Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 36, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 October 1860 — Page 1

HI

AID

r H H 2 THE CONSTITUTION, THE UNI ON, AND THE EQUALITY OF T H E STAT ES!

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THE OLD LINE GUAKU. IS I'UHMSllKD , tp I N If 1 A NAFOLISr . v It i wi. II V EI.UKIC Si II A ItK N ESS. ' 'i 1" 35S rt 3VI S , I no ..iiilui'icr the Presidential Election. ' .. In advance, in all cases. Advertisements inserted at the usual rates. S P )? E C H of' the HON. WILLIAM L. YANCEY. IN WASHINGTON, D. C. enemy of anv other Lnion, coming irom wnaisouice it rnav- Vociferous cheering, " that's right. Durin" my brief political career, my countrymenJust here (lie speaker was interrupted by a drunken individual. A Voice Put him out. , Mr. Yancev. Oil, no, let him alone. No harm can 1. ilnnn tn me bv anv maii, of any party, who listens 'LP. ' . " , . . to me. TA Voice that' so. I have no sentiments to , .V i ,.vtir f lmnp. men are f tl conceal iroiu any ro-u, . v l".". v , - - here repr esentiii" all parties, with the excepuou oi j f which is the enemy of the Constitution i ti,!. TU,-l Tlermblican partv. ' fLoud and enthusias- j tic applause. , . , ,. My friends, there is one issue before you, and to all 11.. i...t ;E,o snri lmt two sides to that issue. The slavery question is but one of the symbols ! mt issue : the commercial question is out one oi ;

Ffi i o'w-Citizens: 1 am no party man, aim x uu i Kn0w 01 uu uuumuu, i --, . - -- not address you as a party man to-night. Strange as ble individual who addresses you to-night has probaK vou, after what you have heard from bly been more denounced as a disuniomst than almost o ne quarters, 1 come before you this evening. as the any other man in the Union - I te yon, gen men, friend of the Constitution, good, and the Union tin- my disun.omsm exists in tins: I sland by th e ; Go . , r 1 ,t lit,.rl and as the t tut on. T intend that the provisions Ot that Coilstl-

tler the i,onsuuiuun, iuuu, m.-j -..,j -----

lireat applause, anu cries 01 guuu. j i j ) -y --- . -.V . 1 1 , . u i,.t 'nnJinni . orI tlr.t nr.no nt ns mnv live to see its

a true Union man who mienus 10 sianu wun. v,"..- ( ij nui.. us., - ----- stitution, with all its checks and balances. He is a ! dawn. I, so help me God, will consider that to be an disunion man who wishes to destroy one single letter , evil hour when tins Government shall be to ren J by of that sacred instrument. It has been said that the j factions that the charter of our liberties shall be tiodSouth asks vou to trespass upon the constitutional j den under foot, and tho compact of our fathers disrerihts of the other States ; it is said that the South ! garded by their degenerate sons It would be indeed i: of tl,Q nvnonao nf ntlier sec-i an evil hour, but we are compelled to look it in the

tions; that we want this government to carry slavery j and force it upon a people who do not desire it, With j . . !..' ,!.. fWT as a Southail proper icsiicL i. iui uiun .i.ou spec crn man, say that in every iota of its utterance it is 1 ".. . . i to ! false. Good. The South has aggressed upon nu section, nor does she propose aggression upon any section. She asks no section to yield anything that is hers for her safety or for her protection. All that the South lias ever asked of the Government is to keep its hands ofFof us, and let the Constitution work its own way. Applause. The South has been aggressed upon ; the South has been trenched upon ; four-fifths of its territory, in which she has equal rights, has been torn from her; and by the acts of Government she lias been excluded from it. Revenues have been raised at the rate of two or three dollars in the South to one from any other section for the support of this great government; but the South makes no complaint of mere dollars and cents. Touch not the honor of my section of the country and she will not complain of almost anything else you may do; : but touch her honor and equality and she will stand up in their defense if necessary in arms. Applause. All, then, the South asks in this contest is that you shall observe the constitutional checks and balances with reference to her. She is not willing that her rights Shall be submitted to the will of mere numerical majorities. For our fathers, our ancestors, and the great patriots of the North agreed that it should be otherwise. It was the written compact of our fathers that the minority should receive protection from the Constitution against the mere selfish and avaricious will of a preponderant majority. Parties divided themselves originally in this country upon that great principle. One desired that the majority should rule in all things, while the other the State rights party of the country desired it should be different. This latter party' carried the day in the formation of the Constitution, and placed checks upon the advancement of the majority. And mis wruien . cuuhuiuuuu j the compact by which majorities should restrain themselves with reference to the rights of minorities. Majorities need no protection save their own power. 'Hence, it is easy for the North to cry out for tbe Union at all hazards and under all circumstances. It is easy for the North, with its majority of millions, to . J . ., TT ' 1. ' Tl H ...I. say they are tor mis union any now. xu uimiw mu mav be elected, no matter what may be done, still they will stand to the Union as the great cause of their

