Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 46, Indianapolis, Marion County, 1 November 1860 — Page 1

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THE OLD LINE GUARD

! ! .i . is PJJIi I.'lBHKl" ' AT INniAlVA POL I S, isni il i j i 111 1.1, HI. It At IIAHKNUSSi- jsj jr. - - , ufn-r lie Hronldonilal r.lcclton. TEH 3VE S In advance, in all cases. . Advertisements incited at the nsnal rates. Letter from Minister McLane. Baltimore, Sept. 22, 1860. s, T bive received your note inviting me w say 1 W - u aa lace 'my name on the list of speakers whe herjou eap ace my n s,,Urt of i whet her you caii ato mj - --- . in the pending r.-esidential canvass in support of Breckinridge and Lane, and requesting my reply in a shane suitable for publication. It is not in my power to take part n the canvass as a s pecker, as the exigency of the pubhe service , obliges me to return to Mexico and continue there for some months longer; but if the expression of my opinion Zl the nature of the canvass and the duty that devolves upon the citizen is des.red-m any more detail tlmn was embodied in my letter to the President o the Democratic State Convention that assembled at Baltimore on the 9th of August-yon can make use of this communication in any way you think pioper. The main feature in the pending residential cano0 ; ii sectional character. - i . 0 The power of Congress o st oy o o ex elude it from the .rerntor ; the pledge is given to """'"X Sta es it s promptly and efticently exe. ted In . tl ejUt s t Zs lAWAifti party and its candidate have prormsed to t s, . he constitutional power to des ro y he ins on the several States where it exists ull stc.ta ana p.xp.rci ised, though one halt ot our cuuuu, - in the enterprise. , ., waste m the enterprise. , m All enlightened and conservative men oppose themselves instinctively to tins purpose, a u.ougu -most untoward events have enabled the party that entertains it to take possession ot every Northern State, and finally approach the federal capital, while an overwhelming majority of the people despise its lanat.dsm and injustice. , . . , Mr. Bell opposed to the aggressive and positiv e policy of the Republicans only a general declaration ol dissent, accompanied with the pledge that the Constitution should be respected and the laws enforced. Mr DouMas eminent for his decided hostility to the Republicans, and especially engaged in a zealous opposition to their scheme of Congressional usurpation in the Territories-opposes to their policy the suggestion that the people of the Territories may, by indirection, do that which which it, would be unconstitutional for either Congress or a Territorial government to do by direct legislative enactment. Mr. Breckinridge professing the same political faith with Mr. Douglas, and, like linn, especially engaged in opposition to the .territorial policy of the Republicans opposes to their assault on the Constitution a manly and responsive issue direct, logical, and conclusive 1 Mr. Liucoln declares that Congress shall exclude or destroy in the Territories the property which the slaveholder possesses in his slaves. Mr. Breckinridge , .... i.i..i n Di,oll !f iiPf.il be. nrotect. rat her neciares mat uiigiu. V f ' , V ,. t i i j"i ,norfv' anil in this rl.stlllCt il in this distinct tnan exciuue ui cimx;, ,i-'-v , issue he defends the Constitution and the equality ot the States. , ,. Neither the passive and negative policy of Mr. lien, nor the theory of Territorial soveignty expounded by Mr. Douglas, satisfies the crisis. The-former avoids rather than opposes the declaration of faith on which Mr. Lincoln proposes to organize the Federal Administration; the latter substitutes another form of aggression, no less unconstitutional, and under the actual circumstances, not less effective as a measure of exclusion, when applied to slave property in the lerWhile,' therefore, it is desirable that the people of the United States should be united in opposition to the Republican party and to the election ot Mr. Lincoln, it is due to Mr. Breckinridge and to those who sustain him that the philosophy ot his posit.on should be appreciated. For whether this union be effected and consummated in the defeat of Mr. Lincoln, or whether that gentleman bo elected President, the Constitution and the Union can only be preserved by meetin" directly the issue presented by those who nominated him at Chicago, and who now represent the anti-slavery sentiment of the country. ' , t .. liietm-tr tl,p apntiment of the people 111 UUl coii.i in..-"..,, -- . .. . was more general in opio.iition to the institution ot . !.! i ,knn 'Cl- ia .1 ilia nrpfi. slavery, as an ausiraet quconun, man ,v r . u..i .!... .t.,.. ..nnclilm-iul nnrl treated it as cnttime; uiihii am; - subordinate to the general wellare and political tranquimv ui """ji -a . . 