Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 35, Indianapolis, Marion County, 6 October 1860 — Page 1

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THE CONSTITUTION, THE UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OF THE STATES!

VOL.

THE OLD LINE GUARD. IS I'CliUHIIKD rp x -' W B E Kl Xj Y , AT INDIAN A P O II S r I IV I I A N A iiv r.M)i:n & IHISKIMESS. T 33 XI. 3V3C JS , I after I lie Presidential Election. : In advance, in all eases.-. i 'tt.OOt unt Advertisements inserted at the usual rates. A I) DRESS OF THE HON. CALEB CUSHING, At, Tremont Temple, Boston, Sept. 12. '-. Gentlemen : I advance, not without much reluctance, to address you this evening, on the subject of the pending canvass for the oilice of President of the United States. It is a task which nothing but the just claims of political and personal friends could have induced mo at this particular juncture to undertake, and which nothing but j our kind reception and candid attention will reconcile me to perform. In the first place, I have been unwell, and need strength as yet for extemporaneous discourse and rhetorical exertion. In the second place, it irks me to add my voice to the dissonant din of partisan orators, and the confused clamor of hostile factions with which the air and the -n e. ",nce' earth are new vexed and tormented. It irks me more to attemnt to reason, discuss, argue, conv niTsiinde. when those of my countrymen, on whose minds it would be desirable to act, the sincere friends of the Constitution and the Union, are perversely playing at cross purposes groping about in the dark without intelligent aim nay, fighting together in blind rase, too passionately eager to stop to inquire who is friend and who is foe. I am not presumptuous enough to assume that anything sairt by mo at sucli a ; time, will be heard with conviction, if heard at all, by j . . ... those who differ from me in opinion. In the course of a few weeks, when the illusory expectations enters tained by the partisans of Mr. Bell and Mr. Douglas shall have been dispelled by the State elections which have, or shall have occurred in Vermont,' California, Maine, Georgia, Mississippi, Florida, South Carolina, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Minnesota and Iowa, then, and not till then, mauy of us who are pessent adversaries, but ought to be associates, may find opportunity and time to reason together intelligently, and to consult profitably, as to tlie means 01 preventing aetriment to the Republic. Until then, the best we can respectively do is to keep our tempers, to avoid recip rocal irritation, and thus to be held ready for what it may hereafter behoove us to do, and which there will be sufficient occasion for us to do, as fellow-citizens and as common devotees of the Constitution. Such are the. feelings and purposes which actuate me in submitting to you this evening, not so much an argument for or against either of the candidates for the Presidency now before us, or discussion with the par tisans of Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Hell, or Mr. Douglas, as simply a plain statement, to involve no eloquence, and as little argument as possible, of the considerations which impt'l me, and political friends in co-operation with me, to support and advocate the nomination of Mr. Breckinridge and Mr. Lane. That, and that only, is my present theme. The United States are in the full enjoyment, at this time, of immense material prosperity. Some of tlie States, it is true, are temporarily embarrassed, by the over-earnest zeal with which they have pushed on the construction of railroads and other works of in ternal improvement. But those works have been con structed; they are monuments of public spirit, as well as invaluable instruments of public welfare. And the bounteous hand of Nature, in the rich harvests she furnishes, will liquidate the balances of indebtedness even of the most indebted states. 1 repeat, then, we are in the full enjoyment of immense prosperity. Let us not, however, delude ourselves with the idea that this prosperity is attributable, either wholly or in chief part, to our peculiar political institutions. These contribute to the results ; and they do but contribute. Brazil is not a republic nor a confederation; and still, in territorial greatness and in relative material prosperity, it parallels the United States. The British Colonies in Australia and America are not independcnt nations; and yet they also are scarcely less prosperous than the United States. Nay, the Spanish Colonies of to-day, Cuba and the Philippine Islands, as was the case with the Spanish colonies of the continent before their independence, might well vie in prosperity with the present condition of the United States. What, then, is the main cause of all this prosperity? It is mainly due, in my judgment, to geographical circumstances. This fact, and this only, cheapness and abundance of rich land, is common to the United States, to Brazil, and the British and Spanish colonies in America, Asia, and Australia. We, the European occupants of all these countries, have had the virgin soil of new worlds to cultivate and exploit; in a word, we have been skimming the cream from off the surface of vast continehts or great semi-continental islands. Of course, wc prospered ; and from the superabundance of our own productions, mineral, marine, agricultural, we have not only enriched ourselves, but stimulated and revivified the resources of our native Europe. The prosperity of the United States is, next, main ly due to social facts. In those regions of America, of Asia, and of Australia adapted by climate and soil to European labor, such as Canada and the other northern British colonies, and the extreme northern and the extreme southern Spanish colonies, we have introduced European labor, either in the persons of our selves, tlie first colonists and founders ot tlie new societies or ot the Europeans wlio nave aggregated themselves to us; and in he tropical or semi-tropical regions, not adapted by climate and soil to European labor, such as all the European colonies of the "U est Indies, and the Spanish, Dutch, French, and Portuguese colonies of Africa, Asia, and the warmer parts ot continental JNortli and nouth America, we have em ployed or introduced colored laoorers oi American, ! Atncan,,or Asiatic race, , to live m climates congenial ; to uiem, anocuuivaus iue sou iney aione are awe to. cultivate, iiencctnc prosperity, in opposite conai-, tions ot Australia on tlie one hand and ot Cuba on ! the other; hence the prosperity of Brazil; hence ithe j prosperity of the whole of Span.sh America, and of the, French and British , est Ind.es be ore the governing . race there became besotted w. h , the chimerical idea, of equalizing the political condition of the while and colored men; and hence above all, the .unsurpassed , prosperity of the Lnited States, one half of them m: temperat e regions of America adapted to European ,.,., . ... .... ,..v.. "o where colored lalor, and tliat alone, aud that only with Europeans to govern ami direct, can produce the great colonial staples, which, added to metals and cereals, enable the United States alone to have that comprehensive completeness of resources which is wantmg m the other great Europeanizcd regions of