atall the North can protect themselves with their er law " Government reigns m the city ot nas migprcdominant vote in the country. But how is it with ton ? Where, then, will be our peace, where will be the South ? How is it with the minority of the coun-; our safety, when these people are instigated to lnsur-

prosperity, ivnyr jecu5, wim uu uiuiuimwu ,k , .,,.;t,. Sinl,.o of t in tinvpi-nnient ' It they leave it to the mere will of preponderant majorities in Congress, the JSorth, as in all other cases, win seek its advancement of power, will seek its own self ish a"grandizement, and will distribute the money of the coveinmeut among themselves, raise as much as

cvf please, and do all for their own advancement at! true to their own familiescan yon expect such a c expense of minorities. Minorities, gentlemen, people, I say, to give up all regard or the Consfitue the true friends of our Constitution, because that, tion, permit it to be trampled under toot, to acknowl-

th the are Constitution is their shield, and the eir protection dll of the ma - ambist the unchecked and unlicensed will jority. Hence it is that mv section of the South stands by that Constitution. You do not hear so much said there with such flippant tongues about the Union, as you do at the North ; but you hear much said about the Constitution : about its strict construction ; about the ri"id enforcement of its checks and balances in favor of these minorities, because to them it is a thing of life, and death. Within this novernment that Con - -- stituiion must prevail, or the minority will be placed as a " lamb that is led to slaughter." But let that Constitution be observed, and the rights of all sec-j

tions under that Constitution De preserved, ana tnei ie win rcim-im:i i" South is content to abide its fate under the workings rebel the world over produced, led the way m defence of that instrument. The North may well cry out, ' of the great principle of freedom in defence of those Union! Union! Union! at all hazards, and to the institutions upon which our Government is based, and lat extremity. And the North, even now, I under-! under which it has so long prospered as a nation, stand, at midnight, is arming itself, and ti-aining its! I say ' tnen- tna J"011?'1 we deprecate dismidnWit bands for the purpose of foreingaUnion of a; union, we will have the Union of our lathers. It has mere majority uiion the South. I understand these j been said that the South has aggressed upon the are " Wide Awakes." as they call themselves that is, North. AVhen and whei-e has my people ever agthcy think themselves cry wide awake," but they ! gressed upon the people of any other section? hen will find some men in the Southern States, gentle-; and where has any Southern statesman proposed a men, sufficiently " wide awake" to meet them. That's wrong to be done to the West, the Northwest, the so. Applause. A brave people and a true people, East, or tho Northeast? gen demen, will fear no "Wi.le Awakes." j A Voice Never. No mm is more wide awake than he who loves his : Mr. lancey Never. History will proclaim it I his own fireside, his own wife, his own children, and i age proclaims it. Our enemies will proclaim it by their

art.o, u,Kin nolo:lv. but detei-mines. so far as God gives him x)wer, that nobody shall aggress upon him. r Applaud"! And there are no men who hear me toho hear nie toni jht who would tlmch like cowards it they tonnd tnar oflipr-. were bent merely upon aneressmsr upon their ppoplo when they could do so ! That's so! Asadis - tinAiished friend of mine said to me theotiicr day, the baUlc of the Revolution was fought with shot guns. Our people were not furnished with the great arma - m-nt of modem warfare then, but being armed with the ri-ht, they were enabled to meet the powerful ar - ny of the then create- nation of the earth, and wipe out the British lion from out of the country. Ap - r Now I deire simplv to sav to vou to-night, that the South itandin" on nothing but the Constitution, fears no , -region frar. no section; and that Constitution