1 1 t ition under the protection of the Constitution and ( r niiiiifi'v nnn rp 'nun zku 11 no ii manthe laws. But tlie West India emancipation ag. a ion i . . t 1 ,1.I in ip ITnitivl Slates: in ijreaL iji nam u3 l-aw-hui." .j and at the moment when the ionner ..uujicui.-. ami ai uiuiiiciii. " --- j. the empirical nature of the reform which tins measure proposed, the latter is likely to incur, in giving it effect, the hazard of a dissolution of its Governments and the horrors of civil war. . , .... It cannot be supposed that the Lnion of the States will be preserved when the Constitution is no longer respected, and it is reasonable to suppose that the fraternal spirit and patriotism of the people will endure, without injury, the shoc k of such a Presidential canvass as is now progressing. It is therefore the duty of the citizens to oppose the election of Mr. Lincoln at all points and bv all honorable means and by all possible combinations" that do not involve a sacrifice of honor and principle. If only for the purpose of giving peace and tranquility to the country, the issue itielt presented by him should be distinctly met and opposed; and this cannot be effected in any better way than by the support of Mr. Breckinridge. The Supreme Court of the United States has decided that "the right of property in a slave is distinctly and expressly allinned in the Constitution," and the Chief Justice very pertinently observed that "no laws f ,.M.uf hsiiIaiiu. nr rcasoniiHr of statesmen or usagva in ui"v. , . c 1 nr iuri-U nixm the relations of master and slave, can j enlarge the powers oi uoverniwui, ui in,c " citizens the rights they have reserved." It is only necessary, then, to subordinate the question of slavery to the Constitution and laws; for although the abstract question may be worthy of altention,as one of ethics or morals, yet no matter what mav be its solution, it can only be made the subjectmatter of Congressional, Slate, or Territorial legislation, in subordination to the Constitution of the tinted Sta es. . 1 1 1 This is the principle of non-interveulion to which Calhoun, AVebster, Clav and Cass subscribed in 1850, and to which Mr.ell," Mr. Douglas and Mr. Breckinridge have each severally assented ; and in our observations upon their professions at the present -Juncture the true jxiint of inquiry is to ascertain whether t'u'V are lonsisknt .villi this principle. They profess cnlii-c fidelity to it. and Mr. ltoiiglas, it would seem, considers his' identification with thoe who gave it effect in tlie legislation of the country as constituting hii chief claim to the support of his countrymen. AA'liv. then, should we find any difficulty in uniting ., . V- i. :.. nnrwnl Inn tn Mr. Lincoln 7 ine irit-im? in ii - . . Tie answer to this inquiry will reveal a great want ot ma 'lianimitv ; and thosto whom this observation iu-tlv applien, however eminent their personal or po- '. . . i . . -1 1.1 I 1 1,1 ...,ni;W fur thp htlCIU CtUira l"r, Pin,lllil i ,icm nriiuw election of Mr. Lincoln. It is to trifle with the occasion for Democrats to d.srmte with vh other as to tlie regularity of this or that nouiinarion, when the fact is so simple and noto-

IE CONSTITUTION, THE

! rious that the regularly-delegated convention failed to make a nomination, ami mat air. uuwi. - Mr. Douglas have been nominated by sections only of j the Democratic- parly It is to late , to review the I causes of this failure to effect a regular nomination, but it remains lor tnose who nv rau ,.... , rt ,k,u in tl, minnnrt of the nrincinles ot the party i and to sustain the candidate who loyally accepts them, i i ?. .....1? -.1.. n fl.ti frittlQ 111 w . . ' ! ... j:J... 1 ...II w .1,m. ! and avows nis reauniess 10 njjiu.y mci v..... ... which we are now engaged. . . , ,r ? .. .l'l.i- .- ti... f tj ...... v jn my jii.ig.iie.ii, bi.au eauuiuaiu .n v- - i Jnri(jge, and while I deeply regret the want of harmoJn my judgment,, ttiac canoiaaio is .juiu, v. .... t Amn..nhn ntiKfv and nm parol v resnect UY li i1-3 iciuuvieii.n f "wv - i i fl,rtl-n enatnln AT r. IVllHrlaS. I Will HOt f nv in the Democratic party, and sincerely respeci ... iiiaiiv vi t"wo ""w t-iui n ' . withhold the expression oi my opiiiiun umi consistent with his own professions and principles, and that the practical effect of his canvass is to bring into power the anti-slavery sentiment of the country, and thus give full development to sectional fanaticism. The issue is simple, and the attention of the people should be confined to it. jNeitner congress nor prohibit slavery, or interfere to the prejudice of the slaveholder in his slave property. Such is the adjuNeither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can Blavciiuiuci in uio - dication of the Supreme Court of the United States. , f- . .1 -L, !i C PrtllV, JMr. Lincoln