Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 47, Indianapolis, Marion County, 3 November 1860 — Page 1

OJLB

IN

H A r THE CONSTITUTION, THE UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OF THE STATES!

VOL. I.

THE OLD LINE GUARD. IS i.ijiH.lfniM-'. T XX X - W 33 K L -5TT AT imiIA!VAlOI.IS, INDIANA, MY KI.OKIt &; IIIKKNESS. TE XI IVE , ,,.00, ....MlRflcr the PrcLlenUal Klccllon. In advance, in all cases. Advertisements incited at the nsnnl rates. From the Boston Post. THE BATTLE---A BALLAD, BY C A X T 0 N . TUE'TIME. 'Twas a morning in November, When leaves began to fall, And the cold north wind was blowing, And the frost shone on the wall ; When the skies were draped in mourning, And the funeral of the year Swept bv, in yellow wardrobe, O'er the landscape, brown and sere That embattled hos's were forming In mmy a gallant band, On prairie, plain and mountain, Throughout this mighty land. THE (iATIIERIXO. Overhead, a thousand banners, Like meteors were unfurled, Underfoot, ten thousand columns, Like an earthquake, shook the world. Ho ! cohorts, from Penobscot, Rally 'neath your mountain pine; . Ho! squadrons "from Mount llolyoke, Form firm your bristling line ; Ye hero sous of Bunker, Buckle on vour armor bright! And vou, ye brave Green Mountain boys, Lock phalanx for the fight. . THE FOE. Afar, like rumbling thunders, When the storm-king mounts his throne, I hear the tramp of millions And I tremble at the tone. The firm ground reels beneath them, Before them lightnings fly ; Above them float bright banners, As stars float in the sky ! They come ! They come ! New England, Prepare to meet the shock ; Rise ! like your stormy waters, Stand ! like your granite rock ! THE CHALLENGE. Up, streams the Yankee Pennon, And upon its cotton fold, I read, huzza for Lincoln! Huzza for Hamlin bold ! Up! with " Amalgamation I " Off ! with the " Afric's " chain ! Huzza for " llinton Helper ! " Down ! with the " Southron's " reign ! Revenge, for " bleeding Kansas ! " Revenge for " Tom " and " Dred " Revenge, for John Brown's "murder!" Revenge, for Sumner's head! " . ' ; . THE CHARGE, Ha! ha! a shout defiant Cleaves the welkin, to its dome; And rings like Cesar's watchword, Rang in the ranks of Rome ! On! came the aimed millions! And as on the Austrian line, Macdonald charged at Wagram, And Napoleon at the Rhine : So charged the Southern Legion, So charged the Western Band, To shield our glorious Union, And save 'our Native Land! the victory. Up! with the grand old banner! Up! wiih the gift of Mars! Its stripes were born for freedom, And glory gave it stunt! Shall your columns ever falter? Shall your standard ever trail? On I patriot battalions, Ye can die, but cannot quail! Kentucky's young Grey Eagle Now grasps the glittering flag, Y And plants its folds in triumph, .High, on his mountain crag! THE ROUT. Huzza ! for John C. Breckinridge ! Huzza ! for Joseph Lane ! Disunion's hosts lie bleeding, Abolition's crew is slain : T Black- Douglass flies a fugitive, Upon a foreign shore: H'AiVe Douglas hurls his edicts, From his squatter throne, no more: " Dame Greeley" leaves the' Tribune, "Abe" splits rails with a knife! Fremont seeks Mariposa! And Bill Seward yiWra.'e life! ' FINALE. . Huzza! for common heritage, Huzza! for equal right; ' Huzza! for this broad Union, And its starry pennon bright ! Down ! with the hands that falter, In the battle of the brave ! For traitors, rig a halter, For cowards, dig a grave ! Up! with the patriot's banner! Up I with the flag of Mars: Scarred by the stripes of Union, And lit with Freedom's Stars! The Value, Power, and Influence of Cotton. The World is a semi-religious, anti-slavery paper, published in this city, who.- conductors claim to be above the ordinary prejudices and partialities of mortals, and hence perfectly impartial in their opinions and expressions. - Now, with all due respect, we do not doubt that the editors of the World are just like ordinary men. They have opinions in religion, in jolitics, &c., which all their affectation of neutrality or imjiartiality cannot hide. Whatever they may know of some departments of human inquiry, they seem to be profoundly ignorant of the fundamental principles of R publican government, as well as the details of polit:cal economy. e give the following as a sample of ths gravity with which this journal takes upon itself the solemn duty of enlightening the public. It says : 'The South annually grows seventeen or eighteen hundred million j-.oini.ls of co'.ton, more or less, and something like two-thirds of this goes abroad and forms a very material portion of our export trade. Cotton is a great thing for us. Nobody doubt it. But cotton is not king. It has no power which is not also possessed by our other great agricultural staples. What title has it to supremacy ? Certainly not its ! superior pecuniary value. The annual cotton crop of: the country is worth but a hundred million of dollars, while the Indian corn crop is worth some three hun-l dred miiions, the hay crop a hundred and fifty millions, the wheat crop a hundred millions. Cotton, instead of occupying the first plane in respect to intrinsic value, really occupies the third or fourth. Moreover, the