INDI ANA POL1S, '

tl,n South intonfla to stand bv. If. in the progress ot party division, party dissensions, and party elections, that Uonstitution snail ue wampieu unuci , ! Government shall be instituted here which shall be a .'usurpation -.on the Government of Washington and A .1 ,1 . 1- -C Ml ... l...n,l ,ir.nil that. our tatlicrs ; it tins icmpie 01 , lonstiiuuou, slum uc Miuiciitui Constitutional Government a " higher-law " Govern,,.ont shall he established, vou will find, gentlemen, that the Constitution will have friends, even in that hour ; and if driven from all other sections of the C0llntry, and there is no other spot whcro the ark of i , rtfi .. n,it ii nil be nrotected. it will bo on Southern soil, where the friends of the Constitution live. Loud applause. . We do not desire, at the South, disunion; I know of but few advocates at the South of this measure. I can point to hundreds of distinguished Northern men who i i .hami lit;are far in advance of anv men at the South upon disunion. I know, in the" Northern States, men who want a " higher law," who want a different Constitution, who want another Bible aye, and who, in religion, even call for another Jesus Christ. Laughter and applause.! Disunion, per se, exists m um 8' ti .i: : tl,n Snntli Thuliumtution, which I look upon as the shield of the South in this Union, shall be carried out and enforced. If that Constitution is taken away from the South in this Union, and the South is then to remain in tho Union, I consider that we would then have, no rights, for we would then be placed at the feet of a dominant sectional, abolition majority. Applause. A vnu'A Wn'l stand nv vou. We'll stand by Mr. Yaneev I sav, then, that the SoutH stands ny -.ho. Constitution, as a shield in tins Lnion. When - - u,,. , ,inm. tuat smeid snau ue uik.ch uum i.u.u innnt sectional majority, who seeks to reduce this Goveminent to the will of a mere majority, for its own sectional purposes who intend to make us hewers of wood and drawers ot water we lniunii 10 mm r'ntictW iitlnn witli ntj r and. rrentlemeu. imitatina the mighty example of George Washington, if there is no otner piace wuere we can c.cL. a y " face. A large party, numbering in itself now, it is said, a plurality, it not a majority, of the people ot this countrv. banded tosether with a discipline such ---j, - t . - .i, rtj nMin. nni-tv !iil MnVinfT ntllietS W111L11 1UJ I'liiu 3 XJVl',k .., .... 0 ---j - t party has, led by men of eminent ability, with AbraharnLineoln its candidate, with Seward its chief statesman and chief advocate, who, from Maine to the farthest frontier of civilization, proclaims a war, an " irrepressible war," upon the institutions of one-half of this Union ; who proclaims, gentlemen, that the manner in which he interprets the Constitution, is that it shall give freedom to everything in human shape upon the face of the earth ; who proclaims, gentlemen, therefore, that this Constitution, which is based upon a recognition of negroes as an inferior race, that is based upon a recognition of property in slaves, that is based upon its recognition as a State institution, based upon its recognition as property, which requires that property to be delivered up by the hostile States into which it may become fugitive that this Constitution is to be utterly disregarded by him, and only his wild, insane, revolutionary, and incendiary notions are the interpretations to be placed upon the Constitution by this new Government, if elevated to power. Suppose that party gets into power; suppose another John Brown raid takes place in a frontier State; suppose " Sharpe's rifles," and pikes and bowie-knives, and all the other implements of warfare are brought to bear upon an inollensive, peaceful, and unfortunate people, and that Lincoln or Seward is in the Presidential chair, where will .then be a force of United States marines to check that band ? Suppose that is the' case that the frontiers of the country will be lighted up by fires of midnight arson, as it is in Texas; that towns are burned ; that the peace of our families is disturbed ; that poison is found secreted throughout the whole country in immense quantities ; that men are found prowling about in our land distributing that poison in order that it may be placed in our springs and our wells ; with arms and ammunition placed in the hands of this semi-barbarous people, what will be our fate ? Where will be the United States marshals to interfere? Where will bo the dread of this General Government that exists under this present Administration ? Where will be the fear of Federal officers, of a United States army to intimidate or prevent such movements ? Why, gentlemen, if Texas is now in Uamcs, and the peace of Virginia is invaded now under this Administration, and under the present asnect of affairs, tell mo what it will be when a " liighrection wnen men are iiuniuiu nwuv "i's"" i this whole coutry, Knowing inui uuy are 1';.".' an Administration which says that by the Constitution freedom is Guaranteed to every individuel on the face of the earth? Can you expect any people of spirit or courage, true to themselves, true to tneir nresiues, edge this " higher law uovernmeiu, 10 gnu n men 1 assent can you expect, I say, any brave and heroic j people thus to be untrue to their families and their i firesides, and to the great principles ot eternal ireej dom and self-preservation A voice Never, never ! ! e will preserve those rights; and those who would fail to rise in their defence are deserving of tho exe cration and contempt, not of all mankind only, but of . j every Mcpuuuean who wouiu piace mm i over us. We would deserve to be pitched out of this land into the sea, and drowned in the surf that breaks noon its shores. We would deserve that there should be no further propagation of such a race of cowards. ! silence when we aety uiem 10 answer uie question, j Ours, then, is a position of defence within the bmi units ot the Constitution. c umioiu ys oanuer. c inof the Constitution. We uphold i's banuer. u'iiu m-n-mi r. ... " ": "v i" rights m our common io eminenu .e hsk proiecMion for these rights in our common Irovernment j Nothing more, and, so help me God, we will submit to j nothing less. Applause. ! Now, my fellow citizens, I do not intend to address j you at length to-night I am wearied, having traveled i all night, and having been detained on the way by an I accident on the railroad. I have s)oken four times I this week, and once I had the ,rnnKxlcSty to aldress j an audience four hours. A voice ' Give us four j hours more to-night" I. therefore, have no physical j ability to detain you any kmger to-night I conceive I that yon have; met here to-n.ght not from any special