repudiates tue auuionij u. u.o -and -assails the Constitutional right of the citizen through Congressional legislation. Mr. Douglas professes" submission to its authority, but his position j ,.! U I, tl.o miimn mnv he deprived ot his Constitutional right through Territorial lcgisla- j tion. , ! Mr. Reverdy Johnson, in his letter under date ot ; May 19th, addressed to John Clancy, chairman of the ; Committee of Arrangements for the Douglas meeting, j held in New York on the 22d of May, referring to j the question of Territorial power as involved in the ( opinion of the United States Supreme Court in the j urea tocoit case, rcpi'ma wiiat no uao n. j. toLUiiJ t-a, iHAcuo . " . . j - - - re1s"i a in the opinions of j dI ,er J the judgC8) even, tending to prove that the court or any .judge, intended to pass upon the ques-; j, ( exanuned only : Congress, the sole one presented for J.u . declaration, note the very emphatic j of chiof Juslicc, referring to the absence ; ti,e-,iart of Congress to prohibit or . exclude slavery from the Territories of the United a,fa I ctBtp vizstates, ut. .,,1 se ("Vr.m.ooo iuolf o annnt. do this -if it is be-! A11U 11 l.Ugl t. l.uAI V... youd the powers conferred on the Federal Govern-: ment it will be admitted, we presume, uiai n ....il : n Tmlnnnl TnvrirnmAnt. to e.XeicisC i UU, UUtllUIliO Ct AWlllwi'iii vw them. It could confer no power on any local govern-. ... .... -i... Ki:..i..i l. ..fKni'ifv fn vinl:ir.i. the. nromeilL cstaun&nci-i i v "v r-- ; visions of the Constitution." j I refer to this letter of Mr. Johnson's, because it presents clearly and distinctly the only real point of difference between Democrats at the present day. Mr. Douglas not only avails himself of Mr. Johnson's declaration that 'the question is still open, and that individual Democrats may fairly and reasonably entertain the opinion that a Territorial Legislature may prohibit slavery, but he distinctly avows the opinion that, no matter what may be the abstract Constitutional right of the slaveholder in the Territories, the. Territorial Legislature cannot be interfered with by Congress, even when it assails and destroys that right by indirect legislation. Whatever may be thought of the legal soundness of Mr. Johnson's opinion, all will concur in regretting that Mr. Douglas should have so far departed from the law expounded by the Supreme Court in the occupation of his position ; and hereafter, whether Mr. Lincoln be elected Rresident of the United States or not, j 4.1 1, i mrnnln nf the Kmithern States may appear distracted and divided in political sentiment and opinion, yet an win unite ni a kuuus icpuiui of the policy that would substitute for Congressional usurpation the dangerous theory of the police powers of a Territorial Legislature ! T ,1 f ,.n,,r.o. in tliis loftpr tf Plltpl' illtO aOV dctailed discussion of the question of TerntoriaUegisla-; tion, or to attempt any vindication of the principles'; set forth by the Supreme Court in the Died Scott , case, because we have pledged ourselves to submit our L individual judgment to this identical arbitrament, and j to deny that the principle at issue is clearly defined j and settled in that case is to abdicate all claim to infplliirpnee. The Democracy, as well as the Opposition in Maryland, accepted thi"s adjustment of the question in 1852, and patriotism demands that we should adhere to it. Let us do this with fidelity and firmness.. To refuse our support to the candidate who adheres with fidelity to the Constitution and the equality of the States is now in reality to encourarre those who, under the name of Republicans, assail both, and who will ultimately dissolve the Union itself; for that Union is the Constitution, and the Constitution is the creation of the States to represent their equality and sovereignty, and to constitute us all citizens of one country ! . t ,i:.-l: ..mine, eiipn a ranrlirlare as disloyal to 1U U15U1C1.I"! K?ii... n the Union, is to offend the intelligence of the people, and such an assault will not avail to shield those who . .1 ... 11. 1 ana sucn an astiun ,,ni n " d ( Constitution, or who fail to defend it at -, anf, tQ th(J last L,xtreraity J . .i'..,i.. I am, sir. very respectfully, your obedient servant, . -w r T ItOBT. IM. iilCLiANE. To T. B. Johnson, Esq., Chairman of the State Democratic Executive Committee. Hon. Win, L. Yancey. This distinguished advocate of the cause of the Union has taken this portion of Kentucky by storm. He spoke at Florence and Alexandria last week, at LexiiUon on Monday, at Louisville on Tuesday, and at Spi-hVficld yesterday, and addressed a few remarks to the crowds assembled to meet him at the principal depots alon" the line of the railroads. So far he has been met and welcomed by our people everywhere in he mot enthusiastic manner, and