Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 40, Indianapolis, Marion County, 18 October 1860 — Page 2

Mr Yancey The Abolitionists and Black Repub-

licans sav so. 1 call them an AiwmmB. no distinction. Seward says so, Lincoln says so. Lincoln first enunciated the irrepressible con lie . Applause. Put him in power and he will build up an Abolition party in every Southern State ; there is no doubt of it There are men there who will take office, and will come to sympathise with his views m time, and so we shall have a demoralized public opinion amon our people. Marshals, postmasters, and other federal officers will sympathise with Lincoln and the irrepressible conflict ovation. With the election of a Black Republican all the South will be menaced. Emissaries will percolate between master and slave, as water between the crevices of rocks under ground. They will be found everywhere, with strychnine to put in our wells, as is the ease now in Texas. . Laughter and hisses, followed by long and loud . applause.! .".';..:..,; '-'-- When the general manifestations oi uisappiuym which followed the speaker's allusion to the poisoning of the wells iu Texas hal subsided, :" '."' Mr. Yancey resumed Gentlemen, there are various modes by which ideas are expressed. Men have tongues, and they speak reason; adders have tongues, aud they hiss. Laughter, and a voice, " Put the strychnine fellows out." As T wa3 sajinir, that in Texas it was proved beyond all doubt that men .vere taken there prowling about, some of whom were called levellers, upon whom were found all the means and appliances of exciting the slaves there to insurrection. Pistols and bowieknives, and boxes of ammunition, were found in buggies, and of various kinds in different places, and such Quantities also of strychnine were found as to excite wonder as to where in the world it all came from, and where on earth it could have been all manufactured. But there those things were found, and for what purpose do you think? Of carrying on the irrepressible conflict in the underground way they have of doing 'those things of earning on the irre pressible conflict not in the open face. of day not meeting the Southern men face to face but. carrying it on in the darkness of the night, with the torch lighted to burn and destroy, with the springs and wells poisoned, and the slaves "secretly excited and urged to insurrection. At this moment we have the slaves in insurrection in Alabama and Virginia, and in various other States. In manv places the thing is showing itself, and it will spread, too, under the aclion of these marauding bands who are scattered over the country, and who are so fanatical as to imagine that they are doing a good and just thing in carrying on the irrepressible conflict between the sentiment of freedom and the sentiment of. slavery. So that you see the South is in a dangerous condition, and that the torch, when applied, will come in contact with a very iintl.uiunable article, and it will be a wonder if the institution bo not blown up by the torch of the inceudiary. Thus we are attacked in every relation of lite by men with power and sense enough to do incalculable injury to us. Our property destroyed; cur social relations unsaie ; our slaves incited to insurrection, and our persons and property unsafe. Do you tell us to get rid of the cause of this stale of things ? No sooner do we get rid of it than you destroy ihe prosperity of the South. Then conies' the question, what will the South do under those circumstances ? . .. W id the South submit ? Some men imagine that she will. I do not. Applause. But, gentlemen, suppose for a moment that the South will submit. Granted that the South does submit. Granted that she thinks that the mere form of the Constitution is enough for her, even while the spirit of it is lied; even while property is unprotected and the lives of her people unsaie; although her property become a desolation ; her wealth wrested fiom her; her fields burned up: her industry destroyed what will ba the result V "We become like St, Domingo, or another .Jamaica.' We can but expect the same results as England has experienced from her attempt to set her slaves free, and to endeavor and expect to insure the same degre- of prosperity with those slaves free as when they were slaves in bonds. The experience of England and all other countries on the face of the earth is, that if you free slaves you can get no Work from them. All' the, evidences of history show that to tamper with these slaves is to open a path for bloodshed, civil war and desolation. Applause. If these results follow to us, what results will follow to you ? Desolation also, to a great extent. The employment of your shipping gone to the extent of threefourths ; your warehouses deserted and empty to the same extent, and your merchants deserted. Take away, in fact, two hundred millions of dollars from the three hundred millions, and New York will feel the effect ; so will Boston and Philadelphia, and every manufacturing city in the country, with all their great interest, all .will sfiaro-in the general desolation of the South. You will also feel the desolating effects of these things, though, perhaps not to so great an extent as we of the South. But it is not the destruction of property alone that is to be considered. That is the least ot' the evils we would have to deplore, which will follow the march of the irrepressible conflict Tnere is the terrible war oi' races. It