au,l,,M "u ; tionally intermeddling with the legal rights of the And if the United States are greater and more j people of the South, or else it is a mere phrase of inproseroii3 than Brazil, or the British or Spanish col-j 5llt anj malice, which, as many a labor strike abroad onies in Asia or America, it is because of this comprc-j and at home shows, is capable of being retorted with hensive completeness of our resources, this comple-i fearful ibrce against every proprietor and capitalist in mentarv fitness of the different parts of the country, , tne Northern States. . " thi beautiful harmony of interests, this coexistence, in a WQnt all these party cries and watch-words of under the same general Government, of the colder ; the Republican party are' either false pretenses, or region of the Northern States, and the warmer ones' ei?e tjiey are tne coyer of intended assault on the of the Southern States, with their respective natural ' TOntituUonal rights of the Southern States, productions. What is the truth in this matter ? Do the state sWith all tills, w have political institutions of admi-j men of the Republican party, the sworn observers of rable theoretic organization and supreme prncticnlj the Constitution, such as Senators and Repre-entatives excellence; institutions, the natural growth of the 1 in Congress, Governors and Legislators of States, when

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eonntry and ils people as tlie oak or the pine is of its native place ; institutions, which have contributed, so far as institutions can, to public and private welfare ; institutions, which presuppose diversities of climate, soil, and race, with consequent diversities of industrial and social organization ; institutions, of which confederated States, unequal in power, and with variant social systems, is the prominent feature, the fundamental fact, the very essence and spirit ; institutions, which served us well when we were but thirteen poor and feeble States, and which serve us as well when we are thirty-three wealthy, powerful, and proud States. Consider, also, that of solemn catastrophes and tragic,terror3 with which God in his providence sometimes visits nations, none have touched us; neither plague, pestilence, nor famine ; neither civil war nor invasion "malice, domestic or foreign levy ;" neither earthquake nor fire from heaven ; no confiscations property or proscriptions of citizens; no barbaric incursions; neither revolutions nor massacres; in a word, nothing of all those dire calamities which glare upon us horizontally in the moving pages of ancient and modern history, and which are daily passing before our eyes, far from our own felicitous land, in the other countries of America, Europe, and Asia. Thanksbe to thee, oh God, who hast hitherto stayed thine hand and mercifully forborne to smite these United States! .- And yet we are unhappy, oh, supremely unhappy oh, superlatively unhappy I Are not thousands of itinerant orators, and millions of newspaper sheets assuring us that everything is wrong, and must be changed? Are not eloquent men telling us that things are to wrong that revolution, and civil war, and massacre, and conflagration arc to be deliberately sought for instead ? Are not pretended pious men presumptuously calling down all these and worse caI lanrities upon us, and invoking vengeance on their own country in such terms of invective and fury as ; were fit only for one of the old Israelites to apply to accursed Moab or Edom ? To begin, wo have a multitude of public men, professed constitutional statesmen, Senators, and Representatives in Congress, Governors of States, members of State Legislatures, capable editors, and other guides and exponents of public opinion, who maintain that ' ' ' . ' (- iiL UIVI'.IBILV 111 LIJU 111 lllO Ul III Ullli"- - HA i u gu, . c( 'cohvcA ,abo,. ;n te torrid zonCi and free while , , Q t, tem,,crato zonci3 an unspeakable misfortunc; that out of it springs a necessary lrreprcssi- . ble conflict between the Northern and Southern States; and that so the Northern States must be stirred up to this conflict, and urged forward in it, until, by force or by fraud, by hook or by crook, there shall be but one description of labor iu all the United States. Of this opinion, Mr. Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, is the initiator, and of this numerous class of unhappy persons, Senator Seward, of New York, is the present eorypheus. He is now traversing the country, busily preaching up the doctrine of sectional animosity and strife. 