his efforts have made an impression which no succeeding event of the canvass can efface. As the cars from Lexington parsed through this place on Tuesday morning, Mr. Yancey was met by 1 . j f !1 iviFiioa nnrt m response to calls a larire crowu ui " .. upon him, sjwke for about five minutes from the platform of the cars. The editor of the Commonwealth reports him as follows: " AA'ell. centlemen, what is your pleasure ? Great cheering. You all look cold. 1 on certainly uon t expect a speecn tins cany m u, -j 1 has not got to running yet ! I la." yours? j "But, gentlemen, I am profoundly grateful for the reception I have met with in my travels through Kentucky. I ought to be kindly received in your State, for I have received more abuc here than anywhere else, and didn't deserve it cither! I am fighting under the glorious flag of a son of Kentucky, applause who will carry every Southern State, unless his native State should go against him. A e l, who arc you for? You certainly won't go for Lincoln. And he . the onlv man who Is in the race with Brc. k.nndue. Bell stands no chance. He won't carry a single Nate, unless Kentuekr should go for h.m. He can t carry bis own State, 'f Applause. It has repudiated him. While in the keL.e of the United State, he was requested to resign because he had m.srepresented lus .1 c j.:i nnmrr tn take tin the cast Mate. io are cvnanii k-"" ' -, v off clothes of another State. Great applause. 1 ou have too manv men of talent in your own State tor that. And I "presume there are no Douglas men here . There is too much squatter sovereignty in him. Ltar bell rings. Xow, permit me to become a squatter sovereign; and pint in my m-AtTFranVfori (Ay.)

U N I 0 N A N D THE

TO,, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 1,1 8G0.

UNION COMMITTEE ROOMS, 49 MERCHANTS' EXCHANGE, -J-.;; : NEW-YORK,' October -23, ISOO To the Friendsof the Union! it :.. ....... c.it.r ,lnmnnifrritpd that to this State, at the approaching election, are committed the destinies -! ,t. v.mn mt c;il v. as the State are committed the ues! mes 0t our common country. .ru. .- .;.. - q( New York shall go, so will go the Union. 1 ' " . ..... T?...i,ot .... Kr h t in M.ite.

York shall ".X"''' thnt SX''-,Earn T, M t r-ite votinff of the people of I nT! irevo-l

riovel.I10,. Moriran, of this State, has ueciareu imn Lincoln to be done this State ..1.1.. 1 l.Kn.. rlnlVlin This proclamation of triumph by the Governor ot the State of New York has produced a profound impression throughout the whole country. ''.'. AVe find the people of the Southern States of the Confederacy already in a condition of alarm and intense excitement the business relations between the two sections of the Union at once almost entirely arrested, and a condition of feeling produced among our brethren of the South calculated to excite the gravest apprehensions as to the consequences, m the minds ot all reflecting citizens, who treasure the wellare ot their country. . , .... , AVhi'le we discover at the North a powerful political party celebrating an anticipated victory which will give them possession of the Federal Government, we find the entire people of the South filled with gloom and dismay, in contemplation of the bare possibility of such a triumph. This is a spectacle which cannot be lightly considi t ,v ;t VmtnV-nns neril and indicates eieii. in .ij ui. " iv ,-- . . the necessity for deliberate and serious counsel ere it be too late. Can we risk the consequences ot such a victory ? , . , AVe do not intend to exaggerate the difficulties and evils which are upon us; we desire simply to present the question which cannot be avoided, and must lie solved, in its true light, that if there be any who have not considered it in all its magnitude, reflection may come in time. , The doctrines of the Republican party, and the principles, upon which Mr. Lincoln, if elected, will seek to administer the Government, are open ami avowed there is no concealment and no room tor doubt. In the Congress of the United States, and from the rostrum in every city and village of the North, the leaders of the Republican party have for years held toward the people of the South, the language ot hostility and irritation, while their declared principles have been aggressively antagonistic to the rights, interests and feelings of that entire section ot our country. . , . . , .. . Wit.'h this condition of feeling and principle, it s inevitable, that if the Republicans conquer in t his contest, the South will be who "y wtthout tion HI UALlllU'l. .....v... ment. AVe shall not stop to enter into any argument to show to what logical consequences the doctrine ot the "irrepressible conflict" leads, nor to dwell upon the Republican principle of "all slave or all tree they areas palpable as the maxims ot the "higher law," and have been too often expounded by thenauthors, to require elaboration or comment, lhcy are principles which point with destroying hand, m but one direction. . . . .. Our Union was founded in a patriotic spirit ot conciliation and concord, and upon wise principles ot compromise and concession Justice, Equality and Fraternity were then the watch-words of National unity. , Let us a.s)c the question, if that great work were to be now performed, could it be effected upon the principles, and in the spirit which are manifested by the Republicans of to-day ? Is not this an instructive test of the danger with which we are menaced ? The Republicans declare, in view of the events i i i...;.Avru,.t Kiiccess. that " submisi.