is the terrible conflict between four millions of blacks and eight millions of whites. It is that conflict which destroys civilization, and which will make us the enemies of that race until we drench our fields with the blood of the unfortunate 'people. One or other of us must goto the wall. That indeed would be an irrepressible conflict. Applause. Therefore, I say, that if ever the South did submit to those things, you share in the evils that must follow. We may be destroyed, but you will be less powerful, less happy and less prosperous. And thus, I presume, this irrepressible conflict this great scheme of des ruction and desolation will affect you as well as us. Yon may master, us you may outvote us, and take away from us our social relations, and leave us desolate, but you yourselves will be in part vanquished bv the very means you employ to vanquish us. Turn loose your hordes of a nnjority, your minions to trample on the rights of property ami the sacred relations of society turn them loose, but beware you do not meet the fate of Acteon, who was devoured by his owu dogs. Applause. You have a society that needs to be actuated by loyalty to law ; that needs to be imbued with loyalty to the fundamental principles of government; that needs the restra nts of the law to keep them observers of the law, aud nbeyers of it as self-working machines. But, allow the elements of desl ruction, which underlie your whole social system to be disturbed loosen the bonds which bind them withdraw the restraints which control them at present impair in their minds all reverence to law and constitutional authority, and no power on eaiih can save you from destruction. Then, I tell you, there would be such an upheaving of society as was never heard of before. It would be like the terrible bursting forth of a volcano, who'C fiery lava would overwhelm and destioy you. Applause. But I have said that the South would not submit I have said that the South would not and ought not to submit to any curtailment of her constitutional rights and equality applause to any denial of her rights in the Government. Continued applause. It is true she is in the minority. Under the forms of law, you could do a you pleased against lier interests. But was the Constitution made for you to cxei-cise your will at pleasure? Was it made only that the majority might oppress the minority? Cries of " No." What was the Constitution made tor but as an express assurance that the strong should not oppress the weak and trample them dowD ? Applause. The Constitution was an assurance to the man who had property that he should not be robbed of it an assurance to the minority that the majority should be governed in all things by the written law and not by the higher law. Applause. Now you on the North think that you can do without the constitution in one particular. So far as your relations with the South are concerned, you can do without the constitution. Wliy? Because you have tlie strength and power of the Government at your back. Becausa you have oue hundred and eightythree electoral votes to one hundred and twenty. If you put section against section you have sixty-three of a majority oyer us. You have more votes than we have, and, therefore, you have a majority over ns in the Senate. You have more votes than we have, and, therefore, have a majority over us in the House. Having more votes than we have you can elect your own President vou can reform the legislature and the judiciary. 1 ou Lave power in all the branches of the government to pass such laws as you like. If you are actuated by passion or prejudice, or by desire of wlf-aggrandisement, it I iu your power. a far

as physical power goes to outnumber us, and commit aggressions upon us, and, therefore, I say you can do without the constitution. Then, with a majority in every department of the government, what have we to look to for protection? Not to number there we are too weak. But have we no rights, or have we no rights but such as are subject to your will but such as you may chance to give us. If so, then I say this is a most despotic and tyranieal government of ours a government a despotism of the millions and for my part I would deem it better and prefer to live under despotism of an enlightened king than under the despotism of the million. Applause. Then the South has but one thing to look to for protection that is the constitution. Applause.. The constitution was made for her protection. The constitution was a compact entered into on the understanding that the majority should govern and legislate according to certain laid down rules by the laws as received from the hands of Washington and the other patriots of the Revolution by laws specified iu the constitution. Applause. "Will the South permit you to trench upon the constitution as given to the country by the patriot fathers the constitutitution which was to day as it was then. Your fathers then agreed to allow that our fathers should, in all time to come, be goverened by the provisions of the constitution. You may alter it, you

