Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 35, Indianapolis, Marion County, 6 October 1860 — Page 2

lo.i" enough, awl must postpone to another opportunity discussion of the points of controversy between the dissident divisions of the Democratic party, ami the relative claims and pretensions, personal and political, of Mr. Breckinridge and Mr. Douglaf. Upon that class of topics let mc say one thing, however, and that is to repel with indignation and scorn the false and calumnious charge that Mr. Breckinridge and lus supporters are disunionists, and that his cause is the cause of disunion. The attempt in certain quarters to throw discredit on the supporters and the cause of Mr. Breckinridge by reason of any expressions of Mr. Yancev, is uncandid and unjust as wards. Mr. Yancev, and odious and cqntcmptible as respects Mr. Breckinridge. Mr. Gaulden, of Georgia, was one of the most clamorous friends of Mr.. Douclas at Charleston and Baltimore, and his theme -was not squatter sovereignty, but the beauties of the foreign slave trade. Mr. Alexander II. Stephens, the most conspicuous friend of Mr. Douglas, in a speech made not long since, also advocated the re-opening of the slave trade. Mr. Soule, the eloquent advocate of Mr. Douglas in Louisiana, was the ally and companion of Walker in Nicaragua. Mr. II. V. Johnson, the Vice Presidential candidate with Mr. Douglas, has spoken of the possible consequences of the election of a Republican President in quite as definite terms as , Mr. Yancey. Shall we, therefore, say that Mr. Douglas and his friends are slave-traders, buccaneers, and disunionists? We might well do so, with as much cause and as little decency as Mr. Douglas and his friends impute disunionism to Mr. Breckinridge. To the contrary of this, the election of Mr. Breckinridge would be "the true and sure means of perpetuating" the Union; for his election, and that only, would tranquilize the Southern States, and dispel every image of dissension or secession : whilst, if he be not elected, no man is wise enough to answer for the future, and the conspicuous advocates of Mr. Breckinridge, Mr. Bell, and Mr. Douglas, at 'the' South, all : concur in predicting the worst effect from the elec-. tioa of Mr. Lincoln. Let us not deceive ourselves nor each other. The nominal or apparent issue before the country is of certain temporary and subordinate accident of slave labor, such as fugitive laws, territorial provisos or jurisdiction, rights of transit, and sectiomd or class jealousies; but the true and real question is of the continued existence of slave labor itself. You know how it is with organized anti-slavery societies, in which Messrs, Garrison, Phillips, Wright, and the other men of that school figure; they avowedly attack slave labor, not like so many insincere party agitators, in the Territories where it is not, but in the States where it is; and, seeing that there the constitutional rights of the States protect it, they move towards the Suites through assault on the Constitution. They speak and they mean revolution. You know there is another school of anti-slavery men, like Mr. Genii; Smith and Mr. Spooner, who have studied the Constitution through anti-slavery spectacles until they cannot see the States, or tlit'ir original sovereignty, or their reserved powers, or the limited and special field in which the Federal Gov-. eminent acts. They also speak and purpose attack on slavery in the Stales by means revolutionary in fact, though not so, perhaps, in conscious intention. Tiien how is it with such men political men as Mr. Sumner. Mr. Wilson, Mr. Burlingame, and Sir. Andrew, of Massachusetts; Mr. Fcsseuden and Mr. Hamlin, of Maine; Mr. Lovcjoy, of Illinois; Mr. Wade and Mr. Giddings, of Ohio? Is all their passion against slave labor to be regarded as nothing hut