INDIANAPOLIS,

value of the annual increase of live stock in the coun try is more than one-third greater than that of the annual cotton crop. But the great pretension that cotton is entitled to be supreme has been drawn from the fact that it goes out of the country and enables us to pay our debts. Yet this is no title to supremacy; so far from this, it is in fact no peculiar credit. Cotton goes abroad, forsooth ; but who enables it to go abroad ? Who, in fact, enables it to live at all ? Cotton is dependent ujxm the North for support. It could not live a month without the aid of the very agricultural staples over which it so foolishly claims precedence. Our Southern friends too generally talk as if the cultivation of cotton were a self-sustaining system, independently remunerative. There could be no greater mistake. The cotton-growing States are able to raise cotton for export only, because the States north of them feed them." 1st. It says, "cotton has no power which is not also possessed by our other agricultural staples." Now, "the power" of an article is its value and importance to the world. We will suppose, for the sake of illustration, that our grain crop was a failure. What would be the result? Why, we should call upon Europe for our food, as she sometimes calls upon us. From the shores of the Caspian and the Black Sea, and the Baltic, from Franco and other localities, we could eke out an existence until Providence gave us the next season and vouchsafed us a fruitful harvest. Such an event would ' affect no one but ourselves, except to make our foreign friends richer and we poorer. Suppose the cotton crop cut off. Would no one feel it but us ? Would that be a gain to England, to France, to Russia ? Does not even a child know that the loss of the cotton crop for one year would send beggary and starvation to thousands, interrupt the course of trade, bring commerce to a stand still, and produce general financial ruin? Has cotton, then, no " power" not possessed by any other agricultural staple ? But further, will this learned political pundit tell us what other agricultural staple of importance- possesses the " power" of being rendered so much more valuable, by manufacture, as cotton ? How much can human ingenuity add to the value of corn, by manufacturing it ? How much to hay ? The value of an article is not simply its first value, but it exists in the nature of the article and its capacity for improvement. Raw cotton, at ten cents per pound, is manufactured and is worth twenty. But is that the end of it? Not at all. It is worn, but not destroyed. Indeed, it is well nigh indestructible. After it has answered all the purposes of clothing, it is still valuable. It is man ufactured into paper, ana is again worm lis original cost when it comes from the planter ! Is there another such a staple in existence ? Well, what of Indian corn and hay? In what consists their value ? Why, they are both principally useful for feeding horses and cattle during the six months of our northern climate, when they cannot get their own living on account of the inclemency ot our winters I Instead, therefore, or being properly staples of value, they are, so far as they arc applied to those purposes, actually articles oi taxation and expense ! Does not this learned political economist know the rudiments of the science of which he writes ? Agricultural staples are of two kinds. First, those which a people are compelled to raise for their own support. Second, those which they raise to sell. In some climates much more labor is required to produce articles for home use than in others. The entire hay crop of the North is a tax and expense to the North, and to no extent a source of wealth. It is only an ignoramus like Helper, or the editor of the World, who don't know better. Ask a practical farmer at the North how much he could spare, did not the climate require him to gather hay, &c, to feed his stock for six months, and he can soon tell you. But to bring the case down plainer. A cow that it takes 20 worth of hay to winter in Maine, in Alabama would cost about $'2l Is not that plain enough? What a genius it must be who compares cotton with hay, and who talks about cotton having no "power not pos sessed by other agricultural staples! But there is another "power" which cotton has, to which wo will