Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 39, Indianapolis, Marion County, 16 October 1860 — Page 1

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VOL I THE OLD LINE GUARD. IS ptlliMSHKD . . . AT- 1NDIAKAPOLIMHP." A - ifIIV UtiUKK Ac IIAKKNESS. . ,.O0, until utter Pre.ld.utlal Election. In advance, in all cases. Advertisements inserted at the usual rates. 7" EXTRACTS FROM THE SPEECH ' , '' .. ' (IT' THE ' HON. FRANCIS S. BARTOW. Wo extract the following passages from the address of the Hon. Francis Bartow, a Union Whig, delivered at Savannah, Georgia, on the 17th of September, 18G0, to the Union men of his native comity: In my expectation of the action of the Charleston Convention I was disappointed, and the country was disappointed. The Southern Democracy were circumvented bv trickery and cunning, as they assert, Mr. l)ou.4a and his friends were there with a determination to have him or nobody to rule or nun. X he Southern men had demanded the recognition of one simple principle, indisputable the protection of property by a Government organized for no other purpose. This simple proposition was denied, and they were told that Mr. 1 touglas would not recogm.e it, and that nobodv but Mr. Douglas should be their nominee. They "had no alternative but to leave a Convention thus hostile to the plainest principles of justice and propi-ielv. I have but one fault to find with them; instead of going back to Baltimore, I wish they had then and there; when their rights were denied, assembled in Charleston, proclaimed their principles, nomiuated their candidates, appealed to the South, for constitutional rights uicy weie ...... to the justice of the An enc n i cop le to cou o t support of those principles and tose tan at y o would have been ' 0nX rConlucd Constitution couhl make them na onal. L applause. ymns "J" mem, me eAiunv. i j .- . ., . and after making an unsuccessful eflort to have then principles recognized, they were compelled to form a mu.if tip nvnrincv (K'llliiuueu, inn ..v-nviw. , principles recognized, they were comp 0ia .o. k m a . Kpnn.-,ite Convention, consisting ot ttie nttetn ooucn , ern States, Oregon jCalitbrnia, and a large porUon the Northern and Eastern States , -mprisin m n , 'iu..f: n .l.mUrinn nK fAp.nr Constitutional prinjudgment, tiie sirengiu ui i . " i; i nicy muuu a - - ciriles, with which you are all familiar, and presented to the country as the candidate for the Presidency an able, "allant, and high-toned gentleman ot Kentucky applause and for the Vice Presidency a gallant soldier and pure-hearted citizen of Oregon. Applause. Now, it is true, I might have said, " iou nave done what I wanted you to do; you have affirmed correct principles you have presented, personally, unobjectionable candidates, but you have not done it in exactly the way that I wished. Your party has been divided ; it is split into contending factions, and the union of sentiment that was so much needed has not been effected." I might have remained aloof from this controversy. I was not bound to vote for their candidates; but could I with consistency could I with honor could I with the very words I had uttered on my lips, say to them: " I won't vote for your candidates because they are sectional! your party has broken up ; it is divided into two discordant, hostile camps; you are pouring hot shot into each other. I will take advantage of the opportunity you thus present to gratify my feelings of revenge lor past animosities ; I have now a chance, in the midst of your bel-li-rerent contention, to raise my party flag and to carry iUo victory by reason of your divisions; I can slip in, possibly, my candidates, even by minority votes, principles or no principles; I see the road to power, and I shall follow it, as all other parties have done, and probably will do whenever the time is appointed ! No! it was not in mv heart to say these things. Applause. 1 had no party ends to accomplish; and if I had, that way of doing it never would have occurred to me. Continued applause. These men had done just what I'wanted them to do just what I had told them to do ; and when I had so told them I was sincere. I wanted to unite them in a common cause in a common declaration of principles, which 1 thought vital to the South, if we ever expected to preserve our equality or our honor. Applause. Now, the question was, shall I go to them, or should they come to me ? It is said they might well, in the situation in which the Democratic party was,-have rallied around lnnoi-nf Ri.ll and Everett: that these gentlemen were already in the field ; but I cannot think so. If I am right in the first part of my argument, Bell and Everett and their party presented no ground upon which any rally for principles could be made. I had no house "to invite my friends to. I had no entertainment to offer them. I was myself like them, looking for some place of refuge, some fortress where we could make a stand against the foe, who were everywhere, in every section, and now in every party, leading their battalions upon us. Great applause. I say again, that in these observations I speak for myself and myself alone. OJier gentlemen, who support Messrs. Bell and Everett, mav not stanu in my position; uicy may not have entertained my opinions; they may not ; J t : : . i