fancy eloquence, college acclamation, moot court disputation; in a word, as mere fustian and rant? By no means. Mr. Sumner, tor instance, dedicates himself to war on a certain incident of human society, enforced labor, which has existed in all countries and all ages, just as inequality of property has existed. Would he not, if he could, abolish that incident? Surely. He has not yet stated how he thinks that is to be done. It is a ready and complete answer to all he says, thai, being a legislator with ower to introduce bills, he practically admits the fallacy or imfractieab;lity of all his views by not introducing a )ill on the subject. It was thus that Victor- Hugo, Eugene Sue, Proudhon, and all the other socialistic labor-theorists of France, were answered and silenced in the French Assembly. They were called upon, nay, taunted and defied to put their "glittering generalities" into a bill, and could not. Mr Sumner may push his political theories as they did theirs, to the consummation of a nation's revolutionary convulsion and overthrow. But that he, and other members of Congress like him, whose chief speech consists in exaggerations of the evils, real or imaginary, of slave labor, really propose to themselves and seek its abolition, though they know not how it were uncandid to deny or doubt. And we do not find that their followers, the multitude who plunge on without reflecting whither or how they a v. to go, diminish in numbers or zeal. On the cont ary, in considering the selection of Mr. Andrew as the' successor of Mr. Banks herein Massachusetts, we have seen not only how completely the sincere members of the Republican party have gained the upper hand of the insincere ones, but how completely, also, the aggressive elcmen's have mastered the conservative ones, and with relentless and half-contemptuous will sent them to the rear, there to march and work in humble submission. It matters not, therefore what the conservative men of the Republican party think; still less does it matter what is thought by the mere time-serving party calculators, who hypocritically profess negro worship when they mean place and office; the motive power of the party, the locomotive engine of its train, is in the hands of anti-slavery zealots; anti-slavery passions are the fire and steam of the machine; (he multitude are but passengers in the cars; and whithersoever the engine goes, though madmen be its engineers, the mass will have to follow, even into the jaws of inevitable death and destruction. Therefore, I say, the real issue before the country is of the continued existence of slave labor within the States. All the conspicuous current party issues, and especially the several Territorial questions, are but the timid touches of men at a great thing, which they have not the manliness boldly to grasp and handle. And tiie Republican party has been conceived, born, and nurtured into strength in order, if possible, to force or seduce the Federal Government into abolitionism, or else the Republican party is a monstrous and ridiculous abortion, a gigantic falsehood, swindle, and fraud. And I re-assert, confidently, if Mr. Lincoln is elected, the Republicans will have to burst upatmce, or to attack the domestic rights of the States. What, then, will people of the Southern States, attacked in their constitutional rights, their dome stic peace, their property, and their persons do? What will they do? Will Ihev passively submit to be the conquered subjects of New England? No! I do not hope or fear, believe or doubt, what they will do I know; they will defend themselves to the utterance, first with constitutional means, and then, if necessary, with extra-constitutional means; in fine, with all the mPinj of defense which God and naiire have committed to them; and if they were not to do it, they would be recreant to the blood of Washington, (if Henry, of Carroll, of Rutledge; they would be unworthy the name of Americans. Let all those among us who, in the blind zeal of stupid negro-worship, would thus drive the Southern Slates into revolution, go on; but let' all truly pood men, all patriotic men. a'l thoughtful and peaceful men, rallv to the sacred standard of the Constitution and the Union. The Bargain and Sale between the Bell and Douglas Men of Kentucky. The Louisville Courier says: "We have hea--d upon what we deem good authority, that "a Convcnion of Douglas Squatters and Bellgerines is to be held at I.rxinrtnn or Frankfo "t, in a few davt, for Ire purjose of ar.-anging an electoral ticket that will be mutually acceptable to both wing of the Opposition in this Stat." 'The arrangement for the fusion between the Know-Nothinjf and Squatter Sovereign leader, we understand, are pnogressinp as well a could be expected. We speak of the fusion between the Under, because we know the masses of these parties, the honest voters, will not dishonor themselves by consenting to be used as the weak, willing, unthinking tool of the few men who impudently presume to trade them off at their will and pleasure."

