Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 40, Indianapolis, Marion County, 18 October 1860 — Page 1

A MB H 1 H Li THE CONSTITUTION, THE UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OF THE STATES!

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THE OLD LINE GUARD. S PUHMSHKD rp xx i - 33 33 151 3j "V , "AT I'NDIAKAl'OLlSrINBIANAi IIV KLDRK dc HAKKNI'.SS. T 33 IX 3VT. S , $1.00, until lifter the Presidential Election. In advance, in all cases. Advertisements inserted at the usual rates. THE IMPENDING CRISIS. S PEEC II O F HON. WILLIAM L. YANOEY. THE COMMERCIAL SIDE OF THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT. THE KIGHT A.M DUTY OF SECESSION. The large Hall of the Cooper Institute, New York, was filled on the evening of October 10, with an immense audience, assembled to hear an address from Jlon. Win. L. Yancey, of Alabama. About 8 o'clock a gentleman came forward on the platform and called for three cheers for the son of the sunny South nationality and Democracy blended in one our f riend, Win. L. Yancey, of Alabama. The audience responded with vocilerous cheers. Mr. Gustavus W. Smith then came forward and said that the Nation 1 Democracy of the city and county of New York hail, through its authorized agent, invited the Hon. Wm. L.Yancey, of Alabama, to address them. Mr. Yancey hail accepted, and had named the earliest time consistent with his previous engagements, and was now here to-night in compliance with the invitation of the committee, to address the assembled citizens of New York, and, through the telegraph wires, the whole people of this great Confederacy. Mr. Yancey had been requested to speak on the political issues of the present canvass. That the meeting might proceed in order, the speaker nominated the lion. Judge Jas. Green, of New York, as chairman. The nomination was ratified by acclamation, and Mr. Green took the chair. Mr. Yancey was then led forward and introduced to the meeting. He was greeted with loud and longcontinued cheering. There were some slight hisses and other unfriendly demonstrations, but they were promptly suppressed. SPEECH OF WM. L. YANCEY Mr. Yancey proceeded to address the meeting. He Kjiifl : Fellow-citizens of New York, I trust that an Alabamian may yet speak to the citizens of New lork in the language of fellowship. I trust that the hour is not yet arrived in which, when an Alabamian speaks to his brothers of the city and State of NewYork as brothers, it will be a subject of jeering and of hissing. We ought to be brothers, if we are not. There ought to be a brotherhood of citizenship throughout this vast country, which would knit together its social and its business relations in bonds so strong that the fanatics of the whole world could not burst them. " Good." Loud cheers. I am not unaware, gentlemen, of the delicate position which a speaker from the far South occupies who, in this hour of an excited political canvass, under takes to sneak in one of the Northern States words of ... . .. mi 1T-..T truth and justice for his section. Lheers.j uut l believe, my countrymen, that truth and frankness at all times will win their way to hearts that are swayed by truth, by generosity and byj'ustice. Applause. I do not disguise from you I would not have it otherwise that I speak to you here to-night as a Southern man. 1 speak to you here to-night for the home I love better than any other home, for the State I love better than any other State, for the section I love better than aiiy other section cheers my own. And surely it may not be amiss to speak these words in this spirit to a brave people who love their own homes, and their own Stite, and their own section, belter than they do others. But I trust they have and I desire to-night to inculcate in their bosoms that they shall have a respect and loyalty, and an allegiance, to the common law and bond that bind us together in one Union. Great applause, and cries of " Good." I feel, too, the difficulty of addressing a popular audience in this canvass in any other strains than as the advocates of the election of Breckinridge and Lane, whose friend I am. Cheers. But my countrymen, events have happened the wires are bringing the news to us now, that the great State of Pennsylvania, to which good and conservative men have looked for safety in this canvass, has given way, and is about to cast its vote for a sectional candidate, on a sectional issue a candidate all of whose sentiments are at war with the Constitution of our country. Cries of " That's so." I therefore feel it my duty to-night to try to rise above any party aspects of these questions. These aspects, great and interesting as they at all times are, sink into insignificance be-ide that other question that has arisen yesterday and to-day, if it did uot exist before our loyalty to an endangered Constitution, and an endangered Union under tne Constitution. Cheers. Therefore, passing aside the mere claims of men, passing aside these mere questions of party politics, and endeavoring to rise to the dignity of this great question the safety of the country under the Constitution I address you to-night in behalf of that union of good men which was inaugurated here in the city of New York, and whose influence will, I trust, extend wide over this vast State, till it produces