Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 43, Indianapolis, Marion County, 25 October 1860 — Page 1

rrn jht irp

OIL

Tl IT

A ii i),

-r4-

THE CONSTITUTION, THE UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OF THE STATES!

VOL. I

THE OLD LINE GUARD. jS Pl.HI.ISIIKl) TIVI. 33 33 It Ij Y , . "XT I N ANAroLI SriNDIAIVA; II V KI-DEII &; HAHKNKSS... : TER 3VX S , l.()0, uiilllaHerllie Presidential Election. In advance, in all cases. Advertisements inserted at the usual rates. GLEANINGS. ITALY. BY WILLIAM CULLEN BHYANT. Voices from the mountains speak ; Apennines to Alps reply ;. -, . Yale 10 vale and peak Toss an old remembered cry '-. Italy Shall be tree; :. ; Such the mighty shout that fills .. All the passes of her hills. AH the old Italian lakes Quiver at that quickening word; Coino with a thrill awakes ; (tarda to her depths is stirred;'-' :. Mid the steeps Where he sleeps, Preaniiu r of the elder years, Startled Thrasymenus hears. Sweeping Arno, swelling Po, Murmur freedom to their meads, Tiber swift and Liris slow . ( . . Send strange whispers from their reeds; Italy . :.'. Shall be free, .'''.' Sing the ."murmuring brooks that glide Toward the sea from Etna's side. , Long ago was Gracchus slain ; Brutus perished long ago; Yet the living roots remain Whence the shoots of greatness grew Yet again, God-like men, Sprung from that heroic stem, Call the land to rise with them. . They who haunt the swarming street, They who chase the mountain boar, ' Or, where cliff and billow meet, Prune the vine or pull the oar, With a stroke Break their yoke ; Slaves but yestereve were they Freemen with the dawning day. Looking in his children's eyes, While his own with gladness flash, "Ne'er shall these," the father cries, " Cringe, like hounds, beneath the lash; . These shall ne'er ... Brook to wear " ' Chains that, thick with sordid rust, Weigh the spirit to the dust." Monarehs, ye. whose armies stand Harnessed for the battle-field ! Pause, and from the lifted hand Drop the bolts of war ye wield, Stand aloof , While the proof Of the people's might is given ; Leave their kings to them and heaven. Stand aloof and see the oppressed Chase the oppressor, pale with fear, As the fresh winds of the west Blow the misty valleys clear. Stand and see Italy Cast the gyves she wears no more To the guits that steep her shore. The Oicl Game again Successful. From the Philadelphia Aryus. Two years ago, the regularly-nominated candidates of the Democracy were stricken down by the anliLecomptonites, and the State given over to the Opposition. At that time, the followers of Judge Douglas, with professions of honesty to the Democratic party upon their lips, but with treason in their hearts, .succeeded in giving the State to the enemy. They have played again their old game of fraud and deception, and the result is an overwhelming defeat of the part-. It is idle, it is supremely ridiculous, upon the part of the friends of Douglas in this State, to attempt to deny that they have produced this result. The leader of the Douglas party in this State, John W. Forney, used all his influence against Gen. Foster before the election, and he now exults at his defeat, and congratulates the Republicans upon their victory, and assures them that they had the support and sympathy of thousands of good (Douglas) Democrats '' The 'North American, the leading Black Republican paper of the State, abouuds in expressions of gratitude, not only to these renegade Democrats, but to Stephen Arnold Douglas for in valuable services in the campaign. Evidence accumulates upon evidence from every quarter of the State, of not only the preconcerted arrangement of the professed friends of Douglas for the defeat of Gen. Foster, but of their close alliance and frequentcommuuicatipn with the leaders of the Black Rnnnhlic.an nartv. Ia some of the election precincts where the Breck inridge element was largely in the ascendancy, or where there was a clear and strong Democratic majority in the county, these men worked silently and secretly ; while in others where there was a Republican majority, they were open and avowed in their opposition ; and, as if to banish all doubt, and make the proof of their treason clear, in localities where Douglasism is strongest, the defeat of the Democracy is most signal. Wherever it was ossible for them to do it, candidates Tvho wore not in the Douglas interest were slaughtered; their game in this respect was played in precisely the same way in which they played it two years before. In the district composed of Washington, Green and Fayette, a district which, when the Democracy is united, and when there is no treason in its ranks, has uniformly given from 1,500 to 1,600 majority, Jesse Lazear,th'e Democratic nominee, haslieen cut hundreds of voles by the Douglas wing of the party, and his success made doubtful ; this, too, in the distnet represented by Mr. Montgomery, who, two years arro, notwithstanding his well-known Douglas proclivities, received the full support of the friends of the administration. Although Lehman, in the 1st Congressional District, was very unacceptable to the National Democracy, because of his hostility to Owen Jones, in the 5th district ; because of his endorsement of the notorious John Hickman ; because of his persistent and untiring efforts to defeat Col. Florence, the regular nominee of the district two years ago; yet, because he was now the nominee, the Breckinridge nien.overl.ioking his past record, gave him his election, while the Douglas men struck down Samuel Randall, the candidate for the Senate, in the same district ; and in the 5th Congressional District, defeated IngersolL, because he was the friend of Breckinridge. In the fifteenth Congressional District, they served

