins, a friend of Mr. Douglas, lately said, in lus Richmond speech "that a man or a party that will not support the Constitution is a ' 'disunionist.' " If one party violates a compaety he releases all the other parties from its observance. Cau we expect our Southern brethren to adhere to the Union, if we, ourselves,- first become "disunionists?" The same obligation rests upon us to adhere to the conditions of our National compact as bind our Southern brethren. They have their rights under it, the same as we have. Their blood anil treasure contributed equally with our own in the conquest and purchase, of alt the Territory under the control of our common government. And truth and history, urge us to say that it has all been added to our country under the administrations of Southern men while those of Eastern men have j uniformly opposed the annexation of Territory. Mr. .lelicrson, a Nuithern man, annexed the lerntory of Louisiana, which now embraces the States of Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of Kansas, Nebraska.: Mr. Folk annexed Texas, California, New Mexico, Dacotah, and Utah, I which will, in time, embrace at least twenty additional Slates. Southern men in Congress aided those illustrious Presidents to annex these Territories by voting the means, contributed equally by the people of the South and North, to pay for all those vast domains. A Southern State old Virginia alter having contributed 1 er full share of men and money to carry on the Revolutionary war, made a free gift of all the Northwest Territory, which now embraces Indiana. Ohio. Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin, to raise means to pay off the debt incurred in that war. Southern policy and Southern generosity have made land plenty ami cheap, and put it in the power of every poor and industrious man, whether of the North or South, to provide himself with a farm to " sit under his own vine and fi; tree." While South ern statesmen have ever been friendly to the acquisition of territory, Massachusetts and other New England statesmen have ever opposed it. And shall we, who have reaped the largest share of the benefits and advantages of these acquisitions, turn our backs upon our benefactors, and say to them, thou shall hot participate with us? Shall we say to the descendants of the noble-hearted Virginians who laid open to us all the land between the Ohio River and the Lakes, you shall not be equal with us in the Territories west of the Mississippi ? Shall we say to the gallant Kentuckians who came to our rescue in the days of our weakness, who fought our battle at-Tippecanoe, and. shielded us from the tomahawk in our infancy, you shall not be equal with us there ? Shall we prohibit them from going into these lerntones with their property, or make it useless to them, when there, by '' unfriendly legislation" while we permit those vast speculating corporations of the East, wider the name of New England Emigrant Aid . Sojietics, to colonize f....,:!., ,..:,i, i,:,. ,i,,n.;('wnii5-vitj-t iui tut i rf;nua ,itu iiiii i-uu.-, i ,,v,, sijuunvioi Shall we permit the rich manufacturers of the East to-go there with their labor-savin-; machines, designed to throw poor laboring men out of employment, and give them all the protection which the Constitution guarantees to property while we deprive, through the various arts of legislation, the people of the South i of the same advantages? Shall vve give our counte nance and aid to a privileged class in this land of equal rights, Which would have a tendency to oppress one portion of our fellow citizens for the benefit of another?. We all recollect the rush into Kansas, some six years since, by the tools of the Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Societies. We all remember that a few hundred men, armed with Sharpe's rifles, seized upon not only the most fertile tracts of the best soil, but also upon every city and town site in that Territory. We all remember their depredations upon the rights of the Southern people, and the reports of strife and bloodshed which followed. We all 'remember the audacious conduct of the small band of New England Squatters, in setting up a government ot their own superior to the lerntorial government organized by the act of Congress. We all remember the Shocco Springs Government and the Topeco Constitution, and all the other developments of "Squatter Sovereignty" which were then made. Shall such scenes be played over again? Shall we give our assent to the overgrown capitalists of the East to extend their power over all the other Territories vet unorganized? Shall we allow them, through the instrumentality of small bodies of men, devoted to their interests, to avail themselves of the facilities of 'Squat er Sovereignty," in acquiring the control of every territorial Legislature, and give it the power which Congress itself does not possess, to trample upon the Constitutional rights of any section of the Union? Shall we permit the representatives of such small bodies of men in buckram, in the Territorial Legislatures, to possess more power than the Constitution gives to the National Legislature, representing the entire confederacy? No no. We cannot ap1 prove Mr. Douglas' policy of "Squatter Sovereignty," any more than vve can Mr. Lincoln's Congressional j Sovereignty.