have acted on my principles. iu "ic n id a i xma u.u.. ..v ,.- ----- -- - of principle somewhat of personal honor; to them it ! statesman could conceive such an idea 1 he only mav not be. I can well understand that many of, chords that can bind it are the chords of love. A hen them bavin in no way expressed any opinions or , these fail, its vital and essential organi.svi fails, sympathies, attached by"long habits of hostility to op- Why do you wish to vote for Mr. Doug as? Not position to everything that is Democratic, or named : for his principles, for they are condemned by all the Democratic may honestly rejoice at, and take ad van-1 authority of the Republican the past and the present tae of the divisions of their ancient enemv. For this ! bv the wisdom of the Senate and the learning of the class I have no intention to make any imputation on Bench. Not for power or spoils, for don't you know their motives or acti&ns. I speak but for myself. If. that he can't carry a solitary State m the Lnion apthe party to which I have been attached had pro-! plause at least that is the probability. I do not claimed the principles to which such importance is af-; think he can get ten thousand votes in Georgia. He fixed, and had presented candidates to the country may help Lincoln or Bell. Is that your object, boutliupon those principles, I would have adhered to those . eru Democrats? , candidates, and I would iustly have expected that de- You will not vote for him surely on account of his votiou to principle would have brought the present ! personal dignity, because you think he will adorn the party of Breckinridge to us. The case being reversed, 1 cha;r D( your Presidents. In my opinion he has detl.iinnnniliinn inrivnf fipnivriahavinff oft-times nlcdued ; A l.n ,T,rmtv nf the Senat and of the nation bv

themselves to support that party which did stand upon : such principles, if their own party failed to recognize rty failed to recognize tlieni, consistency requires, in my jua should adhere to the pledges thus made. them, consistency requires, m my judgment, that than this. I ask with what honor, with what these Southern Democrats po?ea tiie very man, vir. uougias, inai i uiougiit oi all others, except Mr. Lincoln, was most unworthy of ,1... Piws'di.npv V Aii, I tn bp hrandinl as a disunion-' ist for sustaining principles which I have been assidu-j ou-lv "aging upon the country for four years? Ap - plause.

This is a sad chapter in our history, and almost in-! No, my friends, if you wish to vote for principle, if duces mo to depair of th country." At a time like you wish to vote for union, if you wish to vote for Suethin, when fanaticism stalks abroad throush the land : ' cess. I counsel you fo vote for Breckinridge, Ap-

.t ikj:f:n.,Ui ; 1.a PaimtJio f,m ,Ka A -when thev are about to take posssion ot tne koveminent ot the country , and are ouly waiting for that . x : ... Av . : 1 1, . .; 1 ...Ju.il rlo.! signs upon your property, your industry, your peace,' the security of vour li ves. your honor and your inde-: pendence, how can vou ignobly wrangle among your-