INDIANAPOLIS,

General Fleming in the same way, because he, was J suspected of sympathizing with Breckinridge, and in ; the stronghold of Douglas, Lycoming county, the . home of Governor Packer, they actually gave a ma jority for Curtin. .'.'.', I 1 his is" not all. in jjucks county tney consoneu and counselled with the enemy; Captain Davis, the j editor of the Douglas paper at Doylestown, a disap-; pointed applicant to Buchanan for oflice, was elected with Forney and others, there, and at that secret j meeting they compared notes, and made the calcula- , tions of who) and how many, they could carry over to Curtin. In Chester county, Mr. Brinton, the Breckinridge : candidate for Congress, received over five thousand j votes ; Smith, who was put up as a decoy Douglas j candidate, received only 256 votes; yet, previous to the election in that county, they claimed that the, Douglas wing was in the majority. Brinton could not, and did not, receive the Douglas vote ; it was given for Hickman, as they gave it two years before, making true the old adage, that " birds of a feather flock together." ; A man who formerly hailed from Monroe county, was disguised in a new suit of clothes, furnished with scrip and purse, and sent back from this city to his old . stumping ground, to visit his Douglas friends in Mon- : roe and Northampton, to assure them that the Doug- ' las men in this city would go for Curtin ; because that the election of Foster would help to secure the State for Breckinridge, and would destroy the men who were active in getting up the straight-out Douglas ticket and well did he perform his work. .The Douglas men of that region '' were obedient, unto the (Douglas) mission.' But why enumerate instances that press upon us from every point ? The fact is palpable, and the evidence not susceptible of contradiction. It justifies and sustains the impression that a large, a very large : poition of the straight-out Douglas men played, false to Foster, and thus is his overwhelming defeat accounted for. It would be unjust to accuse; them all of doing so; therefore we do not accuse all. Wo know of many honorable exceptions ; but these honorable exceptions were not sufficient to save the party. Ii is, how-.: ever, beyond all doubt, all controversy, that thousands of men voted for Curtin, and thousands against the Democratic candidates for Congress, legislative, and county offices. . ' No wonder these men predicted defeat; they knew ' that Foster would be defeated, and we have no doubt ; but they could furnish the particulars of that defeat ; i men who were so ready to predict defeat, who were so '. willing to bet their money upon Curtin, knew what; action their predictions were founded upon ; they knew why they bet their money; they are welcome to nil the laurels, to all the money they have gained in striking down the Democratic candidates. The day will come when their new allies will despise them as much as the Democracy now despise them. If we : may judge by the tone of the North American, already "t he Republicans, " while they love the treason, hate the traitors." ; All we now ask is, that the National Democracy ( everywhere shall cut off such men, and give us a clean ; party, and we will find new recruits of better men ; close up our ranks, and again march on to victory. A Bell Elector for Breckinridge The ; Eeason. :; Mr. B. B. McCraw was a Bell and Everett Elector ! in Alabama, and is a man of ability and influence, of whom the Montgomery Daily Post, a Know-Nothing' organ, on the 9th inst., said: Our young friend McCraw is ardently at work, and , his efforts tell with sensible eflect upon the ranks of; the Breckinridgers. Mae. is a natu.al orator; he is a j man of fine natural parts, perfectly conversant with ; the questions at issue, and entirely capable to meet j any disunion champion that has yet made his debut in j that county. The glorious Constitutional Union flag will never trail in the dust as long as ho is its