TIIE OLD LINE GUARD

A. 15. CAItLTON . WILLIAM CULL ICV j EDITORS. SATUKDAY, . , . OCTOBER 6. National Democratic Ticket. FOR PRKSIDKNT, JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, ;:' :;-' OF KENTUCKY. .- : FO BV I C E P H K S U E NT, JOSEPH LANE, OF OIUCGON. ELECTORS FOR TIIE STATE AT LARGE: ' James Morrison, of Marion. Delana R. Eckels, of Putnam. DISTRICT ELECTORS. Is District Dr. G. G. Barton, of Daviess County, 2d 3d 4th' 5th Cth 7th; 8th 9th 10th 11th Dr. William F. Sherrod, of Orange. David Sheeks, of Monroe. Ethelbert C. Ilibben, of Rush. Samuel Orr, of Delaware. Franklin Hardin, of Johnson. James A. Scott, of Putnam. Col. William M. Jenners, of Tippecanoe. James Bradley, of Laporte. Robert Breckinridge, jr., of Allen. John R. CollVoth, of Huntington. STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. 1st District J. B. Gardner, ! 2d Levi Sparks, 3d 1th 5th 6 th Geo. II. Kvle. Dr. B. F.Mullen, Alex. White, John R. Elder. James M. Tomlinson, Julius Nicolai, James Johnson, James M. Oliver, Thomas Wood, Thomas D. Lemon, G. F. R. Wadleiah, Dr. E. B. Thomas, W. II. TALBOTT, Chairman. 7th 8 th 0th 10th 11th .FOB COXGUKSS, SEVENTH DISTRICT, JAMES A. SCOTT, of Putnam. FOK S-TATE HEX A TO tt KOIt THE COUXTIES OF SULLIVAN AND VKiO, WILLIAM N. HUMPHREYS. , National Democratic Rallies 1 I Hon. I). It. ECKELS, and 1 Hon. J. A. SCOTT, Will address the National Democracy at the following . times and places : On Friday, October 5th, at Mt. Meridian, at two 'o'clock P.M. On Friday, October 5th, at Fillmore, at night. On Saturday, October Cth, at Carpentersville, at two o'clock P. M. On Saturday, October Cth, at B ainbridge, at night. On Monday, October 8th, at New Maysville, at two o'clock, P. M. '...- ! On Monday, October 8th, at Center School House, ' Floyd township, at night. i . Every true. Democrat is invited to be present, I Rally, friends of Bbeckixridgk and Lane, and hear the principles of the true Democracy vindicated. Hon. J. D. Bright. WILL ADDRESS HIS FELLOW-CITIZENS, At PARIS, Jennings county, on Friday, Oct. 5, at 1 o'clock, P. JI. At LEXINGTON, Scott county, on Saturday, Oct. 0, at 1 o'clock, P. M. ; At NEW WASHINGTON, on Saturday, Oct. G, at 7 o'clock, P. M., On the political questions of the day. Turn out, Democrats. 85" Mr.' Coffroth, being suddenly called away on pressing business, did not fill his appointment at this place last night, lie will speak here sometime before the Presidential election : and of which notice will be given.'. Hear the President of the Charleston Convention!, We publish to-day a speech from the Hon. Caleb Ccsh'ixg, who presided at the Chaileston Convention, and who had the best opportunity to observe all the proceedings of that body. Let our readers peruse only two or three paragraphs of this speech, commencing at the beginning, and then we will be sure that they will go to the end of it. Whatever tomes from the tongue or pen of Caleb Cushixg cannot be passed over, or laid aside, without doing violence to genius and eloquence of the highest order. !.,. Death of Governor Willard. We are extremely pained to hear that our much beloved Chief Magistrate died on Thursday evening, at St. Paul, Miunesota, whither he had gone for the j benefit of his health. This sad intelligence, we doubt i not, will be received with universal regret. Wherever j Governor n iflard was known, his noble traits ot char acter will be long remembered. ; The Germans in New-York. "T The withdrawal of Oswald Ottendorfer, editor of the Slants Zeitung, the German Democratic organ in New York city, from the Douglas electoral ticket, has created quite a fluttering among the Douglas managers. Air. Ottendorfer declines to serve because the Douglas State committee will not give a pledge that all the electoi-s nominated on the ticket are, in the event of their election, to vote for Douglas. The committee dare not give this pledge for fear of offending their Know Nothing allies, and Mr. O., as the representa- ' tive of the German clement of the Douglas party, declines to afhliate with the supporters of Bell and Everett, denounces the ticket as un-Democratic, and dcclares that the Germans will be obliged to look else- ! where for a ticket more in consonance with their views. This withdrawal of Mr. Ottendorfer bodes no good to the squatter cause, and will probably result in an increased vote for the Breckinridge and Lane Electoral ticket in New York city. The Germans cannot consistently support Lincoln, and a large pno- ' portion of them will no doubt finally arrive at the conclusion that the best representative of their sentiments is John C. Bbeckixridoe. There is no reason why ' they should not. The Democratic party has always ', defended the rights of our naturalized citizens against the coniliined attacks of Know Nothingism and Fedcr" . alism, and that party has never had a more noble rep- ' nentiTe than the gallant young; Kentnckian.