may change it, because you have a superior physical jforeetous; but there is" a certain feeling within the breast of every Southern man; that feeling is loyality ! to the fundamental laws of the land ; loyality is the I nridc of the Southern heart; to this very hour and to that loyality, and to those fundamental principles of the government and constitution sue now appeals. 'Applause. Mind you the South asks for nothing ' that is not her right. She claims nothing fiom you I that is not her due. She stands upon the platform of the constitution where you stand your peer, your equal. Applause. Whenever you propose by a system of hocus poctis legislation indirectly to undermine or cet rid of the constitution or to carry out according to the mere will 1 of the majority, the South will hold up that instru- ! meut to you and say to you, by this yoiMBust be guid- ' ed, and will f'uither say to you that so long as you are j loyal defenders and observers of the constitution you are our brethren. But attempt to set it aside, to dej stray it, to trample it under your foot, and I tell you by that first act of aggression, of invasion upon our ; rights, we are free and independant. Applause. I Gentlemen, God has given that instinct to the poor wot m that when it is tread upon it will turn against j the foot that tramples it. We, thank God, are men, 'sentient, intelligent men, who know our rights, and j who dare to maintain them. Applause. In the adjvocacy of our rights we do not assail, nor do we in j any way trench upon your rights. In our advocacy I of our own rights we simply ask of you, gentlemen, ; to curb your will, restrain that passionate desire for the advancement of power, let not a mere feeling of ! pride create and force an enmity against us. Rise to the high elevation of good and wise men, who will do j to others as they would have others do unto them, i Applause. 1 have been asked here to-night certain ' questions which I deem it right to answer now, at the ! present One of the questions is, " Would you cons' sider the election of Abraham Lincoln as President a ; sufficient cause to warrant the South in seceding from the I nion i lhe second is, whether, in the case ot Mr. Lincoln being elected, and any of the States attempting to secede, would you support the General Government and .the other Mates m maintaining the integrity of the Union ?" The first question is a .1 speculation a political speculation, at that It has nothing to do w th the canvass. I am here, however, aiding you to prevent such a calamity. I am honestly endeavoring to maintain the integrity of the Governt ment and t:ie safety of the Union at the ballot box. ; rArmlause.'l I am here to aid vou in trying to pre vent the election of Abraham Lincoln, the author of the irrepressible conflict ; and if o.hers as faithfully do their duty, he will never be elected. Applause. I am asked, and have been asked before, whether I consider the election of Abraham Lincoln would be a jnt cause for the secession of the Southern States? That is a matter to come alter the ballot box. Cheers and derisive laughter, and cries of 'Answer the question." Be quiet, gentlemen. Hear me, hear me. Great excitement and tumult, crit s of " Order, order," from the platform. Don't be impatient, gentlel men. Increasing disorder.J Don t be impatient, and j above' ail things, keep your temper. (Laughter and I applause. This is not the time to fight, certainly, i Laughter This is the time to vote and to consider j how to vote. A Voice Let ns have an answer to the question. Miv Yancey You arc impatient, my friend. What is the matter with you V An excited individual on the platform " Put him out."- ' . Mr. Yancey If gentlemen are so desirous of knowing my opinions, they ought to abide by my decisions when' they are uttered. Cheers. This : thing of asking advice of a man, and then not taking his advice, is a monstious poor way of getting along. Now, I am going to say this about it. This question that is put to me is a speculation on the future, It is what I consider would happen in the event of something else happening. I hope to God that that will never happen, and that the speculation will never come to a head. Applause. I am no candidate for the Presidency, my triends who wrote the;:c questions, though some of you seem to have thought so, judging from the manner in which you have treated me and Mr. Breckinridge. I am no candidate for any office, aud I do not want your voles. But I would like to advise withyou,and get you to vote for a good man -for any man, I do not care who he is, excepting one of the irrepressible conflict men. Uproarious applause. In the first place, there is no such thing as the South seceding. 1 do not know how she would go about it Cries of "good," and loud cheering. There is such a thing as a State seceding; but the South seceding I cannot comprehend. I do not know how the South would go about it. I do not think it could ever happen, and therefore I have no answer to give as to what the South should do. Now, then, I am a citizen of Alabama. I am what is called a States Rights man. I Cheers. I believe in the rights of my State. The Constitution ot my country tells me that certain powers were given to the general government, and that all which were not expressly given, or were not necessary to carry out. the powers granted, were reserved to the States, and (o the people of the States. My State has reserved powers and reserved rights, and I believe in the .right of secession. Excited cries of "Good." Virginia and New York were parlies to that enmpaet. When the question was presented, Virginia expressed her willingness to join under the compact. The State of New York al-o did, through her convention. It was provided that if nine States assented, it would be a government for those nine, and for all the States that wou'd sign the compact Therefore, the compact was a compact between the States mutually assenting, willingly assenting. If any dissented, theve was no proposition to force them into the Union. Therefore, I believe in the right of a State to secede from the Union when she sees proper to do so. The Stale of Alabama, in her Jast General Assembly, passed a law requiring the Governor, in the event of a Black Republican being elected President of the United States, to convene, within so many davs after