bearer. ; Mr. McCraw is a true friend of the South. He supported Bell and Everett on State Rights grounds.! He was met at one of his appointments by S. F. Rice, who attacked Mr. Everett's published opinions on the ; subject of slavery. Mr. McCraw found some difficulty ; in explaining away what his candidate for the Vice j Presidency liad written and said on that question.! But with faith in Mr. Everett, which was not sustain- j cdby the result, he wrote to that gentleman for some- : thing to refute what he believed was a slander upon a sound and conservative statesman. He was answer-j cd, not by Mr. Everett himself, but by his coufiden- j tial and official friend, Mr. Leverett Saltonstall,"Prceident of the State Union Committee of Massachusett," who has charge of the conscience and of the j political correspondence of the Know-Nothing candidate for Vice President during the canvass. Mr. Saltonstall's letter was of such a nature that Mr. McCraw was nerfetlv satisfied that as a true Southern mau, he could not support Mr. Everett; and accord-; ingly he announced his intention to go for Brcckin-. ridge and Lane. The subjoined correspondence, from; the Montgomery (Ala.) .Vail, of the 15th, needs no comment. It speaks for itself : J Dauksvii.le, Ala., Oct. 13, 1860. B. B. McCraw, Esq. My Dear Sir: It is reported : that you addressed a letter to Hon. Edward Everett.; in regard lo his views on ine suojeci oi slavery, aim the equality of the two races, white and black, which lion. S. Fl Rice attempted to deduce from certain passages in his published orations, and that you have received his reply, with which vou are not satisfied. If said letters are not private, and vou have no objection to their publication, I should be pleased to ; have copies ot them, wun ine impression wnicn ine ' response has mane upon your minu, ior puoiicauon. Very truly, your ob't serv't. W. P. Chilton-. Dadesville, Oct. 13, 18C0. Hon. TI". '. Chilton Dear Sir: Your note of this, date is before me, and I proceed to reply to it. Be-1 lieving it probable that an election for President ' would not be made bv the people, or by Congress, and that it might go before the Senate, to be made j from among the candidates for Yice President, after, the charge was publicly made in this county against Mr. Everett, that he was in favor of negrt equality , with the white turn a miserable dogma, which lies at ; the foundation of Abolition fanaticism -A thought it my duty, as an Elector for this eountvJim the Bell aiid Everett ticket, to address Mr. Everett on the ( subject, and consequently forwarded to him a letter, of which the following is a copy: j Dades-vii-i.e, Ala., September 25, 1860. Dear Sir: The Hon. S. F. Rice, in a speech de-j livered to-day, charged yon with being an advocate of: the doctrine' of the equality of the two races, the white and the black, and attempted to prove it, by j showing that you had praeticaliy endorsed it in send-1 ing Vour children to school with negroes. 1 am an , elector on your ticket, and therefore feel a deep inter-) est iu the success of the Bell and Everett ticket, and ; ardently desire its success. Are you in favor of the I doctrine of the enualilv of the two races? Please to answer me, yea or nay, over your own signature, that I mav successfully refute the slander. Very truly voui-s, B B McCraw. To Hon. Edward Everett, Boston. On the 12th inst. I received a reply from Mr. Everett, written by Mr. Leverett Saltonstall, of which the following is a copy: Boston. Oct 3, 18G0. " Dear Sir: Your letter of the 25th September, addressed to Mr. Everett, was received last evening, and immediately placed in my hands to be answered. " Uy the laws ot Massachusetts, the pcnouis are open to all, without distinction of color, and any exclusion on that ground is forbidden. Mr. Everett has not, at j orcscnt. anv children at school, his roundest bavins graduated at the University in this neighborhood, is a J

LI)., THURSDAY, OCTOBER 25, 18(50.