The Dictation of the Kentucky Bell Central Committee to the Indianians, Ohioans and Pennsylvanians. ' We see that the Circular of the Bell Central Committee of Kentucky, addressed lo " the Conservative Men of Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania," dictating to tho people, of these States how they shall vote at the Shite elections on the ninth day of. October for State officers, is going the rounds of the Douglas press,froni the State Sentinel down to tho most humble echo in its wake. " These elections," says this Circular, " are certain to have a most powerful bearing upon the result of the Presidential election," and therefore, "in this yie withe Bell Committee of Kentuekyare not less deeply interested in the action of these States than their own citizens." The Circular then goes on to say that " It has been proved, we think, to the satisfaction of all observing men, that Bell and Everett will curry nearly the whole of the Southern Stales in the Presidential election. There are but two or three Southern

! States that, in our opinion, are likely to go for any other candidate. 11 tho election shall devolve on the House of Representatives, Mr. Bell, we are confident, will go there as one of the two highest in the electoral colleges. Moreover, we are confident that the House of Representatives would make him President. We readily admit that the election of a truly national President by the people would be preferable to his election by the House ot Representatives, yet we believe that all true aud good men will agree with us that the election of a national President by the House would be infinitely better than tho election of a sectional candidate by the people.., -This latter result would most assuredly be a most deplorable national calamity." . ' Here it will be seen that this Kentucky Committee are confident that " Bell and Everett will carry nearly the whole of the Southern States;" that " the election will devolve on the House of Representatives," anil that " the House will mr,le him President .'" All this the Stale Sentnel, New Albany Ledger, and the other Douglas papers, publish without a word of dissent. They must, therefore, be equally as " confident" in this hope of Bell's election, as the Bell Committee of Kentucky ; and yet while they thus virtually admit that there is no chance for Douglas' election, they still keep the little Sucker's name at the, head of their col umns! Are they not, then, playing into the hands of John Bell? We ask tho honest men of the Democratic party of Indiana to look at this matter, and think about it. We ask all. that large crowd of people who came up to Indianapolis on the 28th of September to ratify Douglas' nomination, under tho delusion that he was the regular nominee of the Democraric National Convention, to reflect upon it. Are they willing to be led blindfolded into the Know-Nothing camp of John Bell, and to be sold to him like cattle in the market f Let them beware 1 What is the object of this Circular of the Kentucky Central Committee? Why, it is to induce the Bell men of Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania to vote for the Douglas State officers, a quid pro quo to the Douglas men in the Southern States to vote for Bell as President ! The "bargain and safe", papers were probably signed, sealed and delivered in Louisville on the 29th ult., the day when Douglas was there. General Combs, the Know-Nothing Clerk of the Court of Appeals of Kentucky, for whom the Douglas men voted at the last State election, and wdio was received on Tuesday last with remarkable ceremony by the members of the Douglas Cential Committee of Indiana, and conducted, with a flourish of drums, to the Douglas head quarters in. Indianapolis, is, probably, the agent and attorney for tho high contracting parties. General Combs, said tho Sentinel, "was accompanied to his rooms at the Palmer House by a number of friends, and was called upon during the evening by many persons." He made a speech at