CONSTITUTION, THE iNIHAPOUSr

selves, when a coiiimon danger requires a union of every hand and every heart? Great applause. We should be thus united. There should be but one sentiment. We should present one unbroken rank, and say to our enemies, Come on ! you will find i,.i f Km(!,M v..!wlv to meet von : wo " know Z Bd"" k-mainmiu 'them ! " Great applause. But instead of this language, we hear wealc ana lgnooie rccrinnminauoii. oithihwh . TJisiinionists ! Party spirit still represses the nobler impulse of courage and patriotism. Suppose there are disunionists in the South : are they so because they do not love the country, or may it not bo that they do love the land of their birth ? These men have lost all hope of the Union ; they think forbearance has been exercised until it has ceased to be a virtue. They exclaim with sincerity, in the words of Patrick Henry, "Gentlemen cry peace! peace 1 but there is no peace." , Loud applause. I may not agree with these ardent men, but 1 will not falsify my own feelings by abusing them for saying what in mv heart I am often obliged to feel. Applause. "Does not your blood flow hotly through ,... i-oinn uiVion vnn recall the wrono-sand insults vou juui .who"".-'" .- n have been made to endure ? If there be violence of feeling, or intemperance of expression, who is responsible Tor it? Who but the assailants of our honor and our interests ? Who but those who have proclaimed us recreant to humanity, who now declare a war against us that shall never cease, who have kindled thefires of servile war, who, deaf to reason and reckless of consequences, are determined to govern us by a hostile administration which shall, they say, be able to lay our institutions in the dust, and reduce us to subjugation. Loud and long continued applause. I will not mingle, in one common censure, the defenders of our rights with their assailants. I have not the same execration for the midnight assassin and his bleeding victim. There is a right and a wroin' in this matter. There are not two parties equally obnoxious, but one, and one only, which has caused those " clouds to lower o'er our house." Applause. 1 do not think that action should ever be the result of mere passion. A change of government, a revolution, a dissolution, are not light things, or to be lightly spoken of. To blot from the Heavens this glorious constellation of associated States, or send them wanJanTw in numlovpd and clashing orbits, would overeast all nature with gloom. Every hill and vali ,alld would ;to 8lmghhie o e of raourmng. All good and pure hopes and principles throughout the world would feel tlll sll0,k 'f tWcwat calamity. We owe much to our prescnt creatness, much to our past struggles, . . , J . .. , i.... ,1..:.-, thn iwinflu rf tln fii.iiro. Our flutifis rcouire calmness, reason and deliberation. But surely we are . , . from tlie yiew 01. cxamil,a. , ZrWA for' wta tover ZAy Spu? "lit age bring its wisdom ami (,xn(,,;(iucc. manhood its matured strength, and youth its ardor, and thus, with a clear conscience in the sight r m....ti frw'-ivnril nn niir mission. In Ol lllrtu clin-i uuu, v the mean time I implore you, men of the South, do 1 i - .,(V ,.:..;. unnli rtlli.n l)n rmt I not alienate uui tun-muiia w.v.. turn upon each other the denunciations which spring from the bitter fountains of party spirit, Are you willin" to lie down forever in silent despair ? Have you become a nation of cowards ? Shall we not even speak of our wrongs, or declare our rights, for fear we shall arouse our adversaries to increased activity and fresh aggressions ? Loud applause. This would indeed be a mournful condition of our life. Will j-ou then still call us factionists and traitors ? I will not help to kindle the fires or spread the flames, but if it bo sectional, I will stand by my section in her hour of peril, and I will not reproach those unjustly whose indignation may pass the bounds whenever the South, or my own State, takes a stand, where reason should confine it. Loud applause. It will be impossible for me to vote for Mr. Douglas. I will not help him to divide us. Nor can I give any aid or countenance, directly or indirectly, to his party. Applause. If there are any here who agree with mo in the principles I have advocated, and yet aid or sustain Mr. Douglas, I have nothing to say to them. . If I bad no other reason for refusing to support Mr. Bell, it is enough that both Mr. Bell and his leading supporters prefer Mr. Douglas to Mr. Breckinridge, and denounce him and his friends as sectional. If I have any allies, they are in the Breckinridge camp, and 1 will sink or swim with them, though I be branded as a traitor. Tremendous applause. I was with them on principle before this fight commenced, and I will not desert them now. If I had no other reason for this alliance, and I wished to build up mountain high my objections to Mr. Douglas, I could not but oppose him since his recent speech at Norfolk- and New York. Applause. I have never, that I remember, expressed any opinion on what is termed the right of secession. I was a Union man in the controversy of 1850, believing then, as I believe now, that there was no sufficient cause for the disruption of the Government. I have not liked to talk about secession or disunion ; but whatever it be, or however it may be called revolution, disruption, or secession I will stand with her. Immense applause. And I think if the "little giant" comes here with the cohorts of Lincoln to reduce us to submission, there will be manhood enough in the South to drive him and them back a little quicker than they came. Continued applause. The " little giant," I take it, will not prove a very formidable warrior. I suppose they call him the "little giant" to distinguish . -rl .1... ...I,, i;,.wl in tha .lnrmm irom mose men, 1 """ V j V n when there were giants m the land. Loud applause. J tm.:., tt..; kqi, nor hp Vpnt tniretlier bv force. Ao dra"nn2 the Presidential office in the arena ot the demagogue ; by running c Anmmmmn. : bv running over the country, impelled ty. madambition, to advocate his claims, in contempt , these sentiments, like a puppet in nis- nanas, me ca ! didate lor the Vice Presidency, our Georgia cha .;nn tan vnariAnn fprt nn firp. nmclaimrd ! COs?ion as the rightful remedy, and poured contempt! ( Upon us poor Union submissionists of that day. Im-j j mense applause. j i tUuaa 1 M a hsm nnnuestionablv tl : tion. Lnquestionaoiy, jvouguis nms nu cm 11 T'l 1 strength. He can carry no Southern .State. He can nnl riu-tA cill nwmt tliAn va h a ve been, and Dih til this division be healed, in vain will be our efforts e-j ther to uomniand respect or obtain justice. W 1U1 your j senseless wranglings in the fa-e of threatening dn-

UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OF THE STATES! T INI)Tn J liSD A Y, OCTOBER JO, 1800.