student at. the University of Cambridge, England, Nine years ago this voung man attended the high ! school at Cambridge) in the female department of! which there was a colored girl. Ten or twelve years , a"o, another sou attended an endowed school at Cam-. . r. . ........ - - , , , : nni. ...... briilo-e. at winch there was a coioreu ooy. .mere were two youths from Georgia in the same school at that time. The colored population of Massachusetts, as you are probably aware, is very small. By the census" of 1850 it was about one-twelfth of one per cent. They have been free for three generations, and though they emploj- themselves mostly m menial occupations, they are placed by law on an equality with the whiles, Such being the case, the Legislature of Massachusetts has deemed it better that they should have the ad vantages of education, than that they should grow up in ignorance and vice. And in this opinion we suppose our friends in Alabama will concur with us. "I remain, dear sir, ' "Very respectfully yours, Signed "Leverett Sai.toxstaix, "President State Union Committee. "To B. B.M.-Ckaw. Esit." Considering and construing this letter with refer" i-!... .1: 1. , . At,.. Everett-" Are von in favor of the equality of the two races?-I am left to the irresistible inference that he w wholly unsound upon this cardinal doctrine, ana that the "Sojuth would have nothing to hope for in his elevation to the Presidency. Ttiis conclusion I the more readily arrive at from the antecedents of Mr. Everett, and his opinions expressed in 1837. and his T i, , .1. ..i.i. ii' ,oon i . tr., XT., 819 to the Hon Na insofar as n.v know ,',n,i ' jeiier oi ine z-hii oi wciouer. io,u thaniel Borden, which opinion i . .i . .i i- i. i leuge e.ien.is, ne i nee. iccamcu. Under these circumstances, as an honest man, as a , ,. ., Tr . ... t . l , i . , , lover of the Union, which I think can onlv be pre - , , i i i served bv an ingenuous and manly concession on the part of the NorFh of the constitutional rights of the South, as one who claims to have the moralcourage to do what he believes to be rnd.t. let the consermenees , i i i u ' t . ,.' T . 1b what t hfv mnv and ripe.nise I cannot, vote for .loin Bell without also voting for Mr. Everett, I declare to iXLi. xjcicu, l ucciaieiu pndiate the Bell and Ev - e mv hearty support to vou, that henceforward I re erett ticket, and shall give Messrs. Breckinridge and Lane Theirplattorm, ex. plained as it now is, challenges the support of every 1 . ,. . ... , 11 true man, North and South. Tiulv yours, B. B. Mi Ckaw. Ooinbiuation Against Lincoln in New York, . New Yohk City, Oct. 8, 18(!0. The defeat of Lincoln is, in the city of New York, an object with nine-tenths of the people paramount to every other political consideration. The inevitable results of his election are of too momentous import ance to the vital interests of the great commercial metropolis of the continent to escape anxious solicitude and inspire the most earnest resistance. Whether dissolution ensue or not, the city of New York must suffer from the financial shock which the apprehension of civil commotion will bring about. The disastrous fruits of Lincoln's election, so far as trade and money are involved, are not contingent upon actual disunion. An effort at disunion, a movement towards secession, the convening of Slate' Legislatures, the assembling of Southern Conventions, though they may all finally end in peaceful acquiescence in Lincoln's election, will vet be abundant cause for the derangement of' . . r i ... ? j .i . .-. i i- - i trade, the stagnation of business and the destruction of confidence, bringing about panic and disaster. The business men of JSew lork clearly foresee these 'consequences, and are manifestly in earnest in their movements to avert the calamity. They are for combination and fusion, on any terms and with any party to defeat Lincoln. Men seem to have ceased to express their preferences for any candidate, intent as they are in their opposition to the Republican. None of the parties to this fusion propose any compromise of principloj nor, indeed, any co-operation beyond the occasion now presented. I confess I commend the spirit, and am pleased with the position of parties. The apprehensions of the business men of New York are well grounded. No man can foresee the limit of the baneful results of Lincoln's election. Its eflect upon the Government itself, its consequences to the Union, can be but a matter of speculation. For one, I do not believe it ought, and do not think it will disrupt the Confederacy. I am no blind devotee of Union, and would not shriek " Union " in the face of wrong and aggression upon the rights of the slave States. I am for the Union ; but only for a Union of co-equal and co-sovereign States, with cqua right. I am for the Union under the Consti with equality ot titution; but when that compact is virtually emasculated of its j cardinal principles ot equality, it loses to me its value and ceases to elicit that loyal devotion which, intact, . . . . . . . ... . it must ever receive from every true American citizen. The election of Lincoln will not ipso facto change the character of the Union, or destroy the equality of the Constitution. The election of any man, under the forms of the Constitution, cannot be just ground for secession, and the South ought not to assume a false position before the world by acting upon such a state of fact. Let us await the overt act. Let tlie aggressive policy of the Republicans be inaugurated and the attempt niaue to carry out those mad purposes soireelv avowed. Then the South can act with the justification of the world. ! I do not doubt that in the cotton States the Legisla tures will be called together, and that a strong party will uprise in favor of immediate secession. Much discussion, wild excitement and panic wilt ensue, business will be stagnant, confidence destroyed, banks '