he asceitained that fact, a convention of the people of j the State, for the purpose of considering the question which is here presented to me. It is a question for : the decision of my State. I cannot decide it Asone of the citizens of Alalwima, I shall abide by the decision of my State. If she goes out, I go with her. If she remains in, I remain with her. I cannot do oth- j erwise. Laughter and cheers. It is a grave question for any citizen to consider whether he will dissolve, or aid in dissolving the bonds which connect j his State with this government. It is a grave ques- j tion, but one which I hoe God, in his providence, 1 will keep me from considering, by the safety of this j government in the election of some man opposed to the " irrepressible conflict " party. Cheers. But when the time conies for me to make up my mind, I will have deliberate consultation with my fellow-citi- ' zens in Alabama. You in New York- have nothing to do with it; nothing. Whatever deliberations vou cltoose to have, as citizens of New Yorx, on the fate of your State, will be for yourselves. I have no interest in that question except incidentally, and bav no right to advise with you or say anything to you about it. But upon the "Presidential question I shall have a common interest with you. because it is the election of one to administer the government for the next four Vf-ar for mv State a T '

well as for yours. Therefore, it is a common question, about which I can consult with you. But whether my State or any other S(ale will go out of the Union is a question which it will be for that State itself to determine. It is not to be determined by arguing it before election. It would be a grave matter for me to commit myself here, to a crowd in New York, to any policy that might be influenced by after events, by surrounding circumstances, by the expressed sympathies of large majorities of the people of New York or other States with the South. For me here, merely to gratify some political antagonist, to express my oniniou on that point would be folly ; it is the wildest folly to expect that I will. That opinion will be rendered to the people of my State whenever they ask for it. (An individual on the platform "Three cheers for the answer." Now, I am nsked one other question. I am asked whether if any portiou of the South secedes, I will aid the government in maintaining the integrity of the Union? Yes, my friend, the integrity of the Union. Cheers. I am now struggling for it: I shall struggle for it to the day of election. The integrity of the Union I shall struggle for with my life's blood if required. Enthusiastic cheers. But if the questioner means by the integrity of the Union the preservation of an administration that shall trample on any portion of the rights of the South, I tell him that I will aid my State in resisting it to blood. Great cheering. The common rights of resistance to wrong which belongs to the worm these rights are not the rights that were meant to be secured by our fathers in the Declaration of Independence, when they cut themselves loose from despotism and the despotic ties of the old world. The serf of Russia has got the right of revolution. The hog has got the right to resist if you try to put a knife to his throat, Cheers and laughter. The right of revolution is the poor serf 's right. It is no right at all. It is only the last expiring throe of oppressed nationality. Tumultuous cheering. Yes, gentlemen, there is the poor, degraded people, that for centuries has groaned under the armed heel of a powerful despotism, that knew no rights in the masses save the privilege of rendering up their hardearned earnings, in order that the masters might revel in infamous and criminal luxury and wealth. Poor Italy is trying to raise up her bleeding and bruised body, and is now, perchance, on one knee, and, with manacled hands, is yet struggling for the great right of revolution. Cheers. Have our fathers provided no better fate for us ? Yes, they have. They have made this a government existing upon the will of sovereign States a compact between sovereign States, not made States by force, not made consolidated masses by the conquering march of a hero, with his army at his back and his sword thrown into the scale, where the will of the conquered is not consulted. This is not our form of government that the people have willed. It is self-government. ':..