INR , 'I C USD AY, OCTOBER 9, 1600.

respect to an individual, but that you have recognized me as one earnestly striving to advance the cause of the Constitution; and in that spirit, and in that only, have shown your respect for the cause of the Democracy something that is deserving of that respect for that I most sincerely thank you. I trust that I shall never deserve a want of respect at your hands, or at those of any one else, by proposing aggression on any, or by proposing any measure not in accordiim n-ith a strict construction of the Constitution. A voice What will the South do in the event of Lincoln's election ? Mr- Yancey I don't know what she will do, but this I will say to you I put it to you, my friend. Now, if you live in'a slaveholding State The same voice I do, sir. . -. r . . . ,i 'i, T .1 ' Tl ta Mr. lancev. eii,tuen, it doun jjivwh oiuiwii.. a raid on that State while in the peace of God, and , while in the peace of the countrv, under the peace of j the Constitution that is supposed to protect it if he comes with pike, with musket and bayonet and cannon; if he slaughter an inoffensive people ; if his myrmidons are scattered all over our country, vliere it is supposed rests this institution which is so undatable, inciting our slaves to midnight arson, to midnight murder, and to midnight insurrection against the sparsely scattered white people; if the brotherhood of this nation shall be broken up, and the common citizenship shall be ignored ; if the protection that isJue from every citizen to every other citizen shall bo no longer afforded; if, in the place of it, a wild and blood-thirsty spirit not of revenge, for we have done no wrong to lie revenged but a blood-thirsty spirit of assassination, of murder, and of wrong takes its place, and we find scattered throughout all our borders these people, and we find the midnight skies lighted up by the fires of our dwelling, and the wells from which we hourly drink poisoned by strychnine; and our wives and our children, when we are away at our business, are found murdered bv our hearthstones, my answer, my friend, is in these words: "What would you do?" Loud applause. A voice. I would stop him before he got that far. Mr. Yancey. I believe that the God of liberty, to whom it is our duly at all times to pray he who holds in his hands the very destinies of nations will so turn the hearts of our people that such an event shall not happen. A voice. Amen. Mr. Yancey. For myself, I do hope that in the Northern Sta'tes, which hold this question in their nanus, in some way j " j ill t ie mums OI me people, aim tut-y m i"i' , matter, and present this dire result As for the South,! we are in a minority. We cannot prevent it, however much we desire to do so. The North is now the domZntZSXTtiSry. It has 183 electoral votes to our 120. It is for them to say what is to be ,l,;n wiUnn this f Jovernment. It is not, thank God, for the North to sav what shall be the destiny of, true to ourselves. They are safe, though the Consti-; tution mav be rent asuiAlor. We prefer our protec-, tion and our defence within the lines of the Govern - . - ment of Washington and Jefferson, ami of Hancock, but if it is not given to us xvo fiinw that we have frpndnni within our own breasts. But within this Union, this Union must be preserved by JNorthern votes. , , The issue is now left with the North, and it is ten dered her to save the Union and the Constitution bv common and men the Union. Good. But if they do not preserve the Union ; if they choose to divide it into factions looking after the State spoils, and without reference to the safety of this great country, and this party is elected, and the South is driven to the wall, then let not the North complain if northern commerce, that rests upon .southern industry, becomes destroyed, and they become beggared by the operation. .Mayor of New YorkfaUhgrt Union meet-in-,in which he spoke of commerce and the value of! commerce to the whole country. But I would commend to tho Northern people this idea, which did not . . ..... i. wvi . rv.mm..nn U i buTitislhe i creature of agriculture. Commerce is the mere means of interchanging the commodities which are made by industry, by the agricultural and mechanical arts. It is true that it we mane no surplus mum be no commerce, but still agriculture will exist, and the mechanic arts will exist for our own subsistence. If the South ever undertakes to make other marts than New York, and if the North does not uphold , UIIUC1 ixirv"., JJ mm. " - : this Union, but permits it to be destroyed, tho South ! make her Baltimore, her Norfolk, her intends to Charleston, her Savannah, her Pensacola, her Mobile, and her New Orleans, her marts, llivals, not rivals merely, but substitutes for New York, will rise up all alon'the Southern border. Three hundred and sixteeniinllions of exports ill the last year were all given to Kpw York nnd New England commerce, the coastin" and shipping and foreign trade of the North, and j is, 1 ..u i. i.ot ;i,t ft-jsn nnn noo an "r ' Z n r ui rof Smern in-! dustry. Ths !250,000,0iO a year can maKo commerce at other ports than New York. Let New York see to it, my countrymen. If she loves her commerce and loves her palatial houses and princely merchants, let them see to it that the South driven to the wall, j does not make New Yorks of her Baltimore, Norfolk, 1 Charleston, Savannah, and New Orleans, and g;ass Crow in the streets of New Y-ork. Wc can do without her commercial facilities, but she cannot do with-! out our agricultural labor. We can bring the shippimrof the world to our ports, and make our own I Pippin- to carry away 250 millions of the 316 mil-j lions She cannot sum.lv the 250 millions of our ! Southern labor, if ever she does permit that division ; to take place. I sav, therefore to New York, in no spirit of arrogance and pride, that her commerce, ! while in someespects it may be the handmaid, is the ; creature of Southern industry and Southern wealth, j and, unless she chooses to tike in hand this question, ; she Bo-ton, and Philadelphia, and settle it so as to preserve the benefits of this Union and the Constituion that secures it to her, we will show to the North that we can do without her New York, Boston, and Philadelphia, and make other marts for our industry, while her shipping and her wharves, and her ware-j houses will rot for the want of that industry and sUI-j port The Union is everything to New York, Boston, ! and Philadelphia. The Union is much to the South ; we prefer to have it as it is, and we will deprecate dis- j solution. But if it is dissolved, it shall not be the South who do it. It shall be dissolved by those who are warring on the South, and seeking to destroy the Constitution and destroy the Union that is made by the Constitution. Let Northern men see to it that they preserve that Union, if they want to preserve their commerce, if they wish to preserve their manufactures or power, and if they wish to preserve the South as, the best mart for the sale of their products, the fruits of ther industry and their commerce. If we of the South are driven to support ourselves, we are inuenendent of the world; we have the great peace-maker, King Cotton, within our midst Vociferous applause. ... 't ,'an sunn Iv the looms and manufactories of the world; we can feed ourselves and clothe the world.' Unless these people, therefore, want to go naked,' flauirhter.T and show their nakedness, renewed laugh-1 ter 1 thev had better come and solicit the support of; our cotton planters. Now, then, fellow-citizens, I beg you to excuse me frorn saying anything further, anil for the desultory character of the'remarks I have at this time submitted. I close them bv telling you that the South loves the L'nion, respects the Union, has all respect for the Constitution, and will stand by and preserve that in-