will fail, Government stocks depreciate, and a general to hold property in man on this continent," is too! commercial and financial crash occur. Meantime, ! clearly dcducible from Mr. Wilson's language, to adhowever, but too late to arrest these calamities, wiser! mit of any question regarding the modus operandi by counsels will prevail in the cotton States. Virginia, j which he proposes to accomplish it. To make this, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri will appeal to their! point clear, let us again quote the sentence in his brothers of the South to suspend the movement, and j Faraiingham speech which has led to this discussion : j will prevail in quieting the agitation and post)oning' xhe Republican party is to take possession of the! the immediate disruption of their relations with the Government, and when possession was taken, he trust-' General Government. Lincoln's inaiiguialion will be j ed tiat tne parlv w;u j,e ,rue t0 tne principles profess-; acquiesced in, and the Government will go on just so , e(, M.htn out of- j)0wer. This power, he trusted, could long as the new Administration is false to the party; be cxi.rt.isl.li till no man on thiscontinent should hold whh h will have placed it in power. But New lork ; ropertv j another man." ' cannot stand even these results, arrested as thev mav , , ' . , ... . , I be in time to save the Union. Her commerce, her If there is here visible no connection between cause : trade, her interests are too valuable to be subjected to and effect, between the taking possession ot the Gov-, uch a crisis. Hence her leading citizens are resolved I ernment aud the abolition of the power of "one man j to run no such risks. Thev are determined to defeat ! to hold property m another man," then does language , Mr Lincoln and avert all the calamities. j go for nothing, and then, too, do Senator ilson's , The fusion ticket, composed of 18 Douglas men, 10 i bold avowals of doctrine dwindle into mere words. Bell men, and 7 Breckinridge men, has been chosen, j having no senior meaning. No, the speaker did not : Richmond, Caer & Co. seem to have rejected Doug- thus trifle with language. He meant just what his 1,-us' mad counsel, and are now fullv embarked in the words imply: that if the Republicans could get posses-1 fusion movement. True, they have given Mr. Breek-! on of the General Government, the rights ot slave-j inride an unequal representation on the ticket; but holders, every where on this continent, should be dis-, I have reason to believe his friends will acquiesce in regarded, the rights of sovereign States in this In ion ' the movement, and while protesting against its in jus-i set at nought, and the favorite theory of the Abolition tice. will withdraw their own ticket and "go in" to, branch of the Republican party !x earned into pracbeat Lincoln. Mr. Bradv will not decline, but in a ! tical effect. short time the Opposition to Lincoln in New York This doctnne, earnestly entertained and sometimes, will be perfectly consolidated and his defeat here mav boldly avowed by leading Republicans ot the Mass-; be hopcfullv exiweted. Correspondence of the Lex- chusetts and Ohio schools, is a little too strong to stand ; baton (Ay.) Statesman. , the test of public sentiment m New lork and some J v J ' .' . ; other sections of the North. Hence the rmnxe and Trrt i ,1 m t 'o t tt I Times endeavor to soften the asperity of the doctrines Which is the True Patriot .'Is it I ancey, of tm.ir rt v am, t0 tolie ,h',.ra down to a point ; Or i3 it DoUglaS? which will render them tolerable here, where the horn-si ' of Lincoln are now centered. But it will not do thus J The Hon. Win. L. Yancey, whom the Douglaites to dodge or evade the questions at issue. While Wil-i are so fond of denouncing aa disunionist and a trait-' son, Sumner, Lovejoy, and their sympathizers, rule or, is diligently canvassing the great Sute of New . the Republican party, we shall continue to hold that York, in behalf of the Union Electoral Ticket. He; partt- responsible for the doctrine they avow; at leat has already spoken to immense crowds in the cities of until we see some evidence that they are repudiated Iew York", Albany, Syracuse and Rochester, endeav- by the party at large. This evidence does not appear oring. by the power of his resistless logic, and his ! in the continuance of these men in high official osi-: matchless eloquence, to bring about a thorough union tion, such as they now occupy. of the conservative voters of that important State,; Nor do Lincoln and Seward stand better, when uon the an! i-B. 'publican Electoral Ticket. If he. tried by the same standard. They hold that the con-; can accomplish that, aidi d. as he is. by the host and flict mat go on, until the country becomes all free or ' the pureM citizens of New York, then will Lincoln all slave; and as they well know the climate and pro-j be defeated, tlie Union be saved, and the peace of the ; ductions of the North forbid the employment of stave ' country assured. No man is contributing more pow- labor, it follows that they propose to drive from the