-. It is a' Government where States have willed to make a compact with each other; and, whenever that compact is violated, who is there higher than the Slates ? Who is more sovereign than the parties to the compact, who have reserved rights guaranteed to them? There are rights reserved to these States; the Constitution itself guarantees them; and there is the great right that rises above revolution because it is the right of humanity, the right of civilization, the right of an intelligent public opinion, the right of freemen and that is, that when Governments become oppressive and subversive of the objects for which they were formed, then, in the language of our fathers" they have the right to form new Governments. Cheers. Governments should not be changed for light or transient causes, but whenever the whole property of an entire community is swept away by a policy that undermines it or deals it a death-blow directly ; when the social relations of an enlightened, virtuous, Christian people shall be utterly destroyed by a policy which invidiously undermines them and produces inevitably a contest between castes and races; when these rights are touched upon and the people see that the attack upon them is coming, they will not wait until the policy is clinched upon them. The very moment their equality is destroyed in the Government under the Constitution, then, in my opinion, it becomes the duly of the State to protect ils people by interposing this reserved right between the acts of the General Government and its people. And when it does that, if Abraham Lincoln, or any other man in the Presidential office shall undertake to use Federal bayonets to coerce a free and sovereign Slate in this Union, ( I answer that question as an individual, because it does not involve my Slate.) I shall fly to the standard of that State and give it the best assistance in my power. Great cheering. But consider for a moment where we would be. Suppose Georgia should determine to secede in the event of the refusal to admit a slave State into the Union. Georgia has deliberately resolved by her ordinance in convention and it is a part of her constiluy tion and irrepealable, save as the constitution is repealable that in the event of a refusal to admit a State into the Union because it is a slave State, (and that is a part of the irrepressible policy,) it shall be the duty of her Governor to call a convention of the people together, and it is made their duty to go out of the Union. That is the law of Georgia, and she will resist to the utmost, aud sever the last tie that binds her to the Union. Now, suppose Georgia does that that she goes out of the Union. She does not hurt you. She does not trespass upon your rights. She takes nothing with her that belongs to you. She takes nothing but what belongs to her. She merely withdraws from the Government. Suppose that the Federal army was told to march against her, and the navy told to blockade her ports, and suppose that Georgia should be conquered by these eighteen millions is she then a free and sovereign State in the Union ? The Conslitution says that she is. But will she be so? She will be a conquered province, with a standing army to keep her down a standing army, supported by taxes levied upon you, to keep a free and sovereign State in military subjection. Georgia would not then be a State in the Union. She would be conquered province of the Union. Would the Union then be a Union of the States, a union under the Constitution, a Union of States free and equal, based on the mutual assent of the people ? No, it would be a military despotism. The very moment such a thing occurred, the whole character of the Government would become revolutionized, and the Cabinet itself would do what Georgia had not done by withdrawing. Georgia, by withdrawing, leaves you free, sovereign, and equal States in the Union, and she herself free, sovereign, and equal out of it But to force that State into submission, to keep her a conquered province, dissolves your constitutional government inaugurates a military government, provides for a standing army, and entails the evils which follow in the train of a standing army. But, gentlemen, this is the time, this is the place, this almost the hour tor you to decide what? That your Constitution and your government shall not be put to such desperate straits. This is the day and the hour almost for you to decide that, as men, you will not bring about a course of events where you will have to protect your Union by bayonets, but that you will, as wise men, pro'ect it at the ballot-box. That is the genius of the country. And how are you to do it ? Vote for some candidate that acknowledges that the Sonthern States are equal in this Confederacy that they arc entitled, at least, to protection in this Confederacy that they shall not be trampled upon that no rights shall be torn from them that they shall have equal rights in forming new States, and in the admission of new States; that they shall have free and equal chance given to their industry and civilization; that the civilization and industry of the North shall march side by side with tlie civilization and industry of the South, in a generous, t oble and enlighteeed spirit of emulation, and that the bayonet shall not be thrown in the scale of the North, as the sword of Brennus was when the fate of Rome hung in the scale. Applause. Give us a fair showing. It is all we ask. Give us an equal cliance with you. It is all we ask. Trammel not our civilization and industry with your schemes of emancipation, your schemes of abolition, your schemes to encourage raids upon ns. Give us the showing we give you. Hands off! Meet us in a generous rivalry, and he who conquers in the strife is a conqueror indeed, because the victory will be given to him as the just meed of superior sagacity, superior intelligence, and superior virtue, and whenever you get to be superior to the South in these things, gentlemen, we will bow in reverence before you. Loud applause. And now. mv friends, kt nie close. Cries of "Go on."