a conservative majority in favor of the Constitution and the Union. Cheers. In speaking, my countrymen, in behalf of this great issue, I shall necessarily have to deal with the fate of my section. I shall necessarily have to deal with her rwition in this Union, past, present and prospective, shall necessarily have to deal with her relations to the Constitution and the Union applause and her relations and connections with you in tins sec-1 tion of the country. It is another mistake that is j made by some men good men, doubtless, indulge in it, but it is no less a mistake that the South, on the ' great issues that divide the Noith and the South, has ; been an aggressive South. Far, very far from it. The 1 readings of history, the teachings of your own age j and your own experience, all disprove it. The South asks nothing from this Government but simple protection from wrong. Cheers. She claims, and she , must have it, and (with much emphasis) she will have ; it Tumultuous cheering. She must have, and she ' will have, a recognized equality in the Union, or she ' will tike it out of it. Cheers. I We desire, niv countrymen, the Union of the Con-! stitution. We know no other. Convince us as very j kj -sibly it might be done, and I am very far from I thinking it cannot be done that we can be a more : prosperous ioople outside of the Uniun and the Constitution, and the Southern mind will reject it. The South ii loyal to the compact which her fathers made , with your fathers, and that compact she means to defend against all comers, whether in a majority or a minority. Tumultuous cheer. She claims only equality within the Union, not asking of this Government one single act that will aggress on anv right you i h;ve. Ready at all times now, as she lias been in the ' pvl and it is a p-irt of her glory to refer to it to defend vour rights wlu n assailed, whether from abroad or from within, the South has occupied in this canvass, t and in times part., oo all issue affecting her peculiar, itiitituton slavery a defensive position. Never has she been a?gre.ive. I defy the astutcst declaiiuer of

INDIANAPOLIS,

those who attack her, to point to ono historical act of legislation which she has asked that is aggressive on the rights of this favored section. Cheers. It is (mite common here to say that the South was aggressive in repealing the'Missouri Compromise. It was niv lot to be in the public councils when that compromise was proposed three different times by Southern men, to be applied to the Territories of Oregon and New Mexico the Territory acquired from Mexico. Three different times was that compromise proposed I by Southern men. More (here were some demonstrations of hostility among the audience. There were cries of " Put him out, he's a disorganizer." Mr. Yancey said No, let him alone. Gentlemen, i I want him to hear some truth. ("Cheers.) He then proceeded, luree Uitlerent times did southern men propose this compromise, and three different times while I was in the councils of the country, did north ern men vote it down. Up to the final admission of Oregon, m 1848, was that compromise proposed again and again, and again and again was it rejected by the House and by Northern men. They claimed the Wilniot Proviso to be the law applicable to the Territorv. Thev claimed that thev should have all. The South, while recognizing the injustice done to her under the Missouri Compromise, was willing to stand by and adhere to the idea which appeared to be the set tled policy of the country. 1 ho convention, which was thought to be a convention of ultra men the Nashville Convention proposed again the Missouri Lonipromisu as the measure by which the south would stand. But finding that this compromise, repeatedly proposed by her, was rejected by those who had con trol ot the legislation in one ot the branches or the government, the South threw herself upon her consti tutional position in the government, upon the princi ples ot the Constitution, which made them equal in the Territories; she demanded an equal showing in the Territories, and she never demanded more. (Ap plause.) It does not lie in the mouth ot men who propose to take all of the Territories, and exclude the owners of 4,000,000 of slaves from settling in these Territories, to say that the South is aggressive, when they lake from them the privilege of forming more slave Stales out of the vast and magnificent domain of our commoiicountry. (Applause.) Now, friends, we do not stand upon compromise. We stand upon something far higher than compromise something more sacred than compromise. (Applause.) We stand on the constitutional compact made by our fathers with yaur fathers, and we take that compact as it was interpreted by them and the Supreme Court of the Lulled States; and with this faith the south takes her position, and from this position die will not recede : nor will she be driven, so long as there is a Union worthy of being preserved. (Load applause.) What is that constitutional position? It is this. We are the owners of four millions of slaves. How did we get them? We have inherited them from the men of the Revolution, who fought the batt'es, and wrote the Declaration of Independence, and maintained their principles by the spilling of their blood and the sacrifice of life, courage, and personal