- : .. ii. I." v..mi i-o iii'aiii'ii ill n; ,11:111.1111 vi"'... . w.ueii ui luuiiiA uini -iiv... -7 sion" shall be enforced. Can there be such a thing as a conquered submission by one-halt of a Republican Government, against the other resisting portion ( . . . .1. i!., ) Is it not the argument oi uesn ucuun . nr a. oi,..n ,.ii. irriw when that calamitous i me iimo Bum. - - ...... ....u..nnfnii .olin,... olinll he the end t iO necessny is ijh.-scuu.ii, .,i.v,. - which section will be the victory, and how shall the i. 1 :i..;n,.ri V coiiuuesi uu iiKiuiiii'i" '.., O .1 These are considerations which now force themthev are the thoughts selves up"" - - -j j . of this hour this time of trial and danger, and must be met and answered. , . Shall the extremity be reached, when it is in the power of the people ot this rtate to extenu we nam. l' ...i:., t tlmli. thrpntpned brethren of the South, and to proclaim that fanaticism, aggression and wron-', shall never be permitted to make war against those" with whom we are allied in terms ot amity, peace and fraternity ? . . Are we prepared to have the prosperity and welfare of the whole country placed in jeopardy, while n-e hold the means of assured safety within our grasp Can our patriotic men hesitate in their answer t Let but this period of danger be passed, and our country will be anchored in safety and Slavery agitation wil never aain be found an element of threatened peril to our existence as a united people. Perpetual peace will be the enduring reward if we now succeed. But, if this conflict be pushed to the last extremity, who can estimate the consequences ? . . AVe feel assured that the people of this Stale will ric to the emergency, and prove themselves equal to the duty which has devolved upon them. A e are iutified" in declaring that the announcement of the Executive at Albany is without warrant from the Electors of this State, and that they will cast their t. rprranlless of the proclamation of the Oocernor, on the sfde of the Union, and on behalf of the consti. tutional rishts of every section ot our country. I Determinea ana vigorous u......,.-. " fe""y in every county and distnctof the in every cuum, "' - - .i i oi.ri,ni. nf o-noil work beincr done bv the National men of New lork everywhere within oiir borders, from the Lakes to the Ocean, clearly indicating that, if we will but labor to the end, the cominir election will be crowned with a triumphant victory to our cause. The union upon our Electoral ticket is- perfect, unbroken and unchangeable. This great commercial city, true to the interest and duty which it owes to the Union of the States, which is the foundation of its growth, its power and its prosperity, will give an overwhelming vote against Lincoln and Republicanism. This State has ever been conservative and loval to the Union. New lork has never yet given a majority on the whole vote in tavor of Republicanism, and we firmly believe she never will. At the last Presidential election, this State gave a combined vote against the Republican candidate of 320,482, while Fremont received but 276,000, showing a conservative majority of nearly 45.000. In 1858, the united vote against Morgan, for Governor, was 291.393, while the latter polled but 247,953 votes, yielding a majority against him, if the vote had been concentrated, of 43,400. At the election of last year, the Democratic candidate for Secretary of State, uniting the opposition . . I m-.r tho Kpnnlilicwn randidate. TUte. Has cwiitii i"1' ' ' f ii i. .i. . t mfilnpitv nn tlmt. n.cision was Aimuug.i wic , in".. ...w. Although the Union nvyonty on that occasion wasj not as great as at the previous elec Uon U e returns , Knw that the deficiency aiose whollv fmm the want, H L of StAte to brintr Lmon vote laM year in i " ..v 51,504, without any sensible increase to the Republi- . ."., f,irlv 3.t OimI I'nirm voters re can vote call u:c, iiv "us , . - mained awav from the polls, as compared wuh 1860. Since 1860 the number of voters in these two connties has increased at least one-third, preserving the like ratioagain tlie Republicans. It mu-t. therefore.