1 doubt not that he and other apostles of this gospel of hatred, can, if they continue faithfully to try, do much to produce conflict between the different States of the Union, by misrepresenting them one to another, and thus making each to imagine the other ils enemy ; but how ignoble is such a mission of discord and mischief, for such a man as William II. Seward! He and his political associates and followers are the founders and the statesmen of the Republican party, which, with Mr. Lincoln as its candidate for the Presidency, are assuming that by and through him they are to attain the control of tlie Federal Government. They consist of disjointed fragments of all past or present parties, with discordant opinions on great leading questions of the day, as well as with different political antecedents, and are consociated only by the one common sentiment of hostility of feeling, if not of act and purpose, towards the local institutions of fifteen of the thirty-three Slates of the Union. I repeat these pubhc men, and their party followers, have but one common ligament of hostility of feeling, if not of act or purpose, towards the local institutions of fifteen States of the Union. : The feeling is avowed and certain. How is the purpose or act ? I say that the bitter denunciation of the institutions, and, indeed, of their fellow citizens of the Southern States, which pervades their speeches and writings, is itself hostility of act; it tends to excite the subject population of the Southern States to insurrection ; it influences such men as John Brown and his companions to plan and to attempt hostile incursions into the Southern States ; and it is contrary to the spirit of the Constitution, which contemplates and enjoins peaceful relations between all the States. But the hostility of act and purpose which animates the Republicans does not stop at rancorous denuncia tion and vituperation ot tno ooutn, auu violation ot the spirit of the Union. In those States in which the Republicans have complete power, they have deliberately and of set design nullified the provisions of the Constitution and the acts of Congress specially designed for the protection of the rights of the Southern States. They have taken away from citizens of the Southern States their constitutional right of sojourn and transit with their servants and property. They have nullified, so far as they could, the constitutional right of reclamation of fugitives from service. The Republicans of Massachusetts, even as at present or ganized, have twice deliberately reaffirmed, and once deliberately re-enacted, unconstitutional provisions oi the nullification laws, originally pas-sed in the dark days of the Saturnalia of Know Nothingism. Can the Federal Government be entrusted to the unholy hands of such men ? But they profess to be constitutional statesmen, and continually affirm that, although they are laboring to conquer the South by force of numbers, yet they mean no harm to the South when conquered, and will do none. In so professing, they impliedly admit that the pretences of political change which they put forward are hypocritical; or, if sincere, that they are blind to the necessary consequences of their opinions and acts. For instance, they ostentatiously profess their horror of slave labor, and loudly denounce tlie laws and all observers of the laws bv which slave labor is mainb(t at the tmie p,.etend that the only tica, thi thev aim at is to pl.event the extension f s,a j0 the nuw Tei.rytorit.s. If so, their ;se9 'are infiniteiv too large for their conclusions, JV . f ,. , f .. . countrv unon the cn end question for the sake of this very limited applica tion ot it. .besides winch, to leave tno slave a siavc, an(, nierdv strive ,0 prevcnt i,;g change 0f residence, js but a palfrj' conclusion of all these high-sounding nrnf ,. 0f.luiHr iove fOP the African. . .nnounce in pompous phrase that, ac wrfj t,;r creed fi;ecloln isj- national, and rf - . Bect;onal. But neariv everything which . h Unitcd States exists sectionally, and in y. rf . . fome g0 , the banks . Ba,ton nd aU thc manufacturing companies in J, are iona!, because" they ex- . jn virtuo of a' law or law3 of Massachusetts ; bu( m any tfce ,egs m(,lW interi.sts ? Again : they say much of - free labor for free men." iey mean by this that tree men, and thev alone, shall have labor in the United States ? If so, their purposes and aims are manifestly unconstitutional ; and, if not, then the phrase is merely a senseless party catch-word. rri t D,ra;nD, w.4f tUv noil 5. (iciovu sili. ' Either that mafks rurri0!i. 0f lineonstitn-