welfare. We have received this system of labor as an inheritance from those men who, after the Declaration of Independence, wrote the Constitution. Now, in that instrument provision was made not only for the increase, but for the safety and protection of the slaves as property. But at this day it is propounded in high quarters and as a higher law, that there is an irrepressible conflict in the Constitution between free labor and slave labor, and that that conflict must go on until Southern institutions and Southern citizens are all destroyed. Gentlemen, there is an irrepressible conflict between that gentleman and his policy and the writings of our fathers, and the compact which they left us. Applause. In that irrepressible conflict, aH those- good men who love the Union and the Constitution, and love justice, truth, and their neighbors at the South, must stand by that Constitution, or else thev will be recreant to the principles of constitutional loyalty. Applause. Now, what has the Constitution done for us ? Our fathers were not only slave owners, but they bought slaves in Africa, and imported them into this country. When the framers of the Constitution were drawing it up, Virginia desired to get rid of slavery, but Massa chusetts and several other States desired that it should be carried on Laughter and applause and Massachusetts and the other Slates that joined with her, succeeded in engrafting into the Constitution a provis ion that the slave statute should not be abrogated by act of Congress, nor any amendment of the Constitution before the year 1808. Applause. Under the Constitution, all other clauses but those relating to the slaves, could be amended, if the people desired it ; but the friends of the slave traffic were so strenuous in favor of it, that there is a distinct provision of the Constitution that the clause relating thereto shall not be amended. In fact, it was beyond the reach of constitutional amendment. It was a fundamental provision, made by our fathers, one with another, that it should not be amended till 1808. How does that stand with the doctrine of the irrepressible conflict? To me, it appears that there is so little agreement between the two things, that the Constitution knocks the irrepressible conflict on the head. That our fathers provided for the increase of this institution, is beyond all doubt. They were not satisfied with the 400,000 slaves which existed at the commencement of the Revolution, but demanded that that number should be increased, by importalion until the year 1808, and in that year no loss than 100,000 were imported into the country, under the authority of the Constitution, and it is the descendants of these slaves that are now scattered through the Southern States. And these are the slaves guaranteed to us by the Constitution, whom air. Seward ana mr. uncom propose to take away from us by infamous legislation. Applause. - Now, gentlemen, what our fathers deemed so sacred a thing that they demanded a constitutional guarantee for its increase, continuance, and protection, as property, should certainly be no less fo to their sons, and they, therefore, hold that they shall not be robbed of their slaves, under any form of law. Applause. Not only did our fathers provide for the increase of this species of property, but for its safety against attacks which are made upon it to this day. It has often been said that the Constitution ot the United States was inspired with something almost divine. Those great men who lorincd it lor the common good seemed to have known what would be the ultimate fate of the negroes in the North ; they seemed to have foreseen that thev would die out in the colder Slates of the North, and that, as a consequence, they would seek to locate themselves in the more genial regions nf the South. Such has been the fact And our fa thers were not ignoraut, either, that there would always be men along the borders and near the Soutlurn States seeking to mislead the slaves ; and therefore they took the precaution of inserting in the Constitution the provision that all fugitive slaves should be given up, and made it incumbent upon the States that they should aid in the execution of the laws, and that they should cause all escaping slaves to be surrender ed. 1 hereforc, while there were provisions tor the increase and spread of the institution, its pioteotion was also amply provided for. Now, the law is given to government lor carrying out its great mission, the protection of life, liberty, and property. Our fathers increased the power of protection, and this was done by the Constitution. It was further given to the slaveholding States for three-fifths of their slave population. Although the slaves are not citizens under our form of government, vet our fathers had a threefifths representation by virtue of their possessing these slaves. But then they were organized as property for taxation, and under the Constitution, direct taxation is to be imposed in the projiortion of three-fifths of the populatio.1. Here, then, is the constitutional increase of the institution of slavery ; also the safety guaranteed to it under the provisions of the fugitive slave act It is an acknowledgment of piopertytobe taxed as such, when the government chooses to derive

INl THURSDAY, OCTOBER 18, 18(0.