erfully fo these auspicious results than "W llham L. Yancey, of Alibama. '-What, meanwhile, is Stephen A.Douglas doing i Weeks ago the Bell men, the Douglasites and the Democracy of New York agreed upon a common clecTT...t Ti,.T(j umiNi i,,L!l,wv r ifa mmnn 1

, .unu m-m-i, iou "' consternation was fast seizing hold of the Black Republicans, and the hopes of the good and the loyal were beating high. ictory was almost within their grasp. But a demon of discord was lurking nigh. Stephen A. Douglas hastened to New York, where all was peace and concord ; he spoke to his followers at Jones' Woods, in the suburbs of that city, He to.d them that no Douglas man could or should vote tor a Breckinridge elector; that "oil and water could not . mix. Straightway concord was converted-.into (lis-; cord, harmony into' confusion, friendship into hatred. The Union ranks were broken and scattered. The despondent Republicans took fresh courage, and the ; contest became almost hopeless on the part of the ; friends of the Union. j The effect of Judge Douglas' conduct was not confined to New York'. It discouraged our friends every-' where, and created heart-burnings, hatred and jeal-1 ousies. where none had existed before. Pennsylvania gave way under the shock, and elected a RepuWican ! Governor by an unprecedented ninjor.t) . Ohio, where our friends were beginning to take courage, was driven back into the ranks of Abolitionism, to remain there forever. And even Indiana, Democratic Indiana, which had not voted against the Democracy since 1820 staid, conservative, Democratic Indiana, ! ranged itself on the side of the enemies of the South, j f f.!e ' Constitution ' against that Dei.ioe.-acy to 1 which it has heretofore been so true. , v. . .;,,, . ,.1,:,.!, l, 1,:la , l'" '.'V T . ,Zi l . . , Z ' i brought upon the liartv which has. honored htm so , , ' "i - i ' . . . u , much, Stephen A. Doujj a has abandoned those .Slates """i ' "l""." , t "here there .s a 1 epublican party to eon tend aga , t ! "- "ba'uloned New lork, where the consenal.e ! "? have aga.n united upon a Union ticket, ,tl. fair prospects oi success upon a ticket the maioniv i'-1- y . i of which are his own friends. lie has meanly desert- , , , ., , , , , . . , , ... , : !1)'1 "ld o battle, where he might, il . he chose, ! al heavy and powerful blows upon .he Llack he- ! puoiican nonu's, qm.ung n .,. v. v ... u''f 'l " n """ ' , , ' ,,' Tl Sit,-.ilini. A DniKilns Tpnllv MPSir.Ml to (It'teat Lincoln, what would lie do from this day I ill the end of the canvass ? ould lie not, like lancev, rus into the thickest of the fight into the very midst and ; the centre of the Abolition forces? Would he not: strive, as Yancey is doing, to give the electoral vote . of New York uyniust Lincoln, and so save the Constitution and the Union ? But Douglas does not wish to defeat Lincoln. He feels, with all the jealousy of : a little soul, that the South has not rewarded him for j ! his seeming cringing subserviency to her in the past, and he means to wreak his vengeance and his spite 1 upon her. With this view he seeks to surrender JSew : York, to the enemy. With this view he is going to , invade the South ;'to distract her councils; to foment! discord among the people,- and to prepare the way for f. her subjection to the anti-slaverv minions of the North. - '-.;. - ' All honor to the patriotic Yancey, who is battling j boldly and manfully in the heat of the conflict for the j overthrow of Lincoln, for the: maintenance of the Con-1 stitution, and for the preservation of the Union ! j Shame upon the caitiff demagogue, whose ambition 1 nas concerted ins . ineuusiup imo imueu, aim miuse base malignity impels him to strike down those whom j l.- i ,. t.: i ...:,!, ,.n ne l.Jj ' he has heretofore worshiped with all the incense of his venal soul ! . W Inch is the true patriot t Is it Ian- j cey, who is seeking to unite the conservative masses ; of New York, in order to defeat the election of Lin- j coin? or is it Stephen A. Douglas, who is going to canvass the South, with the mean, though vain, hope i of fomenting disyord in the South, in order to render j her an easier prey to the ravenous hordes of North-' em Abolitionism V St. Louis Bulletin.. , j From tho Journal of Cninrnerctf . 1 i A Little too Strong for Them, Our exposition of the Abolition sentiments avowed j by Senator Wilson in his Farmiugham speech, at- j tracts the attention of the two leading Republican or- r gans in this city, the " Tribune and the Time, both of j which attempt to break the force of their leader's in- ' discretions by an ingenious construction, which makes the Senator appear in the very innocent attitude of j wishing the good luck to the Republican party of re- i inaining in power (when once in) until slavery shall j disappear from thiscontinent. This would be a longer j lease than that party can reasonably expect to obtain, even should it be able, as Mr. Buiiingame expressed it, "to come inio power, ur ducoiu.ug .u me imcu.l i 11- ... . tion of Wilson, " to take possession of the Govern ment;" an event by no means certain to happen in this year of our Lord, I860, or on the fourth of March following. But the sentiments avowed by the Massachusetts Senator, are by no means so mild as the Trihune and Times would have the public believe. That gentleman docs not deal in such gentle wishes and feeble expressions of hope for the Republican party, as would be inferred from the comment of those papers. His language, often more forcible than chaste or elegant, is not ot that amiaOle sort wnicn merely snauows iorin i a hope that when his political friends once get into; power, they may ue aute to retain it ior an lnuennue period. On the contrary, the connection between the ! cireumslanee predicted the taking possession of the j Government, and tho result to bo atlained the utter i extinction of slavery, or the abolition of "man's right ;