allude very briefly, and which even the astute World editor, we are sure, will allow does not belong to Indian corn or hay! Before cotton came into use. the clothing ot the world was linen and woollen. They were dear, and the poorer classes of people were rudely and imperfectly ciao. uesines, both articles were not well adapted to the human system. Linen, particularly, which was generally used for underclothing, was very objectionable, and positively unhealthy. Its texture was too firm to admit of an unrestrained flow of perspiration from the skin, so essential to health, while it was cold to the skin, and a rapid conductor of heat. Woollen was the exact reverse of this the opposite extreme. Cotton furnished the medium, and has, in a single article of dress, more advanced the white race in the scale of civilization than any one other cause. It has likewise improved the health of the masses of the people, and prolonged life, as the tables of mortality will show. AVill the World be kind enough to tell what other agricultural staple has exerted this "power?" But the World is no better off in its statements than its arguments. It says that " the annual cotton crop of the country is worth but a hundred million of dollars." Now, if he had looked at the last reports of the Treasury Department, it would have been seen that the value of the export of cotton from this country, for the year ending June 30th, 18G0, to say nothing of the amount manufactured at home, was $191,8oG,555. W e have not the figures before us of the value of the cotton used here, but it cannot be less than $60,000,000, thus making a total crop worth at j least 250,000,000 in round numbers. We have not space to notice the further inaccuracies ot the II orld at length. But we ask, is it no title to "supremacy" i when a staple furnishes almost the entire foundation ! of a nation's commerce? If a nation could produce I no article the world wanted, how would they have a commerce? Suppose all our States could produce no . articles beyond those raised in Nova Scotia or New ; Brunswick, how would we ever become a commercial j nation? Who would care about us if we produced ! nothing that the world needed? It is cotton, and cotton almost exclusively, that has given us our "suprem-, acy" as a nation, and it is only a perversion of terms to slate the contrary.' j That the North enables the South to raise cotton I would be amusing if it were not ridiculous. The sim-j pie truth is, that different climates produce different j staples, and therein lies the secret ot commerce, inc.; j South finds cottou its most profitable crop, and hence J ! devotes its labor principally to that, but it could raise i ; nearly all the articles the North does, if need be, aod that, too, without seriously affecting its present pro- j j ductions. Indeed, the Southern States now raise more J Indian corn than the Northern ones, as will be seen by the Census returns. t... .1 . l . u ouiwre is a reciprocity, oi course, wmmi uic productions of the temperate and tropical latitudes. j Nature so intended it, and to show which is more de- j pendent upon the other, it is only necessary to referto Hayti and Jamaica. Does the North enahle these , tiro islands to raise cotton and sugar? The North is able to feed them we have plenty of corn and wheat : to sare, but of what avail is it ? Why, they are gradually sinking, year after year, out of sight com-; uiercially. We may stand ready to feed the South 1 and the islands of the sea, but without a system of la-' bor that compels the negro to be a productive animal, all our fields of corn, and wheat and rye are useless. ; If negro servitude existed to-day in the West IndiaIslands, Central America and Mexico, it would be safe j to say that wheat and corn and bacon would be worth i at least one third more, and this city, already great and powerful in commerce and wealih, would be in-! finitely greater and would stretch upwards towards; Harlem, until the Central Park would be what its' name imports, in the center of the greatest emporium j that the world ever saw, or even the wildest imagination ever pictured of imperial power and luxury. It! is such journals as the WorUI, and such sentiment tliey preach, which retard the great and mighty deti--

HMD., SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 18C0.