a revenue from it. Under this compact the South has existed and prospered, and you in the North, in conjunction with the South, have derived much benfit from the existence of slavery. It has been said that the South is not prosperous, owing to this institu- - tion, and they undertake to compare the North, and the South in a very invidious manner. I do not desire to make any such invidious comparisons. I rejoice in the prosperity of this section. I rejoice that the North is a great, prosperous, an intelligent, and a happy people. Also, that my section is not behind hand in any of those qualities in a nation which make up a true and great manhood. Applause. When the Revolution commenced, the South possessed a population of 812,000 whites, and 450,000 slaves. The North, on the other hand, had 1,900,000 whites, and 47,000 slaves, making, in the aggregate, about half a million slaves between the two sections. How is it now? According to the best statistical statements, taken from official sources, there are now, in the North, 18,000,000 whites, and in the Souih, 8,000,000 whites and 4,000,000 slaves. Now, this will show that population in the North and South has kept pace very well together. In fact the North has not quite come up to the Southern ratio in the increase of population; and this, not withstanding the great advantages in this respect, which you have had from four millions of foreigners a benefit which does not extend to the South. The natural increase of the South surpasses that of the North, and it is remarka ble that the natural increase of the slaves is equal to their masters, considering that they are m a sicklycountry, exposed to the noon-day heat ot a southern sun, anil the masters are protected by the exemption from real, manual labor. Yet, the black population, notwithstanding all the difficulties under which they labor, and which are incident to their condition, have kept pace with those who are in happier circumstances of life. It proves that onr institution is well calcu lated to improve their condition. They arc not treat ed with cruelty or tyranny, as ageneral thing, although in all communities there will be found hard men. I have no doubt that it is so in New York, but not greater than it is in the South, though to an equal extent. Now, these facts about the census can not be denied. Figures, they say, when properly arranged and calculated, do not lie, although I believe they can very often be located in such a manner as to tell" very big lies. Laughter. Look, then, at our industry, and it will favorably compare with yours, although you in the North are peculiarly an industrious people. But the men of the South, like those of the North, have not been wasting the time that God has given them. Look at the exports of 1848 and 1849. There has been a largo amount of surplus production from the two sections, which we did not require for our own uses, but exported to foreign countries, and it is well known that a nation is generally judged by the quantity of surplus products which it exports to other parts" of the world. There was exported last year from the whole country products to the value of i. ... " -ii. . i i5fao;i,ou4,uuu; niiy-scven minions oi which were m specie, leaving, as the result of produce and actual labor, the sum of $278,292,000 for the year ending June, 1859. Now, of this vast quantity ot propertyit will not be uninteresting to inquire how much has come from the greatly despised southern section where it is said that labor meets no reward and that everything is demoralized by the white and black man What is it? Let the agitators and political specula tors look at the actual figures. 1 he .North exported $5,281,000 exclusively, with produce amounting to $050,000,000 and $150,000 in ice. There was exported in that year $84,417,000 of mixed productions common to both sections of the country, as to North Carolina. Tennessee, Mississippi, Illinois, Ohio and other States. Now, it is deemed a fair calculation that the North has one-third of that. The whole product then is $188,692,000; of this the following is the pro portion of the articles exported : Cotton, $161,434,000; tobacco, $21,074,000; rosin and turpentine. $3,554,000; rice, $2,207,000; tar and pitch, $141,000; brown sugar, $96,000; molasses, $5,000; hemp, $9,000. A voice "Hemp is still growing, I hope." A gentleman says he hopes that hemp is still grow ing. 1 am glad that hemp yet grows, and l am only 'sorry that there is not much more of it. Loud laughter and applause. What is the result of these figures? Thev show that the South in the fiscal year alluded to exported $217,000,000, and that the North exported only about seventy no, not seventy, but about sixty-one millions of dollars, exclusive of the amount of specie shipped from California, which add about one hundred and ten or one hundred and twelve millions and the exportations of the South are, therefore, nearly double. Now the agitators, speculators and others would do well to look to this, and it would be right for these philosopners to study the figures before they undertake to abuse my section