the State House the same evening, in which ho strongly appealed to the Bell men, in accordance with the terms of tho bargain and sale at Louisville, to support the Douglas State ticket in Indiana. Great was the rejoicing thereupon, on the part of the Douglas leaders and such of the candidates for State officers as were present ; but the rejoicing was hot so remarkable on the part of the more independent men of the Bell party in Indiana, who had been sold out by this Louisville compact. Some of them could not see what they were to gain by the terms and conditions of the bargain and sale; but, to make it go down with the refractory portion of Bell men, they were invited, after the adjournment of the meeting, to the Douglas head quarters, where the wine bottles, if not stronger ones, were briskly plied, and a grand feast enjoyed. All participated freely on this occasion; but whether the Bell men will hereafter get anything in Indiana but the bones to pick, does not appear to some of the sharper ones very satisfactory or encouraging. One of the members of the Bell Executive Committee has kicked against the sale, and so has Davis, the Bell candidate for Congress in the Second District ; and we understand that the great embodiment of the B 11 party, familiarly known to almost every politician under the name of Dick Thompson, is about lo speak against it at New Albany and other places, as he did recently at Jeffersonville.' . ... Now, if the independent and better class of men in the Bell party for there are always some better than others in all parties are too honest and too manly to suffer themselves to be thus traded and trafficked off by the corrupt leaders of the Douglas and Bell parties, can the equally honest and better class of men amongst those who participated in the Douglas demonstration of the 28th September can they ratify this bargain and sale, by which it is designed to make John Bell their President V Can they stoop to play second fddle to the Know-Nothings, and accept a Governor and other State officers in exchange for the Presidency of the United States? The Douglas flag no longer waves in Kentucky. The Douglas electoral ticket is no more heard of there. Both have been struck down by the conditions of this bargain and sale. And such will be the ease in all the Southern States, where Douglas has never had more than a corporal's guard. The great contest in all thoe Democratic States is between BueckixltirE and Bell; and, notwithstanding the prediction of this Louisville circular, Breckixridge will carry the South. What, then, is the use of keeping up the Douglas flag in Indiana, or in any of the free States, which, it is now admitted by the Kentucky Committee, whose manifesto appears in the Douglas papers without dissent, will mostly go for Lincoln ? AA'hat is the use of keeping np or voting for a candidate, whose editors thus virtually admit cannot possibly obtain a single electoral vote North or South? Talk of Douglas as a conservative candidate for the Presidency ! There never wa a conservative elected to the Presidency in this country, aud there never will be. The great political parties have no fondness for hdf-tcoy candidates they want either a Democrat or an anti-Democrat to rule over them. A conservative candidate for President (William C. Rives, of Virginia.) was tried in 18i, and he did not get a single electoral vote in the whole Union; and such will be the fate of Douglas in 18C0. Let, then, the Democracr of Iadinna unite and rallv. before it i too

late, upon John C. Bheckinriih;k and Joseph

Lane, the only National Democratic candidates for "President and Vice President now before the country, and the only ones who can be elected either by the electoral colleges or by Congress. Let the Democracy rally upon these tsue and honest men, and thus set their seal of condemnation upon the articles of bargain and sale by which the Douglas leaders have agreed to transfer them over to tho Know-Nothing faction. The choice is now between Breckinridge, Bell and Lincoln. Can Democrats hesitate to choose between them ? '; Douglas, it is virtually admitted by the State Sentinel, is now only a decoy duck. TheStatejricketBreckinridge and Lane Act for Himself, and do as he pleases. We insert, in another column, a communication from an old and highly respected Democrat, signed X. Y., in relation to the State ticket. The writer of it was on the Fair Ground, on the 28th of September, at tho time