ny of this western march of empire, but which, des- These principles may not bo m accordance with the pit the ignorance of some and the fanaticism of many, ' belief of many who think they are guided by the puris destinc?l to eo on in its triumphal career of eon- est spirit ot philanthropy; and yet they are founded

qucring to conquer.. -New York Day-Look. CIBCULAE. From the Cincinnati Courier. TO THE ADOPTED CITIZENS OF THE TTVTTim STATE'S right which mainly distinguishes the home of your adoption from all other countries ; a ontion from all other countries ; a . . . , -i i t, . A ,.;,., rto .l.r.vi-lw.fl right which renders our happy America the chei isl et right which renders our happy America the cherisln home of the free, and th( asylum of the oppressed i oi every nation and creed a right, the proper exercise of which is our only safe anf sure guarantee for the maintenance and perpetuity of these institutions from wLinl. flnw ,,,. ,m,iralleled nrosneritv as a nation, which flow our unparalleled prosperity as a nation,

, ., , 1 7 , . j inr,7.i, and hostile opposition to an institution recognizee, oy and you as the adopted sons , of a e n "d"i the Constitution, and by the framers and fathers of tin's ancestry, are entitled to a parteipat inaU the bh , vm substance, that an irrepressines, privileges and immunities ot tlns.great inherit-; . l i ' ,. . , ' i.i,: i,,,.;i;.

ance, and to your hands, in common with the nativeborn citizens, the moulding of its futuri destinies has been entrusted. It is not our purpose? to dictate to you upon theexercise of your gufi'ragut, as by an interchange of opinions, we are often enabled to arrive at conclusions which form the basis of our action, we owe it as a duty to you, to ourselves, and to the country, to call your attei tion to a few facts. Of the distinguished individuals whose .names are befine vou as candidates for the Presidency, it is evi dent that in all the States south' of the Ohio river, the contest is between John C. Breckinridge ! and John Bell. We have no doubt that many of you would prefer supporting Mr. Douglas to either ot those gentlemcn, but you cannot be ignorant of the tact, that it is impossible for Mr. Douglas to carry a single State south ot the Ulno river, and to cast your votes ior him, would be equal to voting against the Democratic party, and in favor of Bell and Everett. Eyrv vote that'is cast for Mr. Douglas in the Southern States is lost to the Democratic party, and to that extent tends to promote the election of Mr. Bell. Now, fellow-cit-ii.iia liofnrn von commit, vourselves to the Slltmort of John Bell, either directly or indirectly, we wish to call your special attention to some ot the principles and "the policy of the party with whom he is now acting. You will remember that in 1854, there was a new party organization formed, who called themselves Native Americans, whose principles were avowed hostili ty to foreigners, making a religious test the basis of their opposition to those ardent souls whose thirst for liberty and admiration of our institutions have brought them "to our shores; and the more effectually to carry out their determination to deprive the adopted citizen of those rights and privileges which our common Constitution confers upon him, and which, of all others, he should prize mojt dearly, they organized themselves under an oath of secrecy, and took upon themselves the odious cognomen of Know Nothings. You will remember that in 1855 and 1 856, the same party of Native Americans, or Know-Nothings, stood at the polls in the principal towns and cities of the country, and attempted by brute force to deprive you of your right of suffrage, and to degrade you to a common level with slaves. And you will remember, also, how the streets of those towns and cities were crimsoned with the blood and strewed with the dead bodies of your brothers and friends, who were butchered and mangled by the rabble of this Know-Nothing party. And now, fellow citizens, it is right that you should know that this Native American or Know-Nothing party is the same party who are calling themselves the Union party, at whose head stands John Bell of Tennessee, who, in a speech at Knoxville, in his own Slate, in 1855, indorsed the murder of your friends and fellow citizens in the following language, to-wit : " The fears of the timid have been appealed to by the assailants of the American party, and their eo-op-eration invoked in putting it down, on the alleged ground that its policy in regard to foreigners tends to provoke riot and bloodshed. It is said that this new party has been stained with blood in its very birth, 1 , .1 i . . V.1 i.. ana mat rrom tins we nmy aujiur a uiwu; niuut. Yes, blood has been shed, and it mav foreshadow a fijIl'Twnf wnLn? .ntSIndntilrJi places; but this I will say, that whatever .party may have given the provocation, it is better that a little blood should sprinkle the pavement and sidewalks of our cities now, than that their streets should oe drenched with blood hereafter, or that the highways and open fields of our country should drink up the blood of its citizens slain in deadly combat, between armed bands it may be between disciplined legions native Americans on the one side, and foreigners supporting native factionists on the other. "And this will be our future unless now, and before it is too late, we erect sufficient barriers to arrest the torrent of aliens and paupers which threatens in a few years more to flood the whole land." Mr. Bell also said, in his Knoxville speech, and which he has never retracted: "If the American party shall succeed in cutting off the perennial supply of fresh recruits to the Demo-j cratic standard, derived from the annual influx of; THE HALF MILLION OF FOREIGNERS, or more, the Democratic leaders may still find that they will have to fight their future battles with diminished chances of success. But whatever alliances the Demcrats may form WITH FOREIGNERS AND ROMAN CATHOLICS however tlie leaders may fret and rage with whatever obstinacy of purpose they mav seek to resist or crush the American party, they will fail to defeat the great end and fundamental policy of that party." " It is respectfully asked, if this doctrine is the accept ed doctrine of our free-born citizens, native or adopt-! cd, Catholic or Protestant? Does it not show the! time-server, the accommodating politician, who, having ! thought he had ascertained the current, aimed to swim ; with it Such was John Jbell in 18ao, and such he I is to-day. hoping to succeed on the general and un-i meaning declaration of sustaining " the Union, the Constitutiou, and the enforcement ot the laws. j j The NegrO Kace, j There are certain great facts in reference to the j negro race from which there is no rational or logical . escape. A morbid philanthropy mav attempt to per- j ' , i . . j . i "i i r .i vert them; but they stand out so cleartv and distinctly if- j i . . i . on the records of science and history, that a sensible and unprejudiced man cannot deny them. He who has studied the difference between the nat ural races and families of men, knows that a superior j and interior race cannot continue to occupy the same i territory on terms of equality. Either the inferior race will be enslaved, and in that condition increase and j ..i:..k, :'..Ann v:k