of the Union. In the present year the results are much larger in fa vor of the South, as $195,000,000 is the increase of the cotton crop. It will be founil that tins is not an isolated case. The cotton crop is more extensive generally than in previous years. But no matter how far this may go, the results will show that there has been a large increase in the production of tobacco, rice, &c. On the whole, the South produces more than the North, including the specie from California. This shows that this institution is valuable, not only to the South, but to the North. The prosperity we have derived is great, and you have your legitimate share in it. Mr. Yancey spoke at some length concerning the differences arising between the climates of the North and South, and of the capacity for active labor possessed by Northern men, as well as of the beneficial results flowing from these fraternal relanons. This labor ?s the means of producing much wealth: from the South, and while the white people of the j North can undergo continuous labor those of the : South, exposed as they are to the heat of the l climate, cannot do so. No white man can work at la-

borious occupation under the fervid sun of the South. ! liar to a climate where heat and moisture prevails ; The consequence is that everybody works in the i and great heat and moisture are ncessarV to the cnltiNorth. The merchant here in his' counting house j vation of the cotton crop. But the diseases which works as well and hard as his clerk to whom he pays '' he at and moisture generate do not affect the black $1,000 or $1.5000 annually, and with a far greater man. lie moves among them perfectly unharmed, sense of responsibility. ' j He is fitted for such a climate. Hani labor and the The commerce of the North and South in its rapid j privations incident thereto do not destroy the negro, development has also been the means of producing j Of course, they are under the command of a master, wealth to both sections, in the friendly competition who gives them their food and their clothing, and with other countries in carrying merchandise abroad, from the natural selfishness which is common to all New York is the great heart of the whole commerce men, they are occasionally kept at work longer than of the country. Commerce has its seat here large- than they ought to be. We do not pretend to deny headed and large-hearted commerce and here it these things. But with all that the census shows that takes these products and disperses them, two-thirds) these people increase as fast as the whites. Take through this part of the country, and then over the ; their rate of increase since the Revolutionary war and world. Applause. The prosperity of the whole j compare it with that of the whites, and see if it not country depends on the advancement of New York. ' so. This shows that the climate is fitted to them and

Applause. Wow, then, look at your coasting iraoe. Look at it. and vou will find it is a most gratifying; spectacle. Then see what are the demands of the , m. " 1 . . .1 . 1 1 . - J" South. The South asks nothing from you here but that you will not allow anybody to steal away her negroes. Xaughter and applause. Enlarge your jails and penitentiaries; re-enforce and strengthen your police force, and keep the irrepressible conflict fellows from stealing our negroes, and we are satisfied. Applause. ,...,.,. ow,is there anything unreasonable in uiatr i voices. "No. no."1 It is the voice of reason : it is the voice of

lovaltv; it is the voice of common sense which those I mention this to show you the nature of the Soiithspceulaling Iheoristsdo not have. Applwc. Now, 1 em climate. No man exposes himself to the heat sav that we ask nothing else. When has the South! of the sun without great danger, and we have to come and asked yon to protect her cotton? Gentle-J take great care of ourselves. The white man cannot men, we defv the world. England, with all her ac-; stand the climate : the negro can. But even adknowleged power in the world, is seeking a spot on mitting that the white man can stand it, he cannot which to make cotton and aggression probably for j make a cotton crop. It is planted about the fii-st ot the very purpoie of conquering nation alter nation, j April the last week in March, and the first week or whose fertile soil and climate are fitted for trv ing the j ten davs of April and from that time until the crop

experiment, t.ngland, after all ettorts. has raised cot-; ton at a cost of fifty cent a pound. A e 4k no premium agin competition wrth the cultivation of tobacco and rice. The peculiar products of Southern labor defv the cooipetiuoo of the ciTilired world. The South in that re-pect i independent of the world,