The events of yesterday press heavily upon me. I acknowledge 1 have no exultation. I feel none I can feel none. I feel that. the Constitution is weighed down beneath these heayy majorities. I feel, gentlemen, that tho hour progresses in which these tests must be applied, which testa must be attended with the rending of the ties that bind" us, in the dissolution of the government that has made us happy and prosperous, and in the destruction of that general prosperity which is the admiration of the civilized and Christian world. I feel it, gentlemen. The keystone of the arch of the Uuion is already crumbling, and thatgreat fabric rests on the shoulders of New York. Cheers. In the hands of New York is the decision of the question. A more weighty question was never before you. One freighted with the weight of societies aud of nationalities is on your mind. Peace, prosperity, uuion, the Constitution, the blessings of Christian liberty, may depend upon the vote of New York. " That vote may crush all these things. That vote may perpetuate all these blessings. That you may be equal, gentlemen,1 to the great responsibility of this occasion, is the prayer of him who addresses you, and who now bids you, respectfully, farewell. Loud and continuous cheering saluted Mr. Yancey as he retired, '''.-'. Before tho meeting broke up, a vote of .thanks was given to the Breckinridge State Committee for having withdrawn tho electoral ticket of that party.

THE OLD LINE GUARD. A. 11. CARLTON j . WILLIAM ClILLliV, EDITORS. THUKSDAY,. OCTOBER 18, National Democratic Ticket. FOR PRESIDENT, . JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, OF KENTUCKY. FOR VICE PRESIDENT, JOSEPH LANE, OF OREGON. ELECTORS FOR THE STATE AT LARGE: James Morrison, of Marion. Delana R. Eckels, of Putnam. DISTRICT ELECTORS. Is District Dr. G. G. Barton, of Daviess county. " Dr. William F. Sherrod, of Orange. " David Sheeks, of Monroe. Ethelbert C. Hibben, of Rush. " Samuel Orr, of Delaware. " Franklin Hardin, of Johnson. " James A. Scott, of Putnam. " Col. William M. Jenncrs, of Tippecanoe. 2d ad 4th 5th 6 th 7th 8th 9lh 10th 11 th James Bradley, ot Lnporte. " Robert Breckinridge, jr., of Allen. " John R. Coffroth, of Huntington. STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. 1st Distriet2d " 3d " 4th " -5th " Gth '.. -J. B. Gardner, Levi Sparks, Geo. II. Kyle, Dr. B. F. Mullen, Alex. White, John R. Elder, James M. Tomlinson, Julius Nicolai, . James Johnson, James M. Oliver, Thomas Wood, Thomas D. Lemon, G. F. R. AVadleigh, Dr. E. B. Thomas, W. II. TALBOTT, Chairman. 