the attempt to compete with the superior race, be ul.i-1 IIowt11 8 Llfe of L,mo!n' -79" matelv wi.ed out of existence by their greater skill , Next we find Mr. Lincoln, on the 17th of July, and strength. We use the words race of men ina strictly ; 1858, at Springfield, III., setting forth his "Irrepressicthnographical sense:and mean that sort of a superiority j u'e Conflict" as follows: of race which the Circassians and Anglo-Saxons! "We are now far into the fifth year since a policy manifest over the Indian, negro, Malay, and Mongoli-j was initiated with the avowed object and confident an races. We do not recognize in the Norman ami ; promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Unthe Saxon the Gaul and the Oriental the Celt and der the operation of that policy that agitation has not Russian any ixxitive or absolute superiority of race, i only not ceased, but lias constantly augmented. In as compared with each other, for nature has marked ; my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have no great or controlling differences in their physical been reached and passed. 'A house divided against and mental structure. But we can define, by means itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot of physii -logical and anatomical science, the difference endure permanently half slave and half fire. I do not between the white man and the negro, or the Indian:' expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the and we know. aho that neither the Indian or the free i house to falL but Ido expect it will cease to be divided, negio can contend swcessfully asrainst the white man, j It will become all one thing or all the other. Either when they occupy the same foil, and compete with the opponents of slavery nil arrest the further spread of each other. Ail history proves that the interior rate, it vhere the pittite mind shall rest in the belief that it is in order to survive the aggressions and greater activity ; in the course of ultima'e extinction, or its advocates will and energy of the superior race, must r brought to a' push it formtrd until it suill Income alike larful in all condition of servitude, wrfdoiu. or slavery. ! the .States. o as iccll as netc, North as veil as South." ;

upon tacts wnicn are muisnutauic. ami inm '