i0. 43.

South an institution which the laws aud customs of that section of the Union have established. Wilson tells us that when the Republicans once "take possession of the Government, they will not let go until ein,.... ;.. ,......, -,.,., i,:., ,f still ;., d... Ml , V. I J i.j U.t.VlL-l.UU, IIIW V. U..."......- - . - - lace of all these avowals on the part of the actual leaders of the Party avowals necessary to secure the active support of the anti-slavery branch thereof the Tribune and Times undertake, and in this they are joined by the ( 'ourier, to prove that party entirely harmless respecting the right of the South. O shame ! where is thy blush '? Kroin the ClavulHml (Ohio) Dciuocrut. Won't Fuse, for it Might Defeat Lincoln, The Cincinnati Enquirer, some days ago, came out in favor of a fusion between the Know-Notbings and the Douglas men. A few days thereafter, the same paper contained an authorized notice for the Douglas State Committee to meet at Columbus on Monday, the 22d inst, (to-day) at 12 m. The object of the meeting being understood to be an arrangement to unite tlie anti-Lincoln vote of the State, the Cincinnati Commercial charged that it was to effect an arrangement for an Electoral Ticket composed of Douglas, Bell, and Breckinridge men. To this interpretation the Enquirer has the following: . A Vl'SlCiV WITT, TUP RlH-Cli'T VIM llli StJl'AlK The Commercial has seen fit to place the interpretation upon our article desiring a union of the 1 Vir.ocracy and the friends of Bell and Everett in Ohio, that w'e would also include the Breckinridge squad in the agreement. It knew, of course, from our sentiments of ton expressed, that the interpretation was false. We hold the Breckinridge faction to be as much opposed to the Democracy and to the Union as are the Republicans. They, like the Republicans, arc a sectional party, and. like the latter, hold to the doctrine of intervention with slavery. The Democracy and the Union men should never recognize them in any other manner than as the worst of enemies. In all their moves they have played into the hands of the Republicans; and in Northern elections they have voted directly with them. If Lincoln is elected it will be their work, and upon them will be vented the responsibility No Democrat can ever vote tor one of then, until he renounces his errors and takes his seat back again in the Democratic party." Of course " Douglas and his men" will fue with none except their beautiful and natural allies, the Know-Nothings. To do otherwise to unite the supporters of BiiKi'KiNiiiiKiK with those of Douglas on a single Electoral Ticket, might be the means of casting the vote of Ohio against Lincoln, and thus defeat him, which would spoil all the plans of the Douglas faction, for, if Lincoln is not elected by the people," Bhec KixuiDGlo or Lank assuredly will be by Congress. The Enquirer article excites no surprise, for it is but carrying out the Rule or Ruin policy inaugurated by Mr. Douglas and his men. Before the removal of Mr. Farau from the Cincinnati Post Oflice, the Enquirer supported the Leconiton policy of the Administration, and abused all w ho opposed it. Like the Plain Dealer, of this city, it has seen strange sights and has got new light since the day the spoils of office were taken from it. Who is to Blame ? From the St. Louis Bulletin. The bogus Democrats profess to consider the late news from Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania, astounding; but if the election of Lincoln, and the consequent dissolution of the Union, are rendered possible, upon whom, we pray, is the blame to be charged V Who have, for selfish and sinister purposes, striven to disintegrate the Democratic party, and along with it the Union of these sovereign States '? The question is certainly not an unanswerable one. It was surely imperative upon the Democratic party at Baltimore, atL ter the secession of Mr. Douglas and his clique, to reassert the principles of the Constitution, and