ger, you are like the Athenians when Philip was pre- prevent secession." Ihe mind of tha man o par no. to enslave them, talking instead of acting. "Is could adv.se or vindicate such a course must be filled Phil p dead ?" No ; but he is sick." What is it with the infernal passions of ha red and revenge fo o'u," exclaimed Demosthenes, " whether Philip be . 1 have answered what I believe .truly mbraeed dead or sick vou who by your senseless divisions, in the questions before me; but I now reph to the iZZ2JvmV, if this one questkm, as though t-u-n .,,,, . , 1 States," meant only, the Cotton .tetatea. J heic arc My friends, the country is in the most serious peril of j Tennessee, Arkansas Texas, Missis,, her history Let us attempt by union what we have Alabama, Georgia, Florida, and North and South fai ed t elfect by divis on.1 I appeal to all of you to Carolina, ten States n all. These States compose a come to her rescue. Rekindle on your altars the parallelogram, reaching out from the parallel of 8b fire o pa riotisn No longer regard public affairs as ; degrees of north latitude to an average parallel of 29 nwor hy of ronr attention" Do not'leave their di- degrees and from the meridian of Ushington 88 dorection to demaues either at home or in the public 1 grees,of longitude west, I his vast area ot fe tile councils, but assume your own rightful places, and re- fand intersected by the noblest nve. blwith a pose trust in none but the worthy. Applause. delightful climate, having a ea and gulf coast of l.oOO 1 Old men, give us your counsels. 'Manhood, come , miles, was, a the last census, inhabited "-J forward with all your thoughts, all your care. Young ; whites, and is now by at least 5,000,000 accustomed men, on whom must soon rest kl the weight and bur-1 from infancy to the control of slaves 1 ho area of den of these mighty interests, come, and t ing all that i these ten States is hre. tunes greater (being 6 0 vou have of parity, of vigor, and of action to the , 000 square miles) than the Empire of 1 ranee, that Public service.1 Let each and all, amidst the confusion S being 205,000 miles. The wealth, the ercial winch reis, esolve to do his duty as his conscience ' facilities, the vast agricultural resources and the feardictatcjand to do it fearlessly and unselfishly for his ! less and chivalric spirit of unpeople of this e country's good, and for that alone. So may we secure reK,on, render them independent o J na tions, and

r hp favor ot heaven. i ao not aespair oi mc lumm; -; If welre True to o i-selves, true to virtue and to jusli we are true 10 uuraai., ' ...? i ticc, those everlasting arms which emoraeeumu nnoucy and supported our tottering youth will still lead us on to the successful achievement of that grand mission for humanity, which my faith teaches me is the destiny of this republicLetter from George W. Johnson, Breckin- ' ridge Elector, j, (tEOIigetows, Ky., October 4, 1860. Messrs. Harney, Hughes, $ Co.:. Gentlemen: In your last paper, the Louisville Ihmocmt of vesterdav, vou ask me to answer the first and ' ' ' M- IV.,, ..too at VB. I ocrat ot yesterday, you asK me iu awsnci mo second questions' propounded to Mr. Douglas at Nor-folk-ATiri;inia. The position which I ocitipy as a ! ' P.. i r, .-. 1 Tl . f..tru I Jiilector ot ttie tonsuruuoiiai ieiuucicii;, ui nuuin,. , .,,i - ,. rUmanil for nn answer, must excuse l me for this e'xnression of mv opinions upon subjects of j the greatest and most vital importance to the interests .1 . 1 ! ..I..! linnnxtnnn in lllP. illfpVPKtH of the people ot trie uniteu oiaies. The questions to which you refer are as follows : 1st. If Abraham Lincoln be elected President of the United States, would the Southern States be justii'...A I,, ur..s.ih'nn fiTim t.llP TTllinn V in. , T. , i rT.,; i. imn tin. inaiurnration of Abraham JLincoln, 2d. if thev (the bouthem oiaiesi seccue irom me i J .,v . , I a i. i - t : 1 i before he commits an overt act against their constitu- j tional rights, will vou advise or vindicate resistance by force to their secession f force 10 uieir secession . i rPliPp nupstlnns are. nerhaps. of more importance ; than anv which have arisen, for serious and actual j discussion, sincu ine iuiuwuuu m u a.v-.. , and I propose, in compliance with your demand, to give you a candid and open expression of my opinions m regard to them. T In reply to the first question, I must say that I consider that it was intended by the propouuder of these questions to regard Abraham Lincoln as the head and exponent of the Republican and Abolition factions, and his elevation to the Presidency as identical with the possession by these factions of the Executive department of the United States. This party mav be characterized, further, as an unconstitutional faction, united by fanatical, crusading, and agrarian senti . .. il. il-ir. r.t .,n. Vni-lpi-nl TTllinn ! I

by tanatical, crusading, aim ayiannii pmu- jorce," ine army ana naiter were ine reiiu.-un.-s jhu1 a system of aggression on the equal rights of . poseu JV i,;m "to' prevent the secession of the South-