other natural law which applies to these races, particularly to the negro, and winch is equally unsatisfactory to some who fear to meet the truth face to face. NemnKs inil whites rnnnnt nnrnetuate a new race; the I laws are indestructible barriers against such unnatural I experiments ; and we have the direct testimony of acute and honest travellers in uenirai America au e.j.m, - P".v s.ca .y .mposs.u.e. .. ' pl'.vs.ca fly impossible. e do not maice tnesemconiesuoie siaveineius jiuiu natalities for , ";v . . ., - . . :, ' , , ' j ! d.st.ngujsl W ta U-h men . t.ng a powert. an v g teaching the peop etheon the institution of slavery, cut in inese uavs, ueu and public journals repreigorous party, are constantly ; ',',: tn a institution recognized bv sible conflict" is to result in the overwhelming humili ation and decadence of the South, it is time to grapple the question boldly, and not to dodge the pending issues, or to mince matters too much, or to confess that there is bnt one side to this irritating and dangeYons slavery controversy. There are four million reasons in the Soulh,cIad in flpsh and blood, against the wild political crusade now going forward, and which becomes more obstinate anil reckless as it advances. If history and science tell the truth, the immediate or unprepared, or hasty, freedom of these slaves will produce their extermination, ac- ; compamed by a tram ot events most nornoie to ioni template And we advise, also, the professed philanthropist, whose sympathies have got the better of his judgment, to' reflect upon the great barriers which have been placed by nature between the whites and the blacks, and that' whatever may be the ultimate destiny of the latter, they are infinitely belter off than if they had been born and bred in their nalive land. The records of travelers in Africa tell a sad but true tale of the negro race e, as it appears at home, and especii'rica. The native African is an habj ally in Eastern Af u'al drunkard, a thief, a liar, revengeful, licentious, grovelling in his habits, almost destitute of natural affection, unprogressive in character, and in religion a devotee of the obscene mysteries of Fetiehism. More over, the great bulk of the population is made up of masters and slaves. Indeed, slavery is almost universal. The principal occunation of the Africans, and the real object ot al most all their wars, is the kidnapping of slaves; while the treatmentand condition ot the negroes in our ."south is benevolence itself compared with the cruel system which prevails in Africa. I his is the picture drawn of the native African by disinterested and reliable travelers; and a more disagreeable one is not to be found in the history of barbarians. In truth, the ne groes held in slavery in the United Stales, are much better off, phviscallv and morally, than their ignorant and degraded brothers of Africa. Everybody knows this; and believes in his heart that the condition, pros pects and character ot the negro improve under the relining innuences oi civuzeii nie. ,t e may saien ty also, that scarcely a traction of the people ot the L nited states are in favor of now freeing the slave. hy then, in the face of the well authenticated facts we have stated, do the abolitionists, fanatics, and many leaders of the Republican party, persist in their wild and reckless theories, whose development is dragging the Union to the verge of the precipice? To raise up the great African race from serfdom to a condition of advancement and civilization, or to place them in a position where every favor and liberty and right, social and political, shall be allowed them, just as it is allowed to the whites, is a probability of which we may dream for coming ages. But in the present posture of affairs, and with our present knowledge ot the insur mountable difficulties in the way ot such an event, we know, first of all, that only those who own slaves can abolish slavery, and then, that every imprudent, or concealed, or violent opposition on the part of North ern men, does more injury than good, and impedes the i. r ... . .. '-'v., Huvnuceillt-m. Ul gtrmuiiu Humanity. ,nnti inn u uiiv merce. Lincoln an Abolitionist The Truth from his own Lips. From the New York Express. We hear a great deal about Lincoln's "Conserva tism, and about Ins determination not to interfere with slavery in the Slates, if elected; but all that kind of talk comes from such journals as the Commercial Advertiser, and other Republican organs, whose role it is, to play the "conservative tune in the great commercial cities, where abolitioniMii is most at a discount If anybody desires to know what Mr. Lincoln's views really are, the better way is to hear w hat he has to say himself. Well then, on a certain memorable occasion, the Ohio negroes saw fit to compliment Gov ernor Chase with a silver pitcher, as a testimony of their esteem tor one who had so much atlection tor them. The ceremony took place at Cincinnati, and Mr. Abraham Lincoln was present. In the course of an address to tlie negroes, Mr. Lincoln expressed the conviction that all the individuals of that class (that is, the negro class), are members of the community, and in virtue of their manhood, entitled to every orig inal riqht en toyed by ami other member. He then went on to sav: "We feel therefore, that all legal distinction between individuals ot the same community, founded m any such circumstances as color, origin and the like, are hostile to the genius ot our institutions, and incompat ible with the true theory of An-.erican liber;v. Slavery and oppression must cease, or American liberty must perish. 'I embrace with pleasure this opportunity of declar ing my disaiiprohation of that clause of the constitution which denies to a portion of the colored people, the right Oi sultrage. "True Democracy makes no inquiry about the color of the skin, or place of nativity, or any other similar circumstance ot condition. 1 regard, therefore, the exclusion of the colored people, as a bodv, from the elective franchise as incompatible with true Deniocratic principles. But tilis is nol a1: October lti, 1854, at Peoria, we gn,j jr lJIlcoln deelarin": ' . . c , . ,, "Ihatnomau is good enough to govern another ., , ,, b, ,T . . 1 " man trithoui the other t consent. I sav this is the lead- " . . , , trii'-r.-r ivniinn i . Hepublicanism. The master not only governs the slave without his consent, but he governs him by a set of rules altogether different from those which he prescribes for himself. Allow ALL the governed an EQUAL VOICE IN THE GOVERNrvp i l i ii ... . . . n iiix j., aim mai, anu mat 01113 . is st'ii-rovurnmeiH.