tuse. Now, how is it you ? I know vou will th me when, in a friendly way, I undertake to trace the history of legislation as regards Northern labor. How often has .new r.nglnwl beseeched Congress to give protection to her cotton and woollen manufactures. How often has protection been asked for your iron manufactures? And you, gentlemen, hence in New York, Philadelphia and Boston, have got protection to your shipt... it.:i? . ping interests, uusi miuik ui ii a uiuiufi. xwwv.. can compete with you in the carrying trade. Let the English or French ships anchor by the side of a Yankee skipper in the harbor of Mobile. I take to them my 150 bales of cotton, and I say to the English captain, "AVhat will you take this to New York for?" "For a dollar a bale," says he. Can I send it by him? The Yankee, along side" savs, "I will take it for two dollars a bale." What am i bound to do? To give it to the Yankee skipper, because our coasting laws protect the shipping of the Northern States to the exclusion of all others. Consequently your shipping is encouraged. The. carrying trade is almost exclusively confined to the exports of the South. England, France, and Holland cannot compete with you, owing to your laws. Now, we have got no such law protecting our industry. We don't deal in shipping you do. And yet we do not complain. Now, how is it wit h you? There is a tariff of from twenty to thirty per "cent, on your cotton and iron manufactures. To be sure we derive a revenue from them, but vou derive also a premium to your labor, and consequently the labor of the North, that 1 have been comparing with that of the South, has the benefit of a premium given to it by this tariff. The South has no such benefit she asks none. She can afford to let you have all that. Applause. I know so.ie of our Southern friends complain of this, and I say it is not exactly right. South Carolina you know once brought us very near the verge of dissolution it; consequence of what she believed to be a discrimination between the industries of the country. But that has passed away there is comparatively mutual understanding now. We have come somewhat near to a substantial agreement about these matters. Less protection is demanded now than formerly. You can compete much easier with foreign industry than formerly, and by-and-by, perhaps, you will be able to throw it oil in the coastwise trade. But the fact remains that your Northern labor demands and receives a premium from the government, and that Southern labor receives none; and yet it outstrips the labor of the North in a fair contest. Applause. Now this protection is very valuable to you, and it is also valuable to us. It is valuable to the'whole country; and I do not mention these facts for the purpose of inducing in your minds any fear. Let you use this cent, per cent. I trust you are not on that level in which your loyalty can only be measured by the amount of money you take out" of this government. Laughter and applause. Now if this is the result, then comes up another question. llus mutual exchange ot commodities throughout our vast country the gold of California, the grain the W est, the manufactures, the commerce what more? AVhat a sound magnificent basis is presented in these States for a prosperous Union under our glorious Constitution! Applause.) We aid each other with a proper sense or brotherhood a proper sense that we arc citizens of the same country, that we have a like common protection, and should deal out justice to each section with an equal hand not raising up this section at the expense of any others knowing no section, but dealing with them all in the spirit of justice. That spirit should exist throughout the land. But this cry ot the assailant that now resounds throughout your borders, from the rock-bound coast of Maine to the Golden sands of Oregon this cry of the assailant which, it is said, is made by a majority of your people, that this great institution, in itself worth $2,800,000 worth incalculably more than that when all its social relations which are interwoven with it, and which must go down if that institution is destroyed this cry of the assailant of this great and valuable institution, now presents an issue. I ask you, gentlemen of New York and of this Northern section. I ask you, an integral portion of the eighteen millions that has been held up in tcrrorem by one unwise braggart son of your section as al !e to conquer eight millions. Sensation. I ask you, my countrymen, what benefit will it be to you to have all this vast industrial and social relation of the South destroyed? Applause. But it is not to be destroyed. It is said that cotton which is so valuable, which builds up the South and the North, which keeps the world agoing, out of which nationalities make their profit, derive their comfort that this incomparable article can be raised by white labor. How utterly absurd to any man who knows anything of our climate, of our system of labor and of the necessities of the cotton product. We have a temperature in the summer ranging in the open air from one hundred and ten to one hundred and thirty degrees Fahrenheit. No white man can stand labor under that burning sun, and they do not. The owners of the slaves seek your genial cliine. They fill your watering places; they fill the hotels of this vast metropolis; they travel all over your rivers and lakes, and stop at all your places of resort, seeking not for recreation, but to get rid of the miasm, the fever, the hazards of life that