IND.V SATURDAY,'' OCTOBER 0, 18(H).

they declaim so angrily against slave labor, do they really mean anything or do they not ? , I think the answer to this question is to be found in the fact that the Republican party consists of two distinct ingredients, not combined, but only temporarily coalesced, namely : those persons, numerous in New "England, and parts of the Union colonized from New England, who are monomaniac theorists on the subject of liberty and equality; and other persons who care very little for the subject negro but much for themselves, and who, seeing this hobby-horse trained to their hands by the ncgrophilist zealots, mount upon it to ride into power. Of the first class, the liberty men proper, who attack slavery avowedly, sincerely, and with a single purpose, and 'professedly mean to abolish it if they can, there are two divisions: first, those who, like Mr. Spooner, have reasoned themselves into the unreason otdiscovering abolition in the Constitution; and, secondly, those who, like Mr. damson ana lur. i nn lti-i. w!,l, nloa rornortirin rtf lpmiT t.rlllll. nni'Ppive that ov n,.,T;t.i ; ,,ntcnfoH Kv tha C!nnitiit.inn. and who, therefore, with perfect logical sequence of thought, attack and seek to overthrow the Constitution. Thus, in sum, we have three sets of thinkers and actors engaged in this sectional assault on the Southern States namely, those who, like Mr. Seward, profess to think that the Constitution forbids them to meddle with slave, labor within the States, but yet are constantly meddling with it; those who, like Mr. Spooner, think the Constitution authorizes us to requires them to meddle, and therefore do it; and those who, like Mr. Phillips, think this Constitution stands in their way, and therefore attack the Constitution. I declare that of these three sets of anti-slavery reaeoners or declaimers, it seems to me that Mr. Phillips is most entitled to eonsiderrtion for apparent sincerity and logical thought; Mr. Spooner next most ; but that as to the first class, the Republican statesmen of the

two Houses of Congress, who are perpetually playing Dawes appears to have supposed tliat lie couiu lepau upon the single-stringed fiddle of anti-slavery agita- all tliat by lashing himself into a factitious passion of tion, and who yet pretend to adopt the received con-j vulgar personal vituperation, mean calumniation, and struction of the Constitution, it is impossible for me. to ! elaborate misrepresentation of Mr. Cashing. Unlike believe in their sincerity without discredit of their in- Mr. Andrew, he could not afford to treat his oppotelligcnce, or to believe' in their intelligence without nents with out-spoken candor, or even common de.i;.iri;t f s;n,.,i,viv' ee.ncv. But all that availed him nothing. He is of a

And thus it is that one of the acutest anti-slavery writers of the dav, in a pamphlet before me, in speak - ing of the four different factions now contending for; (i,.. nf ii f:., ,,n,ot .,. i till; lJOLJV C51V 1 1 VI I V J . W 11.11.. uiy . u fie nil i,oc,a fanimn. tV.r. RnniiUu-an i dip mnst thoroughly senseless, base selcss, inconsistent, and insin - cere. Jt has no constitutional principle to stand upon, and it lives up to no moral ones. The Republicans are double-faced, double-tongued, hypocritical, and inconsistent to the last degree. Duplicity and deceit seem to bo regarded as their only ovniiai.u ..n,-,i(:.l 'PI,; vi.oilu f, nn. tlm fnrt thnt the faction consists of two wings, cne favorable to liberty, thorn alone stroncr enough for success: and neither of them honest enough

to submit to present defeat for their principles. How j agitation is in the blood and body of those two pohtito keep these two wings together until they slinH have j co-religious sects. Mr. Lincoln inherits frorn both ; succeeded in clutching the spoils and power of office, and both reason away or openly renounce the Constiis the great problem with the managers. The plan ; tution. Mr. Lincoln represents a party, also, winch,