the original articles of compromise and concession, loudly and boldly. There are, after all, interests and rights which are superior to any political 'bargain which maybe made. The Union is, without doubt, invaluable, and none prize it more than the States which have, for twenty years, endured a systematic aggression, which contemplated the utter destruction of their social fabric. They have proved their devotion to it by a loi g and patient endurance of unexampled wrong. If they are not going to perpetuate this endurance to the extent of dishonor and ruin, surely the fault is not to be charged to their account. If they are to protest against the base treachery of false friends, let not the nation impute the blame to them. Had Mr. Douglas abided by the usages and prescriptions of the party, none of this evil would have threatened us. The Democratic party was strong in the confidence of the masses. It was all-powerful both in the North and in the South. Its ancient doctrines, safe from interpolation and misconstruction, would have preserved the just equilibrium of power between the contending sections. The producing and manufacturing regions of the country equally would have been content to abide under a common government. It was an evil hour when the ambition of Mr. Douglas intervened to disturb this national repose. He wanted to be President. Many a man of greater mental calibre might have been satisfied with a seat in the first deliberative body in the world, in which Clay, Calhoun. Webster and Hayne did not disdain a seat. When the nation failed to acquiesce in the claims of some of these gentlemen to occupy the Executive Chair, they and their friends cheerfully acquiesced in the decision of the people. They never presumed in consequence to disturb the peace of their respective jKirties. Differing widely from eacli other as they did, they never attempted to set up novel theories, and adopt treacherous tactics. It was reserved for him to stump the country for the Presidency. It was reserved for him, under the deceitful phase of adherence to the Democracy, to do more than even the most rampant abolitionist has done fo alienate the North from the South. It was reserved for him to bring about a controversy at whose consequences every patriot must shudder. . Growing Desperate. From the Henderson (Ky.) Reporter. The Douglasites have given up all hope of exerting any influence in this State, except to throw the electoral vote for that old fogy, John Bell, who has spent the greater portion of a long lifetime in opposing and abusing Democrats and Democratic measures. These renegade squatter-sovereigntv Democrats now declare that they will vote for Bell, in order to defeat Breckinridge. James P. Bates, a Douglas elector, admitted a few davs ago, in a speech at Princeton, that the squatters only hoped to throw the State for Bell. We heard the assistant Douglas elector for this district say that " if he thought Bell could not carry the State against Breckinridge, on his own responsibility, he would advise the friends of Douglas to vote for Bell." Sweet-scented Democrats, indeed, who are willing to fuse with that wrty which caused the blood of native and foreign democrats to- flow in the streets of Louisville, New Orleans and Baltimore in the memorable contests of 1855-'56. Simon pure Democrats, truly , to support, directly or indirectly, John Bell, who upheld tlie murderous acts of Know Nothing bullies in some of our principal cities. But so the matter goes. "Thk Ballot or the Billet!" That arch fiend ot' mischief the man who perjured himself when he swore to support the Constitution of the U. S., and then said that he must obey " a higher law " William H. Seward, we mean recently made a speech at Cleveland, Ohio, in which he says that " all men shall have the ballot, or none ; all men shall have the bullet, or none ;" which, being translated, means that the negroes at the South shall have the ballot; or, if not. thev shall have the bullet !