are incurred in the hot Southern climate in the summer months. And how do the overseei-s avoid these things? They protect themselves with all the care that a man can that does not labor. They often go to the field with umbrellas over their heads, or seek the shade of a friendly tree, while they see the slaves working in the broiling sun without a hat or anything to protect their heads. Why, the negro can almost, like the eagle, look at the sun with the eye. Laughter and applause. These glorious sons ot toil, who are satisfied with theiicon dition, love their masters, contribute to the wealth of the world and are the best population under the sun, if these philosophers will only let them alone. Great laughter and applause.j Bilious fever and congestive chills are things pecumey ,o me niiiaie. Not so with the white race I have lived at the South. Several years ago I passed over a road leading to Tuscaloosa, in Alabama, called the Old Line Creek Road. It ii a level cotton region. When I went to Alabama, in 1836. what do you think that was called? It was called the Widows' road. There was not a male head of a family living there. The women lived because they were not exposed to the noon day's sun nor the night air. Being engaged in household duties, they escaped the mortality that earned oft nearly everv man living on that road. is garnered wnn'n is not neiore me nrsi n .innuary, if there is fair crop there is not one week of mter-mw-ion not one week that the laborer can be iared without danger and kiss. Continuous labor is absolutely necessary for the safety and preservation of that plant all through the heat of Mimnicr. The cultivation

Applaus bear with

NO. 40.

of cotton is remarkable. I have seen a field of five or six humjred acres in some of our fine cotton grow ing counties in which there was not a spear of grass to be seen. The cultivation requires more care and attention than any of your garden products, and demands regular, continuous, persistent labor. Now, don t you know that white labor is not continuous and persistent during the whole season ? Look at your strikes. What do you think the effect of one like that which took place in the town of Lynn, among the shoemakers, would be among the cotton crops of the South ? Why, a hundred millions would be lost to the world ; possibly a revolution in England and all the civilized world, owing to the want of this cotton. Applause. Therefore, I say, in view of the independence of white labor, striking off wfien it. pleases for better wages or forcing the community to give better wages, seeking for more genial employment, going off, it may be, to some more inviting region, that with white labor the cotton crop of the South could not be raised such labor could not be depended upon. Instead of having four and a half millions of cotton bales, as now, if we depended on white labor, in my opinion, the product would not amount to two million bales. How could the civilized world spare two and a half millions, merely to gratify these speculating philosophers? Laughter and applause. So, then, gentlemen, this institution is necessary to the civilization of the world, is necessary to your prosperity as well as ours. It is an institution, too, that doesn't harm you, for we don't let our niggers run about to inji re anybody riaughterl we keep them; thev never steal from any of you ; they don't trouble you even with that peculiar negro stench which is very good in the nose ot a southern man, but intolerable to tne nose of a Northerner. Laughter. None of these things trouble you. The police force that we require troubles only ourselves; the expense of maintaining it is ours, and, by the by, that reminds me of nil interesting item you ought to consider. Tin; masters have to take care of the slaves. Now, what do you suppose is the cost of the clothing of these four millions of negroes which the North furnishes? The cost is some twenty millions of dollars. Twenty million dollars' worth of cotton and woolen goods are bought at the North: and not only that, but five, millions in the shape of axes, hoes, chains, iron castings, &c, are paid to the North for the purpose of carrying on our ,g -dustry. The South does not choose to devole her labor to these things, She is willing to raise what she can and sell it at a fair prioe, and then go to you and buy that which vou can raise cheaper than herself. They spend in the Northern States on an average ten dollars for every negro per annum, which would be $40,000. And' these forty millions of dollars Mr. Seward sneers at, and thinks it folly to regard the trade as an important one. He would not legislate of course in relation to it, and Lincoln, I presume, would never think of making it a material subject of consideration in the way of legislation. They want to carry out their peculiar theoretical views in relation to religion and morals. Laughter. Well, I hope, gentlemen, as you are said to be a very conscientious people, descended fiom the Puritans and also the Dutch laughter who are a conscientious people I hope that you will entrust the legislation upon morals and