NO. 47.

Still later, in a speech at Chicago, July 10th, 1858, wc find Mr. Lincoln declaring: "If I were in Congress, and a vote should come up on a question whether slavery should be prohibited in a new Territory in spite of the Dred Scott decision, -I woru vote that it hhould. , i.i t a i i t : 1- :., iinougll, enotlgll to SHOW mat aurnunm mm-uiu at present just as much an Abolitionist and "Irrepressible conflict" man as any of his followers. With such a man at the head of the government, it requires no great effort of the imagination to realize the disasters that must ensue. The whole power and patronage of the government would bo directed into such channels as would be most likely to lead to interference with slavery in the States, springing insurrection, revolution, civil war and disunion upon' the country, before we are aware of it. John Bell and the Mexican War. The people cannot have forgotten the vehemence with which the Mexican war was denounced, especially by the Abolitionists of the North. One of their Senators (Mr. Corwin) encouraged the Mexicans to meet our soldiers " with bloody hands, and welcome them to hospitable graves." Amos Tuck, of New Hampshire, in his abolition frenzy, said : - "Let the. same vote that declared the war unnecessary and unconstitutional, starve it to death by withholding supplies." Abraham Lincoln, now the Black Republican candidate for President, rising in his place in the House of Representatives, denounced it as a war in which the Mexicans were in the right and the Americans in the wrong, declaring that the President "feels the blood of this wartlike the blood of Abel, crying to Heaven against him." Where stood John Bell? Side by side with Lincoln, Corwin and Tuck, in opposing the prosecution of the war, and resisting the recommendation of the President for an increase of the military force. He voted with the Abolitionists against the Ten Regiment bill. He went further, and in his speech defended the course of these men, and counselled the President to withdraw the army. Here is his own language :. "I hold, sir, for one, that gentlemen who believe this war to be unjust and iniquitous, or whether just or unjust, that the further prosecution of it is likely to inflict upon the country greater evils than t an be compensated by all the Territorial acquisitions which the courage and resources of the country may achieve, have a perfect right to arraign the authors and advocates of it at the bar of public opinion, and to Thwart Th em by all the means of speech, writing, and voting, which tlie Constitution warrants. 1 hold, sir, that to deny them the exercise of this privilege by law, would be a"u act of despotism under legal forms, and to seek to forestall the exercise of this privilege by intimidation, and the influence of official denunciation, by charging those who avail themselves of this privilege as the allies of the public enemy, and their auxiliaries in the war, is an attempt at moral despotism only to be excused as an emanation ot excessive anu ovei-uemeu zeal, in which neither the judgment, nor a proper regard for the institutions of freedom, have had much to do. "But. sir, should the lone of remonstrance against this war rise so high in this chamber AS TO l-ENE- , THATK EVERY VAI.E IN MEXICO, REVERBERATING AMONG THE MOINTAINS, AND ROUSE THE WHOLE COUNTRY TO A SPIRIT OF RESISTANCE to the attempt to subdue them to our dominion, there are those who believe that a greater calamtt ....... 