ments in the people of the Southern States, (jiving to the it i. T ofMl nf ilia iinininn question 1111s cunsii uuuuu, x a,m v.. ...... that it would be unwise in the Southern States to secede upon his election; because I believe that m the stitutional resistance to the aggressions of this faction. We would still have, in the Senate of the United Union we wouia stm nave leu 10 us uie means ui mStates, a majority opposed to tlie principles ana doctrines of the Abolitionists; and without the consent of that body no law could be passed. We have, also, the Supreme Court of the United" States, whose opinions favorable to the nave uciu V11-.111 j 11 maintenance of the constitutional equality both as to rights of person and of property, , of the . citizens of j ClJ.n artsitn M' flirt TTniflTl. llllS llifh t,ih- ! every State and section of the Union. This high tribunal have the honor of vindicating the Constitution against unconstitutional legislation. They can annul any act of legislation, in opposition to the Constitution of 'the United States, bearing upon the rights of the people. In addition to the Senate and the Supreme Court, we have also a majority of tlie voters of tlie United States opposed to the faction of which Lincoln is the head. In the last Presidential election Fremont received only 1,341,514 votes, whilst Buchanan received 1,838,232 votes, and Fillmore 874,707 votes. The votes of Buchanan and r Ulmore uniieu, propeny Alb ULL V -- , presenting the conservative strength in tluscountry, . re aic muic uiiu. " t 839, to 1,341,514 votes. If Lincoln, then, is elected u-:,iv,t nf thr. TTnitpd States, it will be an instance e more than double that oi r remom,, w-mu i,ui,--.n . 0.1 Ki a .rnfna 1' T.inr.filn tlipn! is electpd 1 i caiuvii. jx " j of one-third of the voters, by their united action, controllins; two-thirds, who for the present are weakened and divided by the ambition, the passions, and prejudices of politicians. By remaining in the Union, therefore, it is clear that we can maintain ourconstitutional rights for four years; and by an union of the voters opposed to the Republican faction, we can elect his successor. I am, for these reasons, opposed to incurring the hideous and unknown dangers of secession upon the election of " Abraham Lincoln," although I regard constitutional liberty as more valuable than property, and dearer than life itself. if :t ,o ..nt intended in that ouestion to refirard " Abraham Lincoln" as the exponent of Abolition "Abraham Lincoln as mo exponeuu ui awuuuu j doctrines, it is hardly necessary for me to say that I j ,.-,,.,l,t nf miwiiW it. iustiliable in the Southern States I UUCtuuirn, li. .....i. j would not consider it justifiable in the Southern States to secede upon his election. Before I proceed to answer the second question, I invite vour attention to the precise words in which it is couched : " If they (the Southern States.) secede .i. ;,nmmhrai nf Abraham Lincoln, before he commits any overt act against their constitutional j lights, will you aarise or vindicate resistance vy jm vc to their secession i" , The words " they (the Southern States ") were, in . .,.,; ;n .lr.nrfv intended to embrace the fifteen l . Ti'tl.ir worn trt seppilp frtm the Union. ' ii u rr.irot'wui nf A hialiam Linco In before -

UirOll bllKS lllimgu'w.""- . ClCl-llVll, .i-.. I " anv overt act was committed against their constitution- tie . Catholic vote." The very name is an insult to al "rights," there would remain in the Union eighteen , tnc Catholic body, besides being based upon a calumNorthern States. ! ny. The epithet implies, and it is probably meant to It is now asked whether I would advise the , imply, that Catholics all vote, together, moving in unieichteen Northern States remaining in the Union to1 son like a flock of sheep under the guidance of their employ force to prevent the secession of the fifteen I shepherd. This is a patent slander; for Catholics, slave States " or if force was employed, without my j like other citizens, are in the habit ol voting their advice, whether I would "vindicate" its propriety, j sentiments, and of being in consequence much divided This I take to be the true meaning of the question, and , in political opinion. . , ., . t u :.i ii .t.-:A nvH : ,. ia tVia, ttiav nil rnninellerl. thmtinn

to it i respond, tnat i woiuu IU.-HI1CI um mdicate resistance by force to prevent the secession of; the Southern States." It would, in my opinion, be; the ereatest act of follv ever committed on the earth, tor the eilueen JNonnern otaies 10 iu . force sufifcient to subdue and coerce into the Union, . .1 : I" . 1. .. . . . 1. Ci.tA. or to " nrevent ine seci-ssion oi me uuuiucui wimc r . . ,, i... n:: . 1