Southern freemen, f" Good," and applause. I hat . aim jei uiey us w wHoM hi our ow n hands. Our prosperity, our safe- submit to its present and perpetual continence, hut 11 our Sos do not depend' upon any vote actually to give direct "aid and comfort" to those who iv, oui HButuuiio " i .., ; u0,. i,,,,n ti, ant lioi-s of all our calamities, lhe:

the. jNortn mav mve in mis. wauei a "'"a i :

Thevcandoit bv a union of all parlies against the . of the States are. AVe should be greatly be e. oil I d

...J-..1 l. T)l..l, l).. , rarti I I iOOf 1 I I' rPSH lOOf. it IS HO 1I1H Uf 1" V 1 1U Ul iMuc uv.v.w

mon enemy, it t ueyuou, ine uuiou m ucv, v f ,i,:a we will be rcioicei to tender our aeknowledg- to the States; am it especially necessary, at this ., .!. ,,.o,i t;m tlmt irp lionld do so. .-Yet. at the same time, we

-r. . .1 . TT: :il l,rtc...n wo InnU-nil fs. to tllR V ' Mi l VjOVeriUIlUIll UUU inui c

ts to our northern oremreu mat iik; uhmw.su . . . , .

strument intact, with all its checks and balances; and the South is now sternly resolved that every other section shall so preserve 'it. The South means to defend that Constitution against all attacks from the Wide Awakes, the sleepy abolitionists, or anybody else. Great applause and laughter. '.