Douglas and Johnson made speeches. He 1 heard the violent and outrageous epithets which the ' Illinois demagogue and Georgia aristocrat applied to Breckinridge and his friends in Indiana. He heard the names of "disunionists," " secessionists," " bolters," and " traitors," applied to as sound Democrats and as strong supporters of the Union as ever the sun shone on. He saw the leading friends of the Douglas State ticket applauding and cheering those vile epithets. His indignation was aroused by such abuse and such conduct on the part of Douglas and Johnson, and their drill sergeants in Indiana. And it is natural, when an honest and sensitive man writes under outraged feelings, to turn upon his defatuers in a retaliatory spirit. Although we sympathize with the author ! of this communication, in the deepest recesses of our heart although we would go as far as him to hurl back those vile epithets upon the calumniators who uttered them, to whom they more justly apply although we shall rejoice to see the defeat of every candidate on the Douglas State ticket who cheered and shouted when those villainous words were usedstill we cannot go so far as him, in voting for the Lincoln State ticket. It is true, we have no Breckinridge State ticket in the field it is true that there is, at all times, a choice of evils it is true that the tendency of both the Douglas and Lincoln factions is to foment sectional heart-burnings, and to deprive the South, either through Congress or Territorial Legislatures, of her Constitutional rights, and thus goad her to extreme measures in self defense, still, we cannot, and ought not to forget that we occupy the true ground of Democratic principle in this contest, so far as the Presidency is concerned; and our course should be such as to satisfy the world that we are governed by principle I alone. Now, we submit the question to our old friend, the author of this communication how will it look for the friends of Bkeckinkidge and Lane to be seen at the polls, on the 9th of October, with Republican State tickets in their hands ? Will it not give rise to the suspicion, in the minds of many of our Democratic friends, who did not hear the abuse complained of on the 28th, and whose feelings, consequently, were not so much shocked as were those of the writer of this communication, that we are governed more by personal animosity than by sound principle ? We now stand upon constitutional ground we are connected with the only national organization of the Democratic party now in existence--we have every prospect of becoming, in 1864, the successful party, if we do not succeed at this election and, therefore, would it not be better to keep aloof from the State tickets of both branches of tho opposition ? We have nothing to gain from the election of either one of them. The Republicans, it is true, have not abused us in the same vindictive manner as Douglas and Johnfon, and their " canip-.'ollowers, " have done ; but what more have we to expect from Lincoln men, if they should elect their Slate officers, than we would receive from the Douglas men ? The power and influence of the State government will be brought to bear against our organization for the next four years, let the election, on the ninth day of October, result as it may. We should bear in mind, too, that wdiile the Republi" can party is aprmnenone,tho Douglas organization is only temporary, and that with his defeat at the coming election, his forces will disband, and the great body of honest men among them will unite with the Breckinridge men, who will form the only Democratic party. The November election will finish Douglas' career wi'h the Democracy; and with his defeat, his followers will see that he is not; the man they have taken him for. They will then return to the true Democratic fold. Let us, then, stand by our National platform keep up our National organization and let the State election go by default. Our friends abroad in every State of the Union wilj then place confidence in us, as Democrats tried in the crucible, and whether successful or not in November next, wc shall be regarded as the true blues in every part of the Union, and our delegates will be received in the National Democratic Convention of 1864 as representatives of the only Democratic organization in Indiana. Let, us then, not only stand by our guns, but by our National cause; and let both t he Douglas men and the Lincoln men do their own fighting and their