adopted is to make, on the one hand, the most desperate efforts to prove that their consciences and all their moral sentiments are opposed to slavery, and that they will do everything they constitutionally can against it ; and, on the other, to make equally desperate efforts to prove that they have the most, sacred reverence for the Constitution, and that the Constitution gives them no power whatever to interfere with slavery in the States. So they Cry to one wing of their party, 'Put us in power, and we will do everything we constitutionally can for liberty.' To the other wing they say, 'Put us in power; you can do it with perfect safety ; for, constitutionally, we can do nothing against it where it is.'" That is a graphic delineation of the ambiguous and equivocal predicament of the Republican party, either insincere or unconstitutional. Meanwhile, it has deliberately made itself intensely sectional, and therefore, odious and dangerous. It lias done this by its general character of aggression on the South. It has done it by assembling iu convention sectionally constituted that is, with representatives wholly for the Northern States, or with but fictitious representatives from two or three of the border Southern States. It has done it by the singularly significant act of the Chicago Convention, in striking out the word "national" from the name of the party, as proposed by its committees, so as to make it "Republican party," instead of "National Republican party." It has done it by taking both its candidates from the Northern States, notwithstanding that, considering the obscure and secondary public character of Mr. Lincoln, the nominee for President, persons quite as adequate to the Vice Presidency such as Mr. Clay of Kentucky, Mr. Winter Davis of Maryland, or Mr. Blair of Missouri might have been selected iu at least the border Southern states. And at, for the sake ot the odor ot nationality, it was worth while to receive into the Convention the delegations from those States, it would seem, for the same reason, to have been worth while to have the same States represented by one of the candidates. But the irrepressible tendency of sectionalism, and the silent but deeply conscious abolitionism aud unconstitutional anti-slavery spirit, which pervaded the Convention, compelled it not only to overlook the South in its nominations, but to go as far North and East as po.ssible, in quest of the candidate for Vice President. For it is idle to pretend to deny or disguise it every man in his heart knows it, and events incontrovertibly prove that the motive power of the Republican party, its master spring, its vital spirit, is antislavery fanaticism. The party lives, moves, and has its being, in that one idea. The straight-forward and single-minded anti-slavery men, like Mr. Garrison, Mr. Phillips, and Mr. Spooner, who provide the antislavery thoughts and kindle the anti-slavery emotions on which the Republican party exists, are accustomed to speak with contempt of the selfcontradictory opin-

ions, equivocal pretenses, and double-dealing argu-1 dred and twenty Southern votes, with the thirty-two ments of the political members of the party, and not I Northern, could be cast for the same person, that perseldom to speak with contempt of these politicians J son would be President ; or, if divided among two or

themselves; to all which these politicians have to submit with what grace they may; for their position, wavering between fealty to the Constitution and antislavery agitation, is a false one, and they cannot stand firm on it either for offense or defense; they cannot carry an election anywhere without the votes of the headlong and unreasoning anti-slavery zealots; if they equivocate, they are denounced ; if they hesitate or falter, others more zealous push before them; and thus the modest and rational, as well as the timid aud time-serving, are gradually thrust aside or overpassed by the violent, the fanatical, or the astuciously coldblooded ambitious, who pretend to be fanatical, until these at last are consumed in the fire of their own kindling, and overwhelmed by the reactionary force of the material interests of society, which, when aroused to action, always triumph over the fanatics and ideaologists. So in the Long Parliament, constitutional monarchy and Episcopalianism, were displayed by parliamentary governiuent and Presbyterianism, and these by military despotism. So in France, the constitutional republic took the place of the constitutional monarchy; and the reign of terror took the place of the republic, until men gladly lied for safety to the shelter of the cannon of Napoleon. So, again, in Fiance, red republicanism took the place of constitutionalism, and then came, of course, another Napoleon. That is the world's history of all fanatical parties, whether the fanaticisms be religious or political, or mixed of both. Wc have pertinent illustration of all this before us here in Massachusetts, in the recent fact of the nomination of Mr. John A. Andrew for Governor, in preference to Mr. Henry L. Dawes Mr. Dawes, it seems, is more thoughtful, or more timorous, or less direct than Mr. Andrew. Mr. Andrew goes into (he legislature of Massachusetts, and there speaks unreservedly, confidently, fluently, and eloquently, in defense of the anti-slavery nullification laws ot the Commonwealth. Nay, he steps forward without scruple or hesitation, and boldlv assumes the lead in the can-

onization of the half-demented traitor, murderer and robber, John Brown, the abolitionist St. John. Being sound in the matter, he can afford to be civil iu the manner; and so in debate, he treats courteously and fairly all his opponents, even reprobate me. Mr. Dawes, on the other hand, halls between two opinions.' He is infected with 'the" taint of anti-slavery fanaticism, and utters glibly enough oil the ordinary and common-place phrases of that school. At the same time his mind is not vigorous enough, or his will not resolute enough, or his conscience not self-deceptive enough, to enable him to break wholly away from the conviction of constitutionalism, which a legal education usually imparts. And thus he staggers and flounders in the founderotts path of equivocation, selfcontradiction, troubled conscience, and consequent bad temper. He showed all this, on the only occasion when he has appeared conspicuously in debate on general politics, that is, early in the last session of Congress. The nullification laws of Massachusettss, which Mr. An-