An armv oi 2oo,000 men wouiu not, i buuiocih iu hjiih ra uiu umu. ul .v. ... ,v . . ... accompiisli the bloody work of our subjection. Abra- of Know-Nothingism, the Catholic of Kentucky, for ham Lincoln, with aa army of 250,000 men at his com-! example, were probably as much divided in sentiment mand. would pay but little attention to the constitu-: as their fellow-citizens-, the majority of them, we be;n..ol rirrl.ta nf his own section, much less to ours, lieve. especially in the country, voting with the old

Death, with multiplied horrors, would be preferable : Whig party. to submission or association with such a dictator over! At present, Catholics are again divided in Kenthe citirens of a constitutional Republic. A war of- tucky and elsewhere between the two sections into indefinite duration would be the result of such advice! which the Democratic party has been unhappily split, and such a policy. A civil and servile war of exter-j It is not true that the whole Catholic body is in favor mi nation and subjection, would take the place of an' of Douglas; s?e know of many of them in Kentucky, union of love, for the protection of the mutual rights both of native and of foreign birth, who are warm adof each section. The fierce and unbridled passions of. vocates of Breckinridge. Elsewhere this is so probawar would supersede and destroy the arts of peace,! bly in even a more marked manner. Thus, in New and the only constitutional Republic on the earth con- i York, the nominee of the Breckinridge party for verted into" a military, lawless, and bloodthirsty des-: Governor, Mr. Brady, is a Catholic, and the great potism. Negotiation, twenty, fifty, or one hundred j Catholic leader of the New York bar, Charles O'Convears: ray, permanent separation, would be vastly j or, Esq., is also a strong advocate of the same political preferable" to mch a war, " advised " and waged. to ! ticket. In Massachusetts in Maryland, and more

v,Uu,r.,..w . - - -- agricultural and semi-tropical character of its prodi.e ,v. ml it f t . mnrl el for the sale of nianufac

tions, make it it the best market for the sale of manufactured articles in the whole world. England and France would eagerly seek an alliance, and would, in a moment, acknowledge their independence, and thus wrest from Northern cupidity, the prize which had so long been withheld, " trade on equal terms with the Su-'ar and Cotton States." The same tariff laws now in force, would yield from 30,000,000 to 40.M0,000 of revenue for a war of defense. It is evident that such people, accustomed to constitutional liberty, can neither be exterminated or enslaved, bv the "moral or military power of the Abolition States, even if sustained instead of being opposed by a large .minority here. Tf euo.vui t.i ino" tiui-pfiirp. "to advise or vindicate force to jirevent me secession m uiu m aione an(l would be the most unpardonal atrocious policv. A Constitutional Uni '. :., orce to )revent the secession of the cotton States . i ul.il ..Jl..,.,lJn inl'gn Jnion such 01lrSi cannot rcsr upon wree. muuui avn.i fiml onlin-litpned and calm wisdom, ar innn tin. Mutual interests, ira ti. t ..m, i,0'nds of the Union. An army sufficient to 1 1 1 1. P 1. hold, by force, juch States as these, against their will in the Union, and make tnera suumii 10 majority, not elected by, or responsible to thein, must be so large, as to enable those who command it to convert the balance of the Confederacy into a military despotism. The concession by the North of some .,t:ii;r,ol nn9F9niv f,r tlip spcuritv of the Southtu" - - ""''" v . anrl nnmtiation tor mauv years won ia be) ;n my opinion, betfer than " resistance by force to in 1:11:111. oiA-vjJivii. . . , ' t 1 il A, 11.