To the Conservative Men of Indiana, The address of the " Union State Central Commit-: tee " of Kentucky, and the "State Executive Com-; niittee"of Louisville, which has just appeared, will,' doubtless, strike the minds of others as it docs my own, as beinff of a character not a little extraordinary. It is a sort of advisory proclamation " to the conservative men of Indiana," which our Kentucky friends felt it - - - - . . ..,..,.., ' :!, , ,i then - duty to isst e n oruer rJT; us to vote for the. Democratic fetate ticket on luesday next. It is direct intervention with our domestic affairs to manage which, in our own way, they ought to suppose us fully capable. I feel it my" duty" as oue of the persons addressed, and as a citizen of the State, to say to the people of the State a few words in response to it. Those of us, who are especially addressed, are con servatives, and the leading feature of our conservatism ; consists in the fact that we have firmly maintained the j right and duty of each State to manage its own domestic affairs iu its own way, without interference by the citizens of other States. This we have supposed to be essential to the security of the slave property of the South, and with that view it has been a cherished doctrine with us. But if worth anything, it is of reciprocal obligation, and should require of others, for i whose benefit we have adhered to it, that the policy of our own State should be managed by ourselves ! alone. This address says that our approaching State election has a nutioMtl importance, and therefore, that these Committees may, with 'propriety, take cogni-; zance of it. But suppose our people, in return, should j sav that the perpetuation of slavery in Kentucky is of; national concern, and for that reason they intend to ! interfere in the Kentucky election, and send into that State inflammatory appeals against slavery and in fa- j -..m. nf iu abolition, and all that sort of thins what! then? What would these Committees say to that? And yet the cases are precisely parallel. These "entlemen are fiom the State where the ashes of Mr. C'Tay repose, and I know they admired him when living, and venerate his memory, no less than , - thov now advise us, who have been the .-, - - ---- 7 .. . - n , c 4 -,... f ii ,Qt ,fe-, me defenders of his .ff'0 i have said and done for thirty y ear o. ,Rlv our votes to his life-time enemies and def.inieis. lhcy ( cannot tail to know with wha " cracy has pressed .upon the State loi .ea s and t he condition into which it lias orougi.t us, anu now io..u and manfully we have strti 'led to throw off the load; mouve wmc . couiu u.o...,, .;"";' I t hem to be, to give such adMce, must be strong in-, deed - ; . . , ',. nc sn,n 1 . They say, ' It may be in itself " f importance who is uurauw ui '""'j ' ". State, kc" Not so. as I think. Une ot the great ovils of the times is. that attention to National politics has destroyed the dignity and lessened the importance j of the State governments. I he notion is tartoocomvmn tlmt if wi. can have this. that, or the other man have most important duties to perform towards both And all will asjree that it is our duty to see that we do not consent that our State shall be continued in its downward career unless we can find compensation for the. calamity in contributing toward the greater good of the Union. If the Union were really in danger,and we could save it by voting for anybody, it would b,. well to do so. endure the evil for a time, and then; make an effort to throw it off. We may well bear present ills with Philosophy,4f we ffel .conBdence that they will produce good results 1 cieat er I do not doubt that our Kentucky friends think it i. in danger, lor, certainly, nothing shor to! : th sole onnKtmn could prompt them to advise us as they have. I differ with them, and hare no fears whater of its permanency if the people will onlv take the Government into their own hands lor a wnue. It is said that the threats of disunion in a few Southern States, in the event of Mr. Lincoln's election, is sufficient cause for so great an alarm on our part as ., . ill 1JV.:. ..w Qfitn irtln! that We SI10U1U give up me unana ui uui ucikv. ....v. the hands of the men who helped these disunionists - f . j T f mt m to grow to tneir presein power, l''"" V" ' V; tion upon the idea that they actt Union. If we submit so openly and directly to such I all thereby "make them available ; capital for factionists and demagogues always hereaf-, ter. How are they to dissolve the Union? That is the practical question. In the first place, there are , only two States at the most three, which have avowed "the purpose to do so. The ground of their avowal , is, that they have the right to secede from the Union, and that is the end of it. It is tho South Carolina doctrine of 1832-33. Do our Kentucky friends con ceue mat uiey naL- u.. 1 - "i Then if they have not, how are they . ad.olve t he Union-w.th all the other S.a es against then , as they , will most certainly be. 1 he thing is impnssib.e, ami, ; in my judgment, it is unwise to concede to the secrsi what they now ask, and what these two Committees, seem disposed to yield, for if wc do, we have, to that extent, recognized their right to secede the existence of which, I most emphatically deny. But what propriety is there in giving way to these , disunionists, on the ground that . they will break up the Government if Lincoln is elected, when then- cand,date was nominated by a Convention as sectional a that at Chicago f Have they the exclusive right to be sec- j tional? The plain truth is that ovn true posiUon j midway between the extreme parties, turning neither j to the right or left, in obed.ence either to their threats , or dictation, but pursuing our own course in defence j of the Union. W e should repudiate sectionalism at both extremes, and more than all, arc wc bound o frown upon every attempt at secession. Ye should : make no concessions to its treasonable spirit. . Wc are asked to vote so as to defeat Mr Lincoln , that is, to abandon our own principles and policy to. effect a negative result. This concedes that our po.icy , is not worth preserving, but that we can lay down our j principles and take them up again as we do our hats j and coats. The reason assigned is, that it we do not ; a fe w Southern States will secede. I cannot recog- j nize such a reason as controlling my actions, tor two reasons: nrst, I don t peneve mat me eopic m uium- , States wish to secede, and second, I do not recognize their right to.do so if they did wish it. But it is said that " Bell and Everett will carry l nearly the whole of the Southern States." I hope so. ' But stinnose this calculation should fail, and the in-! creasing weakness of Douglas should consolidate the, Democratic vote of those States upon Breckinridge j what then? Although, in that event, Lincoln, Belli ami Dra-Munic wuum m mv "u-, ..n c.i.jDooy Knows mat uie iiouse couiu noi eieci, uiu Lane would bf President, for the Senate would not hesitate an hour between bim and Hamlin. That result would be a complete triumph of the very pisrxiox element which our Kentucky friends dread so much. How would they like that ? But if it is certain that Bell will carry 44 nearly the whole of the Southern States," it is because they are opposed to disunion, for no disunionist can vote for nun. And ii "nearly the wiioie ot the southern States" are opposed to di-union, the threat to secede and break up the Union is idle and absolutely childish: for how can a few disappointed politicians break up the Union Bgainst the wishes of" nearly th whole 1 of the Southern States?