i drew renarils as the honor and elory of the Kepubtijean party, Mr, Dawes prevaricates, equivocates, and falsifies to excuse the Republican party for, and to transfer the discredit thereof to the Know Nothings. Massachusetts Republicans, according to him abhor John Brown, and all their speech consists of tenderness and love towards their fellow-citizens of the Southern States. Hatred of slaveholders? No such emotion was ever felt or expressed, by either clergyman or layman, man or, woman, in Massachusetts. Sound constitutionalism on the subject of slavery ? AVhy that, according to Mr. Dawes, exists only in the breasts of the Republicans of Massachusetts ! Having thus done his feeble best to give plausible seeming to what Mr. Spooner calls the "twelve-headed imposture" of the creed of the "jesuitical demagogues" of Repub licanism, and so run me. iisk ot weaiseiiiiig uiiurcu with the entire and positive anti-slavery men, Mr. , party in which half way is no way, and to doubt is to ! die. Of course, Mr. Andrew, and not he, prevailed i in the contention for the gubernatorial candidature of UMi'lnisetts. And that, if the Republican party I - .. , t i rnntiinie in tiower.it is but the preparatory step to the ; future nomination of Mr. Wendell 1 nillrps., Such, then, is the double-faced character of the Republican party of the Unitcd States. It its candidate (Mr. Lincoln,) be elected President, he will rep resent a party, the motive impulses and mccnanicai forces of which reside in a band of religious and pobtic.il enthusiasts, the lineal inheritors ot tne religious i and political ultraism of the Puritans of New EngI land, and the Friends there and in other States. Be jit for praise or be it for blame, certain it is that this even as to sucn oi us meuiuers as are uuu mu a.u.u : or unconscious enemies of the Constitution, is, never theless, merely and exclusively sectional and geograpnical in the worst sense of the word; a party whose domestic legislation, where it has power in the several States, is characterized bv the most odious acts of uncoiistitutionalisin and nullification ; a party, most of whose political speech consists of unpatriotic and scandalous denunciation of the people and the institutions of nearly half the States in the Union; a party which, if it were to attain the control of the Federal Government, would at once be placed in the dilemma either by belying all its professed moral and political principles, or if engaging, directly or indirectly, openly or insidiously, in the systematic violation of the Constitution. Furthermore, Mr. Lincoln, if elected, would be elected against the votes of a majority of the people of the United States; against the unanimous vote of fifteen of the thiity-three United States; and against the vote of a majority of the people- even of the other eighteen States. He would go into office without beinf able to rely on the support of the House of Rep resentatives, and with a resolute majority of the Sen ate opposed to him, capable of dictating to him who the members of the Cabinet shall be, and capable of rejecting all nominations ho may make, all bills he may present, and all treaties he may negotiate. He would stand on legal theories repudiated by all the judicial authorities, supreme, circuit, and district, of the whole United btates, Such a President, so elected, so situated in office, and representing such a party, would be utterly impotent for good, and potent only for the evil incidentally to ensue by reason of his necessary executive imbecility, and, above all, by reason ot tne unconstitutional opinions and purposes of the minority party which alone he would represent, even though cpnslitutionallv elected President of the United States In the prospect of the possible success of such a party and such a candidate, there is nothing but disaster to the country, and to every portion of it, North, South, East and West. Do any practicable and honorable means exist by which the election of Mr. Lincoln may be prevented V I think such means exist that is, means to elect a constitutional and national candidate by the votes either of the electoral college, or of the House, or the Senate. Let us see. We know that iu the fifteen Southern States, casting one hundred and twenty electoral votes, Mr. Lincoln cannot obtain a single vote. The whole number of electoral votes is three hundred and three, of which one hundred and fifty-two are a majority. It needs, therefore, out of the one hundred and eightytwo Northern votes, to take away from Mr. Lincoln but thirty-two, which, with the one hundred and twenty at the South, which he can by no possibility get, would prevent his election; and if the one hunmore persons, then the election would devolve, in the first instance, on tiic liouse ot .representatives. 1 cannot stop to calculate here the series of consequences, if the result, in the first instance, should be merely to defeat Mr. Lincoln. Suffice it now for me j to say that, inconvenient as such a result might be, 1 and doubtful as it would be in its ultimate effect, I whether to produce the election of one of the Presi-' dential opponents of Mr. Lincoln by the House, or, in j default of election by the House, to raise one of the i Vice Presidential candidates to the Presidency by election of the Senate inconvenient and doubtful as ! all this is, still it is one chance of escape fiom evil, and as such is a contingency fit to be considered. Therefore it is that, little as I find to approve in the candidature of Mr. Bell, and much as I find to condemn in the candidature of Mr. Douglas, I franklv confess that, if it were in my power to'discover anywhere thirty-1 two electoral votes possible for either of them, or if j such thirty-two votes were in my hands to cast at all, I would willingly have them given to Mr. Bell or Mr. Douglas, unless, being cast for Mr. Breckinridge, they would elect Mr. Breckinridge. But I declare I do not see how or where, in all the Northern States, either Mr. Bell or Mr. Douglas is to obtain a single electoral vote, or how it ever was possible, at any time, that either of them should have obtained a single Northern vote, save and except by the aid and the help of the friends of Mr. Breckinridge. I am not now discussing the political character or pretensions of either Mr. Bell or Mr. Douglas. I merely state an opinion as to ara'duhility. That opinion is strikingly confirmed by the late elections in Vermont and Maine, which show that Mr. Bell has no strength there, and Mr. Douglas no special or personal strength, over and above the mere strength of the Democratic party. That is to say, the Democratic partv would have done at least as well in Vermont and Maine, and I think better, with any other Dem ocratic favorite for the Presidency. In fine, as to Mr. I Jouglas. my opinion im that, if he had lxen mmiinau d