7th 8th 9th 10th 11th Kentucky Mass Meeting. Grand Rally of the Democracy at Florence, Ky. There will be a basket meeting of the Democracy, at the Fair Grounds, near Florence, Boono county, Ky., on Friday the 19th inst. Hon. John C. Breckinridge and Gen. Joseph Lane have accepted invitations to be present, and a host of distinguished orators, including Hon. B. F, Hali.ett, of Massachusetts, Senator Green, of Missouri, Hon. D. S. Dickinson, of New York, and others, are expected to address the people. We doubt not this will be one of the largest and most interesting rallies of the canvass. The Democrats of the Tenth District are expected to turn out en masse. Dit. G. G. BARTON, Elector for the 1st Congressional District, and Dit.B. F. MULLEN, Friends of Breckinridge and Lane, will address the people on political topics of the day, at the following times and places : Jasper, Dubois county, Tuesday, Oct. 23, at 1 o'clock, P. M. Rockport, Spencer county, Wednesday, Oct. 24, at 1 o'clock, P. M. Owensboro, Ky., Thursday, Oct. 25, at 1 o'clock P.M. ".'' Boonville, Warrick county, Oct. 26, at 1 o clock P.M. ..- Evansville, Vanderburg county, Oct. 27, at 1 o'clock P.M. ' V v.-, Henderson, Ky., October 29, at 1 o'clock P. M. Mt. Vernon, Tosey county, Oct. 30th, at 1 o'clock, P.M. - Princeton, Oct 31, at 1 o'clock, P. M. Vincennes, Nov. 1, at 1 o'clock, P. M. Petersburg, November 2, at 1 o'clock P. M. ELE0TIONTICKETS. We call on our friends in every county to provide themselves with plenty of Election Tickets. Do this at once. Don't neglect it, and see that they are furnished at every poll. They will be supplied at this office, and sent to any direction given, postage free, for 75 cents a thousand. Send your orders, with the money, to ELDER & HARKNESS. Heax the Truth! Hear the Wrongs of the Oppressed South! We give up a large portion of our paper to-day to the Address of the Democratic State Central Committee, representing the friends of Breckinridge and Lane in Indiana, and to the speech of that great " fiery dragon " of the South, William L. Yancey. We ask our readers no matter whether Breckinridge or Douglas Democrats to peruse, attentively, the Address; and then, if they have strong nerves, and are not afraid of brimstone and fire, to make an attempt upon the speech. We have no fear that any of the friends of Breckinridge and Lank, who saw a little blood and carnage at Buena Vista, will faint under the inflictions of Yancey. But if any of, our Douglas friends should be weak in the knees, we j would advise them to fly from the speech as the Devil j would from morality and religion. Yancey has be-j come worse than the Bohon Upas sine he rejected,

Douglas' offer to him of the Vice Presidency; and P candidate torrresiaent, asserts tfiat Longress the more h'o shows up the beauties of " squatter sov- has 8Uth Pwer- JIr- DouS,as ?' that ,D Territori-erei-nty,-as well as the effects of Abolitionism upon Lep possesses such power. Which one of the South, the worse he become, in the estimation of, these candidate. "ght ? U e believe that Mr. iL , , ! Breckinbidge occupies the true position. We bethe holy allies. , . . . . m -- Iieve tbat lie stands on Constitutional ground, and we Oh Dit. non. P. C. Dunning, of B'oomington, I think that he ought to be supported, not only because

Monroe county, who was a Douglas delegate to the j National Convention, has dwlai-ed his determination o vote for Lincoln.