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NO. 36.

No man who votes for Bell considers the election of Lincoln cause for disunion. Hence, if "nearly the whole of the Southern States" vote for him, those who do so consider it, are largely in the minority; and that ends the controversy, for it leaves " nearly the whole South for the Union in any event. ; . -Then, if a few-Southern States have no right to secede ; if, " nearly the whole" South is against disunion ; if those who are running one sectional candidate could find no decent apology tor breaking up the Union in consequence of the success of another sectional candidate ; if it is wrong to make concession to treasonable threats of disunion ; if by making such concessions wc should foster and not crush the treasonwhy should we, who havo stood so long midway between the extremes, battling against both, and for our own principles of conservatism, break our lines all at once, admit that there is no merit in our own organization, and go over to an obnoxious and ancient adversary to be so completely absorbed as to have no distinct name or place hereafter ? Such an act would be without palliation or apology. . , . Our Kentucky friends should recollect that in their State the Douglas element is too weak to stand np by itself, and make fight against anybody. Its conscious imbecility causes it to look around for some ally by whose aid is can inflict a wound upon Mr. Breckinridge and his friends, while its malice and desperation prompt it to strike with any weapon that may be at nan(evcn though it may be the " bloody weapon of Know-Nothiimism," as they have so often called it. And if our friends there can make this clement useful by absolving it into themselves and inducing it to come to their support, it is all well enough. They may thus destrov it, and thereby make themselves stronger But in our'State we are the weaker element, and if we show that we are as ready, from any cause, to lay down our principles, and disregard the professions of our whole lives, as the Douglas men of Kentucky have done, and go over to them, we are the party to be alisorhed. The stronger may absorb the weaker in Kentucky but can the weaker absorb (he stronger here ? Hence, to mv mind, it is clear that this is a question ot life anil death with conservatism in Indiana. We have stood firmly and manfully for a long time yielding nothing to the defiance of either of our adversaries because wc thought our friends in the slare States needed our assistance in rebuking alike the slavery agitators of both North and South. But now all at once as suddenly as it we were surprised by a flash of lightning from a clear sky these same friends, for whose benefit we have so firmly maintained our stand, counsel us to give way, disperse and demoralize our little army, and openly acknowledge before the world, what we have been all along proclaiming, to justify our separate existence as a party, is "mere 'leather and prunella." They have certainly yielded too readily to a sudden impulse a frequent fault of the most generous natures. But,upon second thought, they cannot fail to see that when they have thus destroyed our conservatism, we shall have left no check to the' unlicensed war of factions, and the eye of Omniscience alone can sec the result This picture is not overwrought. We profess to believe, and have constantly declared that the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was the cause of the renewal of slavery agitation after the Compromise of 1850, and that i't was the means of giving increased strength to the Republican party. This was the ground upon which we justified our organization and the establishment of the Constitutional Union party, as set forth bv those who inaugurated the movement. In the last address which was issued by our Central Executive Committee at AVashington, in August last, it is repeated in strong and emphatic terms. And acting upon this idea, wc declared in our last State Convention that we would fuse with neither of the other parties. Mr. Douglas is the author of this repeal. It was his hand that struck down a" canonized " compromise, and opened again the flood-gates of passion, and we are now asked to reward him by our confidence and votes for the act. More than that, Mr. Hendricks voted with him to repeal the Missouri Compromise, and