NO. 35.

at Baltimore, with regularity of form and substance, so as to make him the true party nominee, which he was not; or even if he had been nominated without opposition at Charleston, he could not have carried a singlo Northern tate, nor more than one Southern. I think his own confidence of self-assertion and the zcal of partizans, had gotten up for him a semblance -of personal strength at the North which he never possessed in fact ; that his particular dogmas possess no strength whatever at the North, and have from the beginning constituted a sufficient, insurmountable bar to liis carrying a single Southern State, except, perhaps, Missouri. With Mr. Douglas regularly in the field, Mr. Lincoln would have swept the whole North, and some other person might have been nominated at the South competent to sweep the whole South. At any rate, in the present state of things,' the election of Mr. Douglas, either by the electoral colleges or by the House, is a contingency manifestly aud undeniably out of the limit of all moral possibility, and his candidature serves no purpose save only to distract the Democratic party in some of the Southern States, and in those few of the Northern States in which there is any possibility, otherwise, of defeating Mr. Lincoln. Then, as to Mr. Bell : In the first place, what Northern State can he carry ? I do heartily and sincerely wish I could see one; but I do not. Vermont and Maine have already spoken for themselves decisively on that point. In' all the rest of New England Mr. Bell has no show of strength out of Massachusetts. Can he carry Massachusetts? Will Mass x buret Is accord even "the poor boon of her Vice Presidential vote to the highest and foremost of her living statesmen,, Edward Everett? Would that she might! I will not say a single word to chill the ardor of a single citizen of "Massachusetts who entertains the hope. What next? I'ossihilities of half a dozen votes, more or less, to bo grudgingly conceded to Mr. Bell, it may be, in a conjoint electoral ticket, by the friends of Mr. Breckinridge and Mr. Douglas in New York, and possibilities of a couple more of votes of the same sort in New Jersey. And that is all ; for neither in Pennsylvania nor in any of the States of the Northwest or of the Pacific is there the faintest shadow of a show of electoral votes for Mr. Bell. He, therefore, cannot get the thirty-two needed Northern votes necessary to elect him it he had iu his hands the whole South. Who, then, is to carry the South, the whole South ? If cither of the candidates can do this he will approach so near to an election that he may reasonably hope for additional thirty-two votes at the North to be given to him, or at all events to be cast against Mr. Lincoln. We have already seen all the world sees and knows, that Mr. Douglas has no electoral show at the South outside of Missouri. If, as some of his partizans in the Southern States professedly intend to do, they desert the Democratic party to vote for Mr. Bell, they will destroy Mr. Douglas without benefiting Mr. Bell. Strangely fallacious expectations are founded on this by the friends of Mr. Bell in Massachusetts; all these expectations assuming that the Southern Stales, iu a body, are to be frightened into voting for Mr. Bell by the imputed distinionism of Mr. Breckinridge. I confidently believe that these devices of faction will fail, and that the Democratic party of the South will be victorious over all enemies, and return its unanimous vote for Mr. Breckinridge. But, however that may be, I know that Mr. Bell cannot obtain the unanimous vote of the South, even by the aid of Democratic deserters, or by coalition with partizans of Mr. Douglas, and, therefore, I know that Mr. Bell cannot possibly be elected President. What remains ? I say that, dealing now only with the question of election by the electoral colleges, Mr. Breckinridge, and he alone, exhibits any chances or possibilities of success against Mr. Lincoln. You know well that I earnestly desire, and shall do all in my power to promote, the election of Mr. Breckinridge," either', by thc electoral colleges, or by the House of Representatives. I support him as the only true expression of the constitutional party opinions either of the Democratic party or of tlie country; as thc