--Both are hostile to the genius of our institutions and the equal rights of the People of all i sections. Both are hostile to the equality of the J Suites which compose our Union. Both are hostile to I the decision of the Supreme Court of the United i States, which places all the States and all white men i uon precisely the same footing. The next proposition advanced in the report of the I Committee renresontinir the majority of States is "that it is the duty of the Federal Government in all the departments, when necessary, to protect the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends." Is not this proposition a truism, requiring no argument to sustain it? What is government organized for, unless it is to protect the persons and property of thu governed.' For what purpose do we send our squadrons and fleets to the Mediterranean and Pacific oceans, as well as to the (iult of Mexico, but to protect the property of our inerclant! upon the high seas, as well as the lives of" such of our people as are engaged in comI mercc? Will any one can any one seriously argue, ; that the agricultural classes of the South and North have not the same claims upon the Government for I the protection of their ersons and property recogI nized by the Constitution, as the commercial class j iKses"?' l)o not the agriculturists of the South contribute at leat as much towards the support of the Government a? any other class? Do they not produce ail the cotton" sugar and rice, much ot the wheat and corn, and three-quarter of the tobacco that are : exchanged for foreign goods, the duties on which pay 1 three-fourths of its expenses? Ought they to meet ; their share of the burthens of the Government with- ' out partiei patina in its benefits? No one can sin-ere-I . ' . ly deny the force of such a self-ovident proosition. But there arc many who cannot meet the argument, ! in its tavor, who will content tneniseives oy aenounein; an act, granting the protection sought for by our ! Southern b-ethren, as a '-'lore rode-," and yet they will not positively deny that the Constitution guarantees t- them such an act, call it by whatever name they phase. It now remain for us to look at the la4 proposition ' of tho Ommittee representing the majority of the States. The question arise, whether any Territory should be admitted into the Union, upon an equal i footinz with the original States, without an " adequate wpiilati ? " Should any Territory, like Kansas ! as ("hen a handful of emigrants from Massachusetts, .. , .., i j

i tory should have a sufficient number of inhabitants to '

entitle it to at least one Representative in the lower House ot Congress before it should bo recognized as a State. Then her popular sovereignty, in contradistinction from squatter sovereignty, should commence not before. Any number less than that for a ratio would soon fill the Senate with the representatives of squatter sovereignties create a rotten borough system, (like that of England,) and remove the political power from the many to flic few,.. We have thus given our views and reasons in sup port of the Platform upon which John C. Breckinridge and Joseph Lane are presented to the Democracy of the Union the whole Union as candidates for President and Vice President of the United States. They are true and tried friends of their country true and tried Democrats tried in peace and in war and have proved thcmselvesablein council and gallant in the field. While one was found among the heroes in the front ranks, and in the hottest Of the fight, bleeding in his country's cause on the battle-ground of Buena Vista, the other was among the victorious legions that entered the halls of the Montezumas under Scott. Not a single sentiment of theirs can be brought against them to excite suspicion as to their loyalty to the Union not an act to prove disaffection to the Democracy. We wish we could say as much in favor of either Mr. Douglas or Mr. Lincoln. While the latter is an open and bold advocate of Abolitionism, and avows himself a supporter of the " irrepressible conflict" be tween the free and slave States shadowed forth by Mr. Seward, which he says will end in the subjugation of the South the Territorial policy of the former cannot fail to keep up sectional agitation, contention and strife. Suffice it to say, that both of these candidates are so obnoxious to the South, that neither of them can receive the support of a single slave State ; while it is certain that Mr. Douglas cannot obtain the electoral vote of any State in the Union. AVherever he has addressed the people in the free States, they have given increased majorities against the Democratic party. Wherever his friends have been presented for State offices, they have been defeated. The People, as well as nearly all the Democratic Representatives in both houses of Coiwress, appear to have no confidence in him. They have assembled together in large masses to look at him and hear him; but they have not, as yet, given him a single State, North or South. ''.''' What can be the cause of such a manifest want of confidence in Mr. Douglas? We say nothing of his personal traits of character; but truth and candor compel us to admit that his political course in tho Senate has not been such as to entitle him to any further