1-v.Ml il.to iMintiv in tlia fiiptlmr limspplltlnn ill uiav tiiio i,vimi.,t in t.. ......... of the war, than even such a result as that. "Sir, if any should now desire to know my poor opinion upon the proper mode of determining this war, I say to them, make the best treaty with any existing government you can. If you must have the Territories of New Mexico and California, get a cession of them; if you cannot do that, come back to the Rio Grande, to the boundary you claim title to, and thus save your honor. "My advice is, stop the tear! Flee the country as vou would a cilv doomed to destruction bv fire from . heaven:-' It will thus be seen that Mr. Bell was unwilling that an outraged public sentiment should shame into silence the moral t reason of the Abe Lincolns, Tom Corwins, Amos Tucks, and others, but that they should be permitted to go on in their efforts to "thwart" the government in its prosecution of the war, "by every means of speech, writing, and voting." even "should the tone of remonstrance rise so high as to penetrate every vale in Mexico, reverberate among her mountains, and ROUSE the whole population to a spirit of resistance." What mattered it to him that Americans were there in deadly conflict with the ene- . . . n ,1. .'I 1.1my of their country i o blood ot ins courscu inc. veins of an American soldier. Kentucky Correspondence. SCOTT COUNTY. Georgetown, Ky., Oct. 26, I860. Messrs. Editors: The fires of the National Democracy are burning brightly in this section. You may look out for a good account from Old Scott in November. Dr. W. F. Sherrod, of Indiana, addressed a large and enthusiastic meeting at this place on last evening. His speech was a bold and eloquent exposition of the principles which divide the parties of the country, showing clearly that the contest is between Breckinridge and Lincoln. He exhibited the little Squatter in his true colors. He said that Douglas, after traversing the country as a political mountebank, was forming coalitions not only with the Know Nothings, but with the Black Republicans. After all this treason to the Constitutional Democracy, he came to Indiana, with a lie. upon his lips. He said that Mr.;'. Douglas had stated in his speech at Indianapolis, that "the Breckinridge party had entered into a bargain with the Black Republicans to vote directly for the Lincoln candidates lor State officers, and that he did not question the power of his friends to beat them both." No fooner had the result of I he election been announced, than the hue and try was raised by his minions that the Breckinridge party, led by their distinguished Senator, the Hon. J. D, Bright, had voted the" straight out Republican ticket. He, Dr. Sherrod, profes.-ed to know something of the action of the Breckinridge men in Indiana; he therefore, unequivocally, pronounced the statement of Mr. Douglas, as well as that of his satellites, to W a willful and malicious lie. Desperate as was Mr. Douglas' cause, hopeless as was his political prospects, and unstatesman-like as has been his course, he was not prepared to see him and those whom he commanded descend to willful misrep resentations, in order to cover up from the public gaze his own treachery and sinking political fortunes. It would be impossible to do justice to this 8H.'ech in a communication. The Doctor has consented to be with Governor Powell at his appointments next week. from which we shall exjiect to heV a good account. More Anon. Complimentary. The Louisville Journal, in an article intended to depreciate Col. Yancey as an orator, inadvertently paid him a very high compliment- The editor said he was too much fatigued to write, having stood on his feet in a crowded house for three long hours. Now, if Mr. George I). Prentice would stand for three hours to listen to a speech, every word of which was gall and wormwood to him and his friends, who are fighting against the Democratic party, it must have been such a seech as none but an extraordinary orator could deliver. We saw Mr. Douglas, a few evenings ago, disperse twenty thousand people in thirty minutes, and we have no doubt the editor of the Jour nal would, in that length of time, have saved himself from the fatigue of standing to hear a prosy exhortation on the "great principle" of squatter sovereignty. St. Imu'is IliiHetin.