- n,wl in lli r.mif1nv the 1 nave inns ansnticu iuni, ami ...... lipstinns nronounded to me bv vou. These answers PXnrpss mu opinion. I have not seen or consulted Mi xi 1 . - T -.,r.:.,A ,-mi! TCiMpL-inriilfTp since I received vour interrogatories. It would be unjust to him, for me to express his opinions; but I have no doubt that a calm examination of fh?se questions must force all to the same conclusions. . It mi"ht, perhaps, be as well to examine this question stifl further, and endeavor to determine whether it would be best to advise and vindicate resistance by force to the secession of any one State. This was not the question addressed to 'Mr. Douglas. It was the " secession of the Southern States," which he thought it his duty to advise Abraham Lincoln " to resist by ern States;" at least that is what I understand to be i inn L.-tii.ii7ii. . If then, any one of the Southern Stales should secede upon tlie election of Lincoln, and he should employ force the bayonet and halter to coerce such States back into the LTnion, such an act would ultimately, in mv opinion, involve the whole country in civil war. A'statesman should adopt his measures to the occasion. He should not "provoke war, when he could more justly and easily give us peace. He should be calm, wise, and just when dealing with the pas-ions of men. I have already expressed the opinion that it would be better to remain in the Lmon than tor all tl(3 gouthern States to secede, believing that' twoi.1 ' J ninMLVO t!ul. VrttorO fl VA Wl til IIS. ftlK thirds of the conservative voters are with us, and i il.nf .. o oil II Imlrl the Spnatp. and Sunreme 1VUU!1111 tllliu .iv, oi... ..i.. i Court. Much less would I encourage or advise secession to any one Southern State, and thus, perhaps, involve all the friends of that State in the dangers of civil war. But in case any one Southern State should secede, rash and imprudent as the act might be, no true friend of his country could, in my opinion, advise the head of an aggressive or unconstitutional party to use force the army, navy, and the halter not to prevent aggressions by" that State, but its peaceful secession. 11U " liiV-" ... g0tiate for years, than for Congress to raise and equip llow much better wouiu oe io reniuusumc uu uca gnmClcnt a "m-niv for Lincoln and the Abolitionists to conquer, subdue, drive back and keep in the Union a State aeieraiiueu vu Ktraiuu, ,iiw.r.. any act of aggression upon the rights of others! Who does not see that, in a war between tlie North and the Southern Sta'es, defending what s!:e considers her constitutional rights, the first gun will be the signal for a general revolt? Is it consistent with any wTse view of human passions and reason to suppose that South Carolina would be permitted by the cotton States to perish in their midst by Northern bayonets and halters and they stand idly by? No, never! He who madlv talks of placing a sufficient military force in the hands of the infernal agitators who may elect Abraham Lincoln; who administered poison to the President and his guests; who devastated Kansas vvit !i the red scourge ot civil war; who nave organized and planned raids and insurrections in Virginia and r- ,. j ...i. nmelaim their nurnosc of still further with the red scourge ot civil war; who nave organized attacking the constitutional equality and liberty of this Union 3s an incendiary, applying his torch to tlie great structure of American government. Very respectfully yours, GEORGE W. JOHNSON. The Catholic Vote. Every four vears, on the eve of the Presidential t. ... l,or il, nui.-rv nf the noliticians about n ia n , ' ' : self-respect, and in natural self-defence, to vote against the Know-Nothings at the last Presidential election, The tactics of their adversaries, which made opposiuun iu un- tiiv.. no alternative but to vote for the Democratic nomiVn Ani.l.l 1.1 1 1. ...ii fn? thio fi .r ttio iwno uc& -.-n v.ui,. ...... ...v... .... .. i.:..!.. .1...... l,,t l...f. .,1. t