we are asked to vote for him, also, to wipe out, with a single ballot, every word that we have said in condemnation of the act, stultify ourselves, and give both office and adulation to the author of all the mischief. I esteem Mr. Douglas and Mr. Hendricks very highly, and would read ly defend either of them, as. I have done more than once, against inmerited assault. I would go as far as any man living to oblige our friends of Kentucky, but it impossible for me to consent that the honor of our little party may be tarnished. As it has always prized its honor more than office, I am unwilling, 'for one, to barter it away now, for the mere promise' of success, which may turn out to be delusive. If our party ever shall prevail, I desire to see it do so by virtue of its principles, and not by becoming the ally of Democracy and the authors of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. If its principles are worth anything they are worth maintaining " through good arid through'evil report." If they are not, let us say so at once, and openly renounce them, at the bidding of our Kentucky friends, and go light over to one or the other of the sectional parties, and help along the agitation of the slavery question and the work of dissolution. That would be the inevitable effect, though I know they are the last men in the world to advise such a course if they could foresee the result Their zeal has outstripped their judgment. Suppose we vote for Mr. Hendricks, and our voles are necessary to elect him, what is gained by it ? It would not give Douglas the State unless we should vote directly or Ami, as our Kentucky friends desire us to do. 'We shall then have given to Democracy a perpetual existence in the State, and have bestowed our highest ollice upon a gentlemen who voted 1o repeal the Missouri Compromise ; and then, if after all, , Lincoln shall carry the State, we shall have the consolation of knowing that we arc just in a condition to be laughed at, and to feel that we have acted like children who have been tempted by a mere bauble to plav the truant. Everybody mut sec that it will do Douglas no good in this State merely to vote for Hendricks. We will have to vote for him, too, to effect the object desired by our kind friends in Kentucky. Can we do that with honor ? We have some men in our ranks who have been Democrats, and who have acted with that party, who can do so without feeling anycompunction. But if any of those who have been Whigs from honest conviction can do so, they and I have not learned Whiggery alike. I will not do it if every other man in the Slate does. I helped to nominate Mr. Bell, and shall vote for him. and nobody else. Now, if all the Bell men in the State do so, Douglas will have just as many vo'.es, whether Hendricks or Lane is elected Governor. To help our Kentucky friends, therefore, we must vote for Hendricks and Douglas both. Supjiosc we vote for Lane, and he is thereby elected. What do we gain ? It does not necessarily contribute anything towards Lincoln's carrying the State unless wc vote for him too. If we are all for Bell, and nobody else, as I am, we shall not vote for Lincoln, and therefore, the Presidential vote will not be affected by our vote for Governor that is, if we all stick to Bell for President, the vote of the State in November will not be changed by our vote tor Governor. The idea of iu being 'changed contemplates that we are to abandon Bell, which I am unwilling to do. But we do ffain something bv Lane's election, in mv judgment, and, therefore, I shall vote tor him. He is"an Old HViV, educated in the faith as taught by Henrv ( lav. He and I have fought so many Whig battle's together, that I think I Know all the impulses and inclinations of his mind. His election, therefore, will, upon all the is;.ues of the old jiaitjes, revive the pirit of Whitj'jrry. for which I have been all the tune, laboring. That will be something gained. But it is said that Lane advocates the llmot ; troviso. That's true, but it is an abstraction, and tbe Democratic Senate can keep it from being passed dutin Lincoln's administration, if he should be elected. The present stitus of slavery cannot be changed durinrr the next four years. Hence, there is no necessHy for" the Proviso. N"obodv supposes it possible for slaverv to go to Tike's Peak'- Besides. Mr. Hendricks ad-