support from " the Democratic party. lie has actedand voted, for the last two years, more with the Republicans in that body than with the Democrats. He not only voted in favor of turning out of the Senate Messrs. Bright and Fitch, the Democratic Senators of this State, but he volunteered his services to engineer Messrs. Henry S. Lane and McCarty, the bogus Republican candidates, into their seats. lie thus struck a blow over the shoulders of Messrs. Bright and Fitch, at the Democracy of Indiana, who appointed them as their representativ es, and in so doing sacrificed all claims upon them for support. But not satisfied with the indulgence of his private animosity towards these gentlemen, he haalso been identified in intrigues and coalitions with the Republicans to turn out of the Senate General Lane, of Oregon, and Mr. Green, of Missouri, and to put into their seats two of the most notorious Republicans of those States, and thus contribute to the overthrow of the Democratic ascendancy in that body. Whilo thus engaged in these intrigues and coalitions, his house in Washington was turned into a caucus room for the Republican Senators, and Republican editors, where overtures were made and given for mutual aid and comfort. The limits of this address will not admit of an exposure of all the political tergiversations of Mr, Douglas; but suffice it to say that he has lost the confidence of all his old Democratic associates, with one exception, in the Senate; and of nearly all the Democratic members of the House, who have had an opportunity to witness his recreant course, and form a proper estimate of his delinquencies, We would gladly stop here, and confine ourselves to this manifest duplicity and treachery of Mr. Douglas himself, towards the Democratic party of the nasion. But as if his intrigues with Republican leaders were not enough to damn him as the most unprincipled politician known to the country since the days of Mar- j tin Van Buren, he has followed them up by open and i bitter denunciations of Mr. BiiECKlxiiliiGE, and of i other leading Democrats vvherever he has made i speeches. And while he has thus emptied the vials of , Ins wrath upon men whose political records are with out blemish, his leading Inends in every State have been busily engaged in forming coalitions with the Know-Nothing party. These coalitions are now open, undisguised, avowed, and approved in nearly all the papers in Indiana favorable to his advancement. And while they are thus engaged in theirlaborsof love with the Know-Nothings, they have treated with silent contempt all overtures from the Democratic State Central Committee of Indiana representing the friends of Bkeckin kidge and Lane, for a union with them upon one Electoral ticket, made in order that the Democrats might present a united front to the Republicans, and thus save the State from the grasp of Lincoln. Is it not, then, apparent that Mr. Douglas' treachery, as well as his policy, aims, directly, at the dismemberment of the Democratic party ? Is it not evident, fo use the words he made use of in one of his intrigues with a Republican editor at Washington, that he has " checked his baggage," and " taken a through ticket" for the Opposition camp, and designs " cutting down the bridges " which now connect him with the Democracy, as soon as he can get the, " crowd over " on the other side ? We apprehend, however, that if he should succeed in accomplishing this end, his success will be of short duration ; and that the " crowd " will all prove to be good swimmers, and speedily return to the Democratic shore. : The signs of the times give note that tho contest for the Presidency is now between Bkkckixiudge and Lincoln. While Mr. Douglas' friends have not carried a single State in the Union, Mr. Breckinridge's friends have carried all the local elections in Delaware, Florida, Mississippi, Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, and lastly, where it was notexpected, in Maryland. There can be no doubt that the whole South is rallying in his favor; aifd if New York elects the Union ticket, as is confidently hoped by its friends, he will certainly be elected. . Will not, then, the gallant Democrats of Indiana come to the rescue, aid in t he redemption of the State, and unite, as of old, with the only National organization of the Democracy of the country, in favor of Breckinridge and Lank? Let the true Democrats organize in every school district, and prepare for a vigorous onset against the Republicans in November. Let them, after the Presidential contest is over, still keep up their organizations for future elections for State, Comity and Town officers. If overthrown in the coming contest, let their watchwords be, " up and at it again." The true Democracy may be defeatedbut they can never be conquered. . . By order of the National Democratic State Central Committee of Indiana. W. II. TALBOTT, Chairman. John R. Elder, Secretary. ' I FIi SALE! Forty acres of Government Land for sale, in Jasper County, Indiana. Price S4UO, payable when John C. Breckinridge gels the electoral ro'e of Kentucky for President. Address Editor of Old Line Guard. tf Wood For Hale! 200 CORDS. Price 05 Cents a Cord Sii mtier iirth-rrt of the . bn blf " ,B" lTwrt-llw Pl .i.k ri. will W xW Um '- quire al this ufBrr. prl4-tl