only true nominee of the Democratic Slates; and as the "only true representative of the Democratic electors of the Democratic States. But I support him also, and above all, because, in my opinion, the support of him is the only direct means of defeating the Republican party, counteracting ils unconstitutional aims and projects, and inverting disaster from the Union. . -: ' I say, with absolute confidence, there is no other Id! path of safety but this. The candidature of Mr. ouglas serves but to divide the .Democratic party : he cannot be elected. The candidature of Mr. Bell serves but the purpose of dividing the South; he cannot be elected. Mr. Breckinridge, and he alone, can, if properly supported, carry the South ; and in that case, there is good causo to exert ourselves, with fair prospects of success, to obtain for him thc additional thirty-two votes in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, California, and Oregon, if not in New York, and so to make him President. Tocommence, then, let the fifteen Southern States be united themselves in opposition to their sectional enemies: let them cease to exhibit the humiliating spectacle of discord at home ; let them not, by their intestine quarrels, be the means of delivering up themselves, and all at the North who sympathize with them, as common victims to the assailants of the Constitution and the Union. To wastu their strength on three candidates, as they are. now doing, is but madness, mere madness. And, if the people of the South- , em States persevere in this course of passion and folly, let them not hereafter reproach any citizen of the' Northern States with what may happen. They must begin by being true to themselves, and then, and not until them, they may complain of others if untrue to them. It' they have no sense of danger or duty in their own behalf, to allay their own dissensions, howcan they expect the sense of danger or duty in their behalf to prevail at the North ? Or, let the Democratic party at the South unite in the common cause of their party, their section"; and their country. All men perfectly well know that of the two candidates of the Democratic party, there is but one Mr. Breckinridge who can, by any possibility, obtain any electoral votes in the Southern States or the Northern. In such a case, does not ev ery consideration of public duty, of patriotism, of iarty faith and ot honor, appeal to thc partizans ot Ir. Douglas to desist from supporting him ? Nay, do not these considerations appeal to that candidate him self to withdraw from the field V Would to God there were some voice of remonstrance in the United States potential enough to move the hearts and the consciences of those misguided men in the Southern Statessmall in number in each of them, at best who, as profound friends ot Mr. Douglas, are diligently engaged in promoting the success of the Republican party at the North by distracting and dividing the Democratic party at the South. If not if the South cannot act unitedly, or at least the Democratic party act unitedly, or, best of all, the Democratic party conquer of itself the unnatural coalition in the South between the partizans of Mr. Douglas, resentfully abandoning their party and their cause if no honorable Concert of the opponents of Mr. Lincoln in the North can be effected if neither of these things can be done, then all is let but honor. Tliat may be saved by maufully standing to our opinions and our candidate;-; and to our party friends North and South. It will not have been the fault of Mr. D'u kinson. Mr. Randall. Mr. Brady, Mr. O'Conor, Mr. Green, or Mr. Schell, if we lose New York. It will not be the fault of Mr. Wise. Mr. Mason, Mr. Hunter, Mr. Russell, Mr. Garnett, Mr. Prior, Mr. Lyons, or Mr. Harvey, if wo lose Virginia. We, Democratic citizens of Massachusetts, have our duty to them and other political friends in every State of the Union to discharge our duty to ourselves, our dnty to ourcountrv; and we discbarge this duty in all it relations by "rendering our pood will, our voice, and our suffrage-! to electors in the intere of Mr. Breckinridge and Mr. Lane, and to our State ticket, nobly headed by General Butler, who merits all of trust and lionor which it is possible lor us to betow. Gentlemen. I have already occupied your tun