To the Democracy of the State of Indiana. Fellow Democrats: For the first time in the annals of our political history, we have two candidates for the Presidency before tho country, both claiming to bo Democratic. For the first time we have to engage in a contest for the highest office in the gift of the Peopjo without a regular nominee. The Delegates sent to the late National Democratic Convention, returned to their constituents without accomplishing the object for which they were commissioned. Instead of compromising the difficulties resulting from the different claims of tho several candidates for President before that Convention,, they broke, up in wild disorder.- Instead of uniting upon thegroundof principle, and presenting an united front to the common enemy upon one Democratic platform, they divided the Convention into two bodies and presented two platforms. Each body presented to the country candidates for President and Vice President, without either having received a regular nomination by a two-thirds vote. Each body presented these candidates contrary to the old esfal lished usages and systems adopted by the Democratic National Convention of 1844, and which have existed for the last sixteen years. One of these divisions presented the names of John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for President, and Joseph Lane, lately of Indiana, but now of Oregon, for Vice President. The other presented the names of Stephen A. Douglas, of Illino:s,for. President, and Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, for Vice President. Mr. Fitzpatrick having declined, a sub-comnimitlee of the friends of Mr. Douglas at Washington substituted the name of Ilerschel V, Johnson, of Georgia, for the second office. '.."''- As both of these tickets have come before the country without the prestige of a regular nomination, which one has the strongest claims to the support of the Democratic party ? Let us reason together, as brethren of the same political family, having a common stake in the welfare of our Union and in the support of Constitutional Government. Shall we adhere to our National organization in the Union, or shall we cling to the State organization ? There is a divided house before us. One or the other, if not both divisions, will fall. We intend to go with the National organization of the Democratic States, which presented the names of Breckinridge and Lane, in preference to the sectional organization of delegates from the Republican States, which presented the names of Douglas and Fitzpatrick. How will you go? We intend to support the nomination made by the fifteen Southern Democratic States, together with California and Oregon, and a large number of Democratic delegates from Pennsylvania, New York and other Northern States, forming a National organization, in pref-

eience to me nomination made by the Delegates mostly from the Republican States of tho North. Which one will you support ? We will give you, as briefly as we can, the reasons which influence us in our course, in a plain and candid manner; and we trust that you, as National Democrats, loving j our country, your whole country, and nothing but your country, will give them your serious consideration. In doing so, we shall " neither extenuate nor set down aught in malice " against either of the candidates claiming to be Democrats, although a sober and serious duty to the Democratic party "will compel us to speak plainly of men and things, as well as of principles and measures. Why did not the National Democratic Convention make a regular nominalion for President ? WJiy did not two-thirds of the Convention unite upon one man for that high office, in the same manner as two-thirds of former Conventions united upon the nominations of Polk, Cass, Pierce, and Buchanan ? Because a majority of the delegates representing a minority of the States voted down, in the Convention, the Platform reported by the majority of the Committee on Resolutions, representing a majority of the members of the Confederacy. In thus voting down the Report adopted by a majority of States, they struck a blow against the principle of States' rights, which formed the basis of the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1 798, drafted by Jefferson and Madison, and incorporated in the Cincinnati Platform, as well as in every other Democratic Platform since the first organization of the Democratic party in 1800. Why did a majority of delegates, mostly from the Republican States, thus reject the Platform adopted by a majority of Stales, mostly Democratic t Because it contained the following propositions : 1. That the Government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary, and during its existence all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory, without their rights, either in person or property, being deslroyed by Congressional or Terri torial legislation. 2. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all the Departments, when necessary, to protect the rights of persons and property in tho Territories, and wherever else its Constitutional authority extends. 3. That when the settlers in a Territory, having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty commences, and being consummated by their admission into the Union, they stand on an equality with the people of other States, and a State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery. What is there iu the above propositions that any delegate, claiming to be a Democrat, should vote against 1 That the Government of a Territory, organized by an act of Congress, is provisioned and temporary, we presume cvei-y citizen of the once Territoryand now State, of Indiana, 'will admit. Have not all citizens of the United States an equal right to setttle, .with their property, in the Territory, without their rights, cither in person or property, being destroyed by Congressional or Territorial legislation ? The Constitution of the United States, adopted by the several original States, in their separate State capacity, as a compact between them, places all their ! citizens, as well as all the States, upon an equal foot ing. It gives them all, according to the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, an equal right to settle with their property in the Territories. So far as this goes, Breckinridge and Douglas agree. Has either Congress or the Territorial Legislature power to destroy their property, no matter whether it consists of slaves or horses, after their settlement in tho Territory, during its provisional and temporary organization under an act of Congresst Mr. Bkeckinridge holds, in accordance with the decision of the "'2" Jul"' lnD"nal. ln .lne uutI7. neitfier Congress nor the Tentorial Legislature have such """"lu','u- "irthe Supreme Court of the United States has decided his position to be right, but because all the Democratic tatemnn in both Honsef of Congress, who have