religion to the great Ruler of the universe, and won't let Lincoln and Seward have anything lo do with it. Great laughter. Now, those gentlemen who are disposed to legislate tor material interests are not going of course to consider this institution as one of that class, no matter how much you suffer. They scoff at the merchants of New York who talk about fusion for the purpose of saving the country and its industry. I may be mistaken, but I am ready to sit at the feet of philosophers who will teach me better but my idea is that the Government was instituted to protect material interests alone ; that it is not a school for ethical theories; that we are all to worship as we see proper, and that our morals are to be in no ways meddled with, except that we shall be required to act with decency and order. All these things are left to the individual consciences and to the consciences of public opinion governing the States. Government deals alone with the material interests of life, and is designed for the protection of the liberty of our own citizens and their property. It sets up no school of morals or religion, touching the right of one man to hold another in bondage. Our fathers settled the right to hold the negro in bondage for hisjabor not, of course, to hold property in man. I do not hold property in any black man, as a man. As a man he belongs to my State, and is protected by it. My State says, " You shall not give him an unusual and cruel whipping; if you do, I will fine and imprison you one or both, at the discretion of the judge or jury. As a man you shall feed him and shall not starve him; if you do not give him a fair allowance you will be indicted. It is a misdemeanor, and you shall be punished for it." As a man I may work him and exact a proper degree of labor, and no further. I cannot take his life or injure his limbs; if 1 do, I am liable to the same penalties as if it were a white man. - A Voice Suppose, as a man, he runs away? Laughter. Mr. Yancey- Then I recover him, because the Constitution says he shall be delivered up. Great cheering. Gentlemen, the negro has got legs, you may be certain, and when any of those speculating philosophers go down South they make hiin think he is ono of the worst used people in the world, and perhaps he runs away, and after being half starved in the briars and brambles he comes homo hungry and ragged, and is glad to go to work again. Laughter. Ruuuing away negroes is a common thing. Now, we have horses that run away. laughter. Does that deprive them of "being property? If any man takes a runaway horse and appropriates him, the law calls it thett. So with a negro. Now, I wish you to enforce that law when my negro runs away. Applause. Now, I say this institution is assailed, and I will give you a soul hem man's view of the position which we, as defendants, occupy, and the jwsition in which our assailants stand, as we conceive. They say there shall be no more slave States that that is in accordance with the spirit of the Constitution and the teachings of the. father!). All the vast territory which belongs to the Government, and which the Supreme Court has said the Government holds in trust lor the people of the several States for Alabama as well as New York, shall be kept clear of slavery. There is an area of territory belonging to the United States large enough to form twenty States equal to New Jersey or Maryland, and even, I believe, South Carolina. In all this territory the South is to have no share whatever in settling it with its property. The South wants the advantage of a community of young and "sister States around her to sustain her against the conflict of sectional passion ; she wants the advautage of a spread of her institution, which the figures show you is as much for your prosperity as for hers. In other words, general prosperity is to be curtailed in precisely that proportion. Applause. I will consider the question hereafter of what the teachings of the fathers is upon this question. I am now making a statement of what I consider to be the point of assault which the South is undergoing. Again, they sav that the slave trade between the States shall be abolished; that they have a right to do so under the Constitution. Now, that slave trade between the States is incident to its life and pro'perity. Confine a man to one Sxt and say rou mnt make a show right here, and no where else, and would that man prusier and thrive and lie a benefit lo the community and hiimclf ? You know it is not so. Trade should be allowed to seek its own mart and level. Otherwise you are interfering unconstitutionally and improperly, and pursuing a bad policy in regard to trade. It needs to be entirely unshackled. The great idea of the world at this time is for free trade. Now, take away the right to sell our slaves and vou destroy the value of onr property to that extent" It is so in regard to any property. Agsin.they endeavor to nullify the fugitive slave law, and twelve States have passed laws to that end. They mean to abolish slavery in the IHstrict of Columbia, in the arnals. and dockyards. A Voiec u Who savs so?