own voting at the State election. But we speak for ourselves alone. Let every friend ot Breckinridge and Lane act for himself and do as he pleases! But after the November election, let us carry out our organization so as to embrace not only a State ticket, but county and town tickets in every part of Indiana. With such an organization, we will defy all opposition. " What will the South Do if Abraham Lincoln is Elected ? " Hear Herschel Y. Johnson's Home Organ! The saloon candidate for Vice President, when in Indianapolis, and in other Northern cities, was very ! flippant in his denunciation of the disunionists of the ; South, who, he taid, support Breckinridge. He! ! was very severe upon all Breckinridge's friends in Indiana, whom he also denounced as " disunionistt," " bolters," " secessionists," et cetera. Now, let us look 1 at the tone and language of his home organ in Georgia, and see on what ground it stands in relation to the t Union. The Atlanta Confederacy," one of the two, papers in that State which hoist the Douglas and! Johnson fla", published the following article a few days before the saloon candidate started on his trip to the North. Democrats! friends of the Union! read it: I "AVhat will tiie Socth Do ir Adraham Lix- . colx is Elected Presidext? AVe answer this 'interrogatory by simplv stating that the South uiU ' never permit Abraham Lincoln to be inattgurated Pres- ' ident of the United State. This is a settled and sealed . fact. It is the determination of all parties of the South, j And let the consequences be what they may whether ' the Potomac is crintsoned in human gore, and Pennsyl1 van in Avenue is pared ten fathoms in depth with hu- ' man belie, or whether the lat rislige of liberty in

swept from the face of the American continent, ine South, tho loyal South, the Constitutional South, will never submit to such humiliation and degradation as the inauguration of Abraham Lincoln." With what face, then, can the saloon caudidate for Vice President charge the friends of Breckinridge in Indiana as being "disunionists?" Why, with his Northern face, of course, for that is all brass. Wa should like to know if Johnson, himself, did not write or dictate tho above article, before he left home. It sounds very much like him. It corresponds with his dogmatical style as well as his vindictive spirit, as

manifested in the following passages in his speech on the 28th ult.: : ;,' " Can you expect our Southern brethren to be satisfied if you permit it the Government to go into uie nanus 01 a northern sectional party, to be administered upon Northern sectional principles? I have a right to demand that vou will stand by me. You must "begin at the constable of your magistrate's district, and go up to the chief magistracy, and plant your foot upon everu man's neck- who dares lo sail thtitrhe will interfere with slavery anywhere." Yet this rank and bitter disunionist this overbearing aristocrat, whose speech breathed, in almost every word, the most ultra spirit of hostility to the inaugura tion of Lincoln in case he should be elected President, had the audacity to denounce Breckinridge and his friends as " disunionists," " secessionists," " bolters," &e. Could impudence go further ? The Douglas and K.-N. Fusion. Dr. Mullen, in his Breckinridge speech to the Douglas crowd at Fifih-stree Market-space, in Cincinnati, on Thursday night, was very severe in his denunciation of what he cailed the. Douglas fusion wkh the Know Nothings, alluding to the Constitutional Union party or friends of Bell and Everett. Cincinnati Enquirer. It is very evident that the Douglas organ feels sensibly the effect of Dr. Mullen's speech at the above meeting. There was a large number of Irish and other Democrats at the meeting, who listened very closely to tho glowing and forcible remarks of the Doctor in relation to this unnatural fusion. The Enquirer, in its allusion to this speech, said: " Dr. Mullen is a bold, fearless orator, and a vigorous thinker, who, by his eloquence, commanded respectful attention." This is a high compliment, coming from the source it does; and if the Enquirer had stopped there, it would have been entitled to credit. It went on to say, however, that it "felt really pained that so talented a gentleman was laboring in a cause so unworthy, and can but believe that a man of his sagacity and brains will yet be upon the right side at the ballot-box." AVe have no doubt that the Enquirer felt much upain" at the sight of so many of the sons of the Emerald Isle listening to the Doctor on this occasion ; and it will feel much more " pain " when it sees them march up lo the " ballot-box," and deposit their votes for Breckixridge and Lane in November next. It is a great pity that the editor was not blessed with as much " sagacity " and " brains " as the Doctor possesses before he joined hands with the K.