JJJJ,

lie obvious that New York and Kings counties have but to do their duty to give a majority of over 60,000 votes! in favor of the Union Electoral Ticket, a majority more than sufficient to.,triuniphantly overcome the Republicans in the State. Are we not therefore justified in counselling hope and in promising victory? Union Mkn of New York: The prosperity, safety, and unity of the States of ,i M j : .uni. Tt ia in viinr tiower mis con.euei acv w m uuw. i - ... . - - - , to overcome me cueuy , " v.....w -- . . i -ftntrv Let it co forth to the wor d that he ZLXLn-nA that the vou arc at vour posts, ready tor action-and that the S,"a,e iU P-e 'herself when the hour o trial is at hand, a protecting shield against sectional. ism and aggression! and the Citadel of the Union! uu . y-'''v . , . - f!lIARI.F.S O'CONOK. SAML. F. BuTTKIiWOKTH, Edwix Chusvvki.i., IIf.nky Ghinneli., S. L. M. Baklow, AVii.so.v G. Hunt, Samuel J. Tn.i.iiN, Peter B. Swkeny, Daniel F. Tiemaxx, James Mu.nhoe, Daniel Devlin, Andrew Mount, Charles 'A. Sr.cOR, y Committee JOSHUA J. HENRY, Chairman. Jehial Read, Secretary. . - The Douglas "Dernonstration-The Speech of Mr, Douglas, The demonstration in honor of Judge Douglas came off on Saturday last. His reception and escort to the Newhall House, could not have been very flattering to him or satisfactory to his friends. The attendance at the meeting was not very large about 2000 constituting the number present to hear the speech. Nearly" one-half of these were political opponents, who were led to the ground to hear Mr. Douglas deliver that same popular sovereignty harangue which has been retailed for the last two months, at the street corners, and from railway platforms at most of the stopping places between Portland, Maine, and Iowa City. In this instance the performance was varied, for the recent expose made by some of the l)emocrats of Kansas as to who was the adviser of General Calhoun in regard to the manner in which the slavery clause in the Lccompton constitution should be submitted to the people, if the whole instrument could not be got before them, drew from Mr. Douglas sonve personal explanations, which occupied most of his time. The torch light procession which escorted Mr. Douglas to the Lake Shore depot in the evening, it would be doinsr violence to truth not to say was a very creditable affair. It was, unquestionably, the best po lt; , ' Jd, the present , canvass has brought (JJgi . . . . , l in nun tii . mi... i..,i.. ..n.Kiiiru linivnvnr wnre more ot the WI1U1C lliwiti.iiiiij3'-, i.w...., --- sombre aspect of a funeral pageant than ot a proud, ...i. 1 , ... .1 .l'. in ..wivifl.ll l-ll-lll hearttelt, anu cninusiuMie uiwuc ,u., i,-. ........ and statesmanship. One reason, undoubtedly, why this was so, was that scarcely any of those who e ven who profess to be Mr. Douglas' special friends and supporters have faith in his own belief of his squatter ... .. T-Tiu vi.n,viepit.atinns at, the sovereignly uiruiui.. -- c..il. tlmt SJniiattnr snvprfiirrntv Can do it no OUUHl Oiu, ....-- -o j harm, because the Consfitution takes slavery into the Territories at any rate, and the supreme uouri um passed upon the question in the Dred Scott case; and will do positive good to the slavehoUliiig interests by keeping agitation out of Congress. To the North he represents, that Northern enterprise will people the new Territories faster than the South can, and the Northern settlers having the majority can put down and keep out slavery by "unfriendly legislation;' and ii. ni..... ttiiiu iri.t KiiviTHiiifli'd nil the rSortll wneii ine Bitnu uiaiM . and AVest by a cordon of free States all agitation ot ' . ...Ml C... II. ...;ll 1... i.ii. Knml the slavery question win cease, iui n, ,ii, to the States in which it at present exists, and the Constitution prohibits any interference wilh it there, except by the people of the States themselves. These' two theories do not work well together in harness; and as they have been pronmlged and pressed upon the country by Mr. Douglas for the past tour years, the people are suspicious of him, and cannot :j:. .toimiunhi.'' i Tln.v have learned enough about them to be satisfied that they conflict, and that one side or the other will have to be cheated if "my great principle" is ever adopted and becomes the ruling policy of the government. Hence it was that Mr. Douglas' nomination was resisted at Charleston and Baltimore by the best Democrats and loftiest pat- . .. v,ii. nf tho TTninn. Indeed amontrst riots in uutu am""". " . , . the master minds the sound men and patriarchs ol the party there never was such a unity of sentiment before, as there was about the impolicy of making Mr. DouMas the Democratic nominee tor President in this canvass. Hence it is his speeches through the country tall so dead, and fail to excite any enthusiasm in his behalf. It is asserted, and wc think the assertion correct, that in every county he spoke in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana, the Democratic ticket fell behind from 500 to 2000 votes. It seemed as if his appearance and addresses to the people only eonfirmed the misgivings of the best informed portion of the Democratic Electors, and they withheld their votes from him. AVe doubt not a similar result will follow his wanderings through Illinois, Iowa and AVisconsin. . . , . , , . When we consider the assurances which Mr. JJouglas o-ave the people immediately after his nomination, in his speeches iu Philadelphia and New York, that "this was the first political fight in twenty years he had not been permitted to take a hand in" that he was compelled to stand quiet and be only an interested i spectator, we uitmn i"i v.v....