NO. 39.

particularly in the more Southern States, this is even still more the case. Perhaps the most contemptible allegation, made by certain unprincipled or small-fry politicians, is that, which asserts that all Catholics in the country will vote for Douglas because his present wife happens to be a Catholic I ! This is as false as it is insulting. How many Catholics voted for General Scott, when" the out-cry was raised against him that his wife and daughter were Catholics, and tligtjje himself was perhaps inclined in the same way ? Not perhaps one in a hundred! And why? Simply because his politics, or those of the party which he represented, did not tallv with their own political principles. We are no politicians, but we must enter our indignant protest against the tactics of certain brawling politicians who would thus drag the religion of Catholics into the political arena merely to subserve their own interested purposes. Whether these politicians mean to cajole or to insult Catholics, it is all the same; their policy is in either case contemptible. Catholics should vote their sentiments, just like their fellow-citizens of other denominations, or of no denominat on ; and thev should regard any appeal made to them as religionists in favor of this "or that candidate as a direct" and deliberate insult, and treat the politicians who make such appeals accordingly. Let us hear no more then, Whether from friend or foe, of the. "Catholic vote." .Yew Orleans Catholic Standard. The Visit of the President and Lord Renfrew to Mount. Venion. At ten o'clock yesterday morning the President, Lord Renfrew, Miss Lane, Mrs. Ellis, the Duke of Newcastle, the Earl of St. (iermaine, Lord Lyons, Lord Hischiiibrook, Major General the Hon. Robert Bruce, Sir Henry Holland, Hon. Capt. Grey, Hon. Mr. Eliot, Englehart, Esq., Major Tcesdale, Frederick Warre, James Buchanan, jr., and J. Buchanan I lenry, Esquires, left the Executive Mansion in several open carriages, and proceeded to the United States Arsenal to emliark on the cuucu oiaics mrauiu Harriet Lane, Captain Faunee, and visit Mount Vernon. At about twenty minutes after ten the approach of the President and" his illustrious guest was announced by salutes of twenty-one guns from the batteries ot the Arsenal and tlie navy-yard, and the American flag and the roval ensign of England were hoisted on the flag-staffs at each end of the pier. They were received at the. wharf by Major Ramsay, the commander of the Arsenal, and conducted to the steamer along a carpeted passage to the gangway, where, they were met bv Secretaries Cass, Cobb, Thompson, Floyd, and Toucev, Postmaster General Holt, Attorney General Black", Mrs. Thompson, Mrs. Black, and a small number of ladies and gentlemen, who were invited to aeeonipanv the President's party on their interesting excursion to the home and grave of Washington. As soon as the party was embarked and the Harriet Lane loosed from her moorings, the. President's flag was saluted by twenty-one guns, and the English flag was then hoisted at the main and a similar salute fired in honor of Lord Renfrew. The weather was superb, and the view of tlie Potomac and its beautifully wooded banks as the Harriet Lane steamed gracefully down the stream was repeatedly admired by those on board. ,. AVhen the cutter arrived in front ot Mount ernon, she dropped her anchors and lowered her launches, in which the President and his guests were rowed to the Mount Vernon landing. The first launch, containing the President and Miss Lane, was steered by Lord Renfrew, who handled the tiller ropes with the skill ol an evidently practised boatman. The distinguished parly then visited the simple grave in which repose the ashes of the hero-statesman, " the" first in war, the first in peace, and the first in the hearts of his countrymen," and whose name and fame are alike known and honored, in every part ot the civilized world. It was a solemn and deeply interesting scene one which will be recorded in history as one of the most remarkable and happy events of our age to see the President of the United States, and the heir to the throne of England, attended .by some of the highest -officers of their Governments, standing uncovered at the tomb of Washington, animated by feelings of the most sincere friendship and profound respect for each other, and thus, as it were, giving pledge to the world of the perpetuity of the close alliance and cordial amity which now exist between the two great and powerful kindred nations, so worthily represented on this occasion by the venerable and gifted statesman who now fills the chair of Washington, and the youthful and graceful Prince who is destined to wield the British sceptre. Our respected fellow-citizen, George W. Riggs, Esq., Treasurer of the Ladies' Mount Vernon Association, and Mrs. Riggs, the vice regent for the District of Columbia of that patriotic society, received the distinguished party and conducted them over the mansion and grounds. Every point was minutely visited, and the deepest interest in everything they saw was manifested by the illustrious strangers. After a visit to the garden the party returned by the woodwalk to the tomb, where they again halted, and the band of the United States Marines played a dirge composed expressly for the occasion the President, Lord Renfrew, and" all the gentlemen standing uncovered, and evidently impressed by the solemnity of the scene and the OL-casion. Not the least noteworthy and interesting incident of the dav was the planting of an acorn on a little hillock, riose to the tomb, by Lord Renfrew. May the seed which he planted "in ground which evenAmerican regards as hallowed, rise, and grow, and flourish, anil be an emblem of his own future prosperity, health, and strength, as well as the permanence of tlie friendship that exists between his people and ours. Shortly after this graceful ceremony was concluded the party re-embarked, and partook of a splendid collation. The cutter then weighed anchor, the tables were removed, and the afterpart of the quarter-deck cleared for dancing. Lord Renfrew danced in several quadrilles, first with Miss Lane, and afterwards with Miss Gwin, the Misses Slidell,and Miss Ledyard. At a few minutes after 5 o'clock the steamer returned to her wharf at the Arsenal, and the party sepe rated, having passed a day which was unanimously pronounced to be one of unalloyed pleasure and unusual interest. Washington Constitution. The Signs Eight and Bright Our exchanges, fiwn all quarters, indicate the rapid growth of public sentiment in favor of Breckinridge and Lane, and that the National principles which they represent arc fast becoming the voice of the nation. There is no doubt ot this. In the Southern States, says the Mississippian, (25th ult.,) " the revolution is carrying everything before it. Breukinridge and Lane will carry the entire South, with Oregon, California, and New Jersey." The Montgomery Adcer;istro( the same date says, " there is a mightystamede from Douglas to Breckinridge going on in the South one that ere the election will carry all the old Democrats, who have been for a moment confused by Douglas' free soil squattcrinni liaplr into ll-e Stnte-richts told." All thromrh the South, the ablest orators and stateMueu aiv making noble efforts in behalf of the National candidates, striking ti lling blows into the oppoition. and rousing up the right spirit. Before us is a pile of cuttings from the Democratic journals, coutaining the details of thU noble uprising. Here is one of the signs from North Carolina. Ihe Norfolk Argiis says: - We are informed by the Hou. M. Shaw, of orth Carolina, who rei-ides in Currituck, that he does not believe there t a single Douglas voter in his county, which i good tor 400 Df mocinue majority. al learn from Wm. Benj. Smith, Esq., editor of the Tarb"ro Mcreurv. that hi county, Kdgeoomb, which i