-N.'s, and attempted to lead his Irish fellow-citizens' into such a " fusion " as the Doctor so indignantly " de. nounced." Before the editor atteuipted anything of that sort, he should have turned back to his files of August, 1855, and road over again his own scathing " denunciation " of the K.-N. actors in the scenes of that "bloody Monday " in Louisville, from whom he is now taking his political cue, and with whom he is now " good fellow well met." " How pleasant 'tis to see, Brethren and friends agree ! " The Private Views of Hon. A. H. Stephens, Principal Supporter of Douglas in the South. A correspondent of the New York Herald, a paper now supporting Bell and Everett, has recently visited Hon. II. A. Stephens, at his home, in Crawfordsville, Ga. Mr. Stephens is a regular fire-eater, and for disunion in a contingency. Once a Whig, he supported Buchanan in 1856, and is now for that arch demagogue, Stephen A. Douglas. The following is a portion of the convei'sation between Mr. Stephens and the Reporter, as given by the latter: ; : . Reporter. Do you believe Lincoln's election sure ? - Mn. Stephens. I can conceive no other result in view of the discordant condition of the opposing elements North and South. Rep. What wiil follow? Mr. S. Undoubtedly an attempt at secession and revolution. I have viewed with painful apprehension the approaching crisis lor years past. Filhen years experience in Congress has qualilied me lo become somewhat ultimately acquainted with the temper and feelings of our people; and I am satisfied beyond a doubt that, in the event of Lincoln's election, there will be at least an attempt at revolution. There will be blood spilt some may be hung; but that the attempt will be made I am certain. I cannot foreteU the end, but I hold revolution and civil war to be inevitable. The demagogues have raised a whirlwind they cannot coutio!, nor stand before, and as much as I deplore the event I cannot close my eyes to its consequences. Mr. Stephens spoke with much earnestness on this subject, and that he religiously believed what he said was manifest from his impressive manner. Rep. But Mr. Breckinridge, who is supported by the disunionists, is a LJnion man. Mr. S. I know that, and it is for that reason, I suppose, one of his supporters in this State was led some time since to say that he (Breckinridge) would probably be tho fii'st man the disunionists would have to hang. Mr. Stephens, it will be seen, believes Lincoln will be elected, and that revolution and civil war is the inevitable result. He has no hopes of the election of Mr. Douglas, and no hopes of giving his State to the candidate he is supporting ; and yet, believing that Mr. Breckinridge is a Union man that if elected he will do all that can be done lo maintain the Constitution and preserve the Union that, whether elected or not, he will be found standing even lo the death for the Constitution and the equal rights of the States believing ail this, he is aiding the demagogue who, through their support of Douglas, arc pursuing . the only course by which the Southern States may be kept from going as a unit for this sincere friend of the only Union any honest and true man wants! It would be "difficult to say how in this Mr. Stephens is acting the part of a friend of the Union. But we want our friends in Kentucky to remember that Mr. Stephens thinks Mr. Breckinridge will stand by the Constitution and the Union to the last, even though it should lead to death on the gibbet! And . i ' : . ., ... 1, -M ..,nnArt;nn I l..rc,l.(.l v Johnm tfie gsionist and disunionfst, are clamorin alx)1t jIr Breckinridge's disunionism, let them be reminded of this opinion of the most gifU-d and able supporter 01 duage ixmgias, ana asicea 10 imim.e n.s honesty and candor, even though they cannot appre ciate the motives from which he acts Joiiuvttle Courier. Send the Returns. Our friends throughout the State will confer an obligation if they will send us the returns of the election next Tuesday, as toon as they can get them, for their counties and townships.