-.v. . ! astrous the result would have proved to him it he had ? :,' rT,.,,! tl.t 1, Ul have felt at libt . be aclivo j his own behalf. If he had been ,ea that he could make eight or ten so circumstanced that he could make eigjit or ten speeches a day instead of "four or five," Ins friends 1 iii i c. :l. ..in.lavitc nfViir thp plpction that would nave iu nun... inu..i.....-. - he was running for any other purpose than to keep company with "sc attering." He will not now probably get a vote in the electroal college. How near would he have tonic to getting one, if he had been permitted to take a free "hand in the fight V" In regard to the main subject ot Mr. Douglas speech, the denTal that he suggested to his friend and partisan, General Calhoun, the project of submitting the slavery clause of the Constitution to the people ot Kansas, we can onlv sav we think the denial will prove unfortunate for the reputation of Mr. Douglas. It t he reputed address of the Chairman of the Democratic Uub at Leav enworth Citv. and the letters of five members of the Lccompton Convention are forgeries, they are the boldest and silliest forgeries ever produced. It thev prove to be such, we opine it will anjiear they have been gotten up by the friends of Mr. Douglas to try- and improve his desperate chances by a reckless effort to establish a synqiathy for him. His friends, it may be, are anxious for an opportunity to raise the cry 'of 'persecution." And it may be,'al-o, he is as hard pushed for sympathy now as his friend Barstow was fjur "supplements" a few yeai since. . "'l: ' ,1.,,, d was not In his speech. Mr. Douglas said lie had looKed over rf ,wm a ,,,1 aoie vo "vr" . . ' , quaintance." Tins appears to us as most s.ngu afor TT,. "who was at the time one of the utici:nr ii i-iii . . most noted political characters m the L nion.and then, as now, a lealous partizan of Mr. Douglas. The statement of Mr. Douglasabout forming a conclusion to oppose the Iecotnpton Constitution before he left Chicago his iuU rview with, and sneer at. the

NO. 46. President and his attack upon the Message as soon as it was delivered in the Senate, maybe correct; but there is another side to it which disarms Mr. Douglas of any claim to credit for the position he assumed. "AVe have' it, as from the liighest authority, that Mr. Douglas, after he made his speech in the Senate assailing tho Message of Mr. Buchanan, solicited a member of the Cabinet to wait upon the President and convey to him his regret that the popular sentiment of Illinois was such that unless ho took issue with the Message he would fail in securing a re-election to the Senate; and begged the President not to remove any of his particular friends from office, for in a short time he would make another speech in the Senate in which he would set himself right before the country as a friend of the Administration and its measures. The member of the Cabinet did as requested, and the President assured the Cabinet ollicer that he had not the slightest idea of making war on Mr. Douglas, or disturbing his personal friends, so long as Mr. Douglas acted with the Democratic parly in Congres. The next the Cabinet ollicer heard of Mr. Douglas, he was sending messages by Colfax to Frank Blair that he wanted to see Blair, for he wanted to give him (Blair) "Jim Green's place in the Senate;" that he was in constant and almost daily caucus and consultation with Burlinganie, Colfax and Blair had a midnight interview of nearly three hours with Greeley, under, the escort of Clark B. Cochran and Colfax the object of all of which was lo devise the best means to oppose and to thwart, the National Administration and the Democratic; party, and secure the 'aid of the Republicans in returning him again from Illinois lo the Senate. If this was iiot the case, why has Mr. Douglas persistently insisted upon a sacred secresy of all conversations' in " mv parlor," and refused lo unseal the lips of either Messrs. Blair or Colfax who want to tell the country what political arrangements were made durinir that session between them and Mr. Douglas, not only for a temporary but a permanent opposition to the 'Democratic party? AVhy does he not let them ? In view of this condition of affairs, is it not the refinement of effrontery for. Mr. Douglas to charge the friends of Breckinridge and Lane with co-operating with the Abolitionists ? AVhat one of the Democratic Senators who support Breckinridge and Lane and thev all, but one, support them or of the Democratic members of the House, except the few who support Mr. Douglas have ever been even suspected of being closeted for months with Abolitionists to concoct schemes to oppose the Democratic party, and to secure a re-election through Abolition aid ? Do any ol the Republican officers of the House of Representatives support Breckinridge and Lane, as Forney, the clerk, does Douglas? Such charges come with a very bad grace from a Presidential aspirant who is forced upon the attention of the country as a candidate, in violation of wellestablished rules of conventions, by delegates from Abolition Stales. Milwaukee (Wis.) Enquirer, 0:t. 1 ;".i. Breckinridge and Lane, To-day, in accordance with a conviction of duly which we have felt throughout the present canvass for President, we take down the names of Douglas and Johnson from our masthead, and in their stead place the names of the only two candidates representing the true principles of the National Democratic party of the Lnion John C- Breckinridge of Kentucky, and Gen. Joseph Lane, of Oregon. The personal of this change we state in a separate article. The political considerations which influence us, we herein set forth: It is well known to every reader of the Democrat, that ever since Mr. Douglas announced his extraordinary doctrine of unfriendly legislation as relating to and governing the question of the existence of slavery in Territories, he has not been our first or even our choice at all for President. AVe so stated in the fall of 1858, immediately on the publication of his Freeport speech. AVe believed then, and still believe, the doctrine to be a gross heresy not in accordance with.any ot the platforms, or in consonance wilh any of the dogmas of the Democratic party, as promulgated bv the Fathers of the Republic, or proclaimed by the statesmen of the party of tho present day The doctrine is an innovation on the principles of the partv, and a positive departure from its teachings. There is no denying the fact that the people of the United States are "now engaged in that "Irrepressible Conflict" which the Republican party declare is to so change the local institutions of the country as to make them" the same in the South as in the North that conflict which aims at the coercive abolition of slavery and the trampling under foot of the rights of the people of one-half of the confederacy, and in violation ot all Constitutional obligations and guarantees. It has been the pride and boast of the Democratic party that it was a National party ever ready to vindicate the rights of the citizens of this Union, of whatever section. The "Irrepressible Conflict" issue is fail lv before the country, and it is therefore the dutv of Democ rats to meet it squarely. The party has always maintained that slavery was recognized by the Constitution, and that by virtue of such recognition, was entitled to all the protection from the government extended to other property. The National Democraov4hold to that doctrine to-day, and Mr. Breckinridge is" the representative of that idea. Mr. Douglas, on the other hand, repudiates the old-time dogmas of the party upon this, as upon many other questions, and sets 'up that most stupendous ot all humbugs, Popular Sovereignty, or the right of the Territorial Legislature to determine a question over which, by virtue ot the Constitution and all the precedents of the government Congress alone has control, until the people ofa Territory detei mine the character of their local institutions' by the adoption ot a State Constitution recognized as" not in conflict with the National Constitution by their admission by Congress into the Union, and this is the onlv popular sovereignty which the people of a Territory may exercise under the Constitution. It is a popular sovereignty the Democratic party have alwavs taught, and no other kind was ever heard of until" Stephen A. Douglas, led on by an ambition which "has o'crlcaped itself," promulgated his heresies of unfriendly legislation and territorial independence of tee Constitution. Winona (.Win.) Democrat. c . Alexander H. H. Stephens, of Georgia, Abandons Douglas. AArc were greatly surprised, last Monday, when we learned that the distinguished and brilliant Georgian, Alexander II. H. Stephens, had failed to meet his long announced appointment, to speak at Centralia that dav with Douglas. The mystery is explained. He says that the .recent elections have satisfied him that Douglas will not get the electoral vote ofa single State; that there is imminent danger that Lincoln will be elected; and that it therefore becomes the duty of even- Southern man in the presence of the dangers which stare him in the face, to forego his personal preferences, and to use every effort to combine the bouth, as a baud of brothers in "support of that candidate who is not oulv evidently the most popular, but who w at the same time the most earnest defendeof the rights of the South and of the States; and that, believing that Mr. Breckinridge is that man. he hopes that the people of Georgia will give him their unanimous vote. AVe hope that Mr. Stephens' advice to the Georgians will he followed by the. citizens of every Southern State. If a unanimous popular vote could be given by the South in fevor of Mr. Breckinridge, it would be the most powerful protest which the conservatism of the country could make against the fanaticism of the Republican party. Its moral effect would be overpowering. It would stay, if anything can, the uplifted hands with which Northern fanatics and Southern extremists are threatening to strike down the Unien of these States. St. Louit Bulletin.