Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 33, Indianapolis, Marion County, 2 October 1860 — Page 1

H A THE CONSTITUTION, THE UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OF THE STATES!

VOL. I.

INDIANAPOLIS, IND , TUESDAY, OCTOBER 2, 18G0.

NO. 33.

THE OLD LINE GUARD. is ruiii.isHKD . : rp x - W 33 151 Xj "ST ?

A T I IV II I A N Al'O t-1 S

INDIANA,

l

hv i:i.ii:ic & hakkisess. ,00, until nflcr the Presidential Election.

In advance, in all eases.

Advertisements inserted at the usual rates.

The Attorney General of the United States vs. The Little Giant's Squatter Sover- . eignty. , AVe extract the following sound and able exposition of the errors and absurdities of Squatteiism, from a pamphlet entitled "Observations on Senator Douglas' views of Popular Sovereignty, as expressed in Harper's Magazine for September, 1859," from the pen of Judge Black, Attorney General of the United States: , II. Wo had a right to expect from Mr. Douglas at least a clear and intelligible definition of his own doctrine. We are disappointed. It is hardly possible to conceive anything more difficult to comprehend. We will transcribe it again, and do what can be done to analyze it : "Those who believe that the Constitution of the United States neither establishes nor prohibits slavery in the States or Territories beyond the power of the people legally to control it, but ' leaves the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.' " The Constitution neither establishes nor prohibits slavery in the States or Territories. If it be meant by this that the Constitution does not, propria vigoreA

either emancipate any man's slave or create the con

dition of slavery, and impose it on free negroes, but : leaves the question of every black man's status, in the Territories as well as in the States, to be determined by the local law, then we admit it, for - it is the very same proposition which we have been trying to prove. But if, on the contrary, it is to be understood as an assertion that the Constitution does not permit a master to keep his slave, or a free negro to have his liberty, in all parts of the Union where the local law does not interfere to prevent it, then the error is not only a very grave one, but it is also absurd and selfcontradictory. The Constitution neither establishes nor prohibits

slavery in the States or Territories beyond the power of . .. J . . .1 . .... nni . i: T.i.

the people legally 10 coniroi u. j.nis is sailing tu j. uun.-No-Point again. Of course a subject which is legally controlled, cannot be beyond the power that controls it. But the question is, what constitutes legal control, and when the people of a State or Territory are in a condition to exercise it. The Constitution of the United States leaves the people perfectly free, and sidject only to the Constitution of the United States. This carries us round a full circle, and drops us precisely at the place of beginning. That the Constitution leaves everybody subject to the Constitution, is most true. We are far from denying it. We never heard it doubted, and expect we never will. But the statement of it proves nothing, defines nothing, and explains nothing. It merely darkens the subject, as words without meaning always do. ; But notwithstanding all this circuit of expression and consequent opaqueness of meaning in the magazine article of Mr. Douglas, we think we can guess

what his opinions are or will be when he comes to re

consider the subject, tie will admit (at least tie win not undertake to deny) that the status of a negro, whether of servitude or .freedom, accompanies him wherever he goes, and adheres to him in every part of the Union until he meets some local law which changes it. It will also be agreed that the people of a State, through their Legislature, and the people of a Territory, in the Constitution which they may frame preparatory to their admission as a State, can regulate and control the; condition of the subject black race within their respective jurisdictions, so as to make them bond or free. But here we come to the point at which opinions diverge. Some insist that no citizen can be deprived of his nronertv in slaves, or in anything else, except by

the provision of a State Constitution or by the act of.

a State .Legislature; wmie outers concenu mai an unlimited control over private rights may be exercised by a Territorial Legislature as soon as the earliest settlements are made. So strong are the sentiments of Mr. Douglas in favor of the Tatter doctrine, that if it bo not established he threaten? us with Mr. Seward's "irrepressible conflict." which shall end only with the universal abolition

or the universal dominion of slavery. On the other hand, the President, the Judges of the Supreme Court,

naturally and necessarily from their education and habits of thinking. They cannot help it, any more than an honest man in the North can avoid abhorring a thief or house-breaker. The iurists, legislators, and people of the Northern

Suites, have always sacredly respected the right of

well worth noticing, that no Northern State ever

passed any law to take a negro from his master. All laws for the abolition of slavery have operated only on the unborn descendants of the negro race, and the vested rights of masters have not been disturbed in the North more than in the South. In every nation under heaven, civilized, semi-bar

barous, or savage, where slavery has existed in any form at all analogous to ours, the rights of the masters to the control of their slaves as property have been

respected ; and on no occasion has any Government struck at those rights, except as it would strike at oth

er property. Jbven the British I arliament, when it

emancipated the AVest India slaves, though it was legislating for a people three thousand miles away, and not represented, never denied either the legal or the natural right of the slave owner. Slaves were admitted to be property, and the Government acknowledged

it by paying their masters one hundred millions of dollars for the privilege of setting them free.

Here, then, is a species of property which is of transcendent importance to the material interests of

the bouth which the people ot that region think it

right and meritorious in the eyes ot God and good men to hold which is sanctioned by the general sense of all mankind among whom it has existed which was legal only a short time ago in all of the States of the Union, and was then treated as sacred by every one of them which is guaranteed to the owner as much as any other property is guaranteed by the Constitution ; and Mr. Douglas thinks that a Territorial Legislature is competent to take it away. We say, no; the supreme legislative power of a sovereign State alone can deprive a man of his property. This proposition is so plain, so well established, and so universally acknowledged, that any argument in its favor would be a mere waste of words. Mr. Douglas does not deny it, and it did not require the thousandth

part of his sagacity to see that it was undeniable. lie claims for the-Territorial Government the right of confiscating private property on the ground that those Governments are sovereign have an uncontrollable and independent power over all their internal affairs. That is the point which he thinks is to split the Democracy and impale the nation. But it is so entirely

erroneous, that it must vanish into tlnu air as soon as it comes to be examined.

A Territorial Government is merely provisional and

temporary. It is created by Congress tor the neces

sary preservation of order and the purposes of po1 rrni , . . . .1 ' .

nee. xne powers comerreo. upon n are expresseu in the organic act, which is the charter of its existence, and which may be changed or repealed at the pleas

ure of Congress. In most of those acts, the power

has been expressly reserved to Congress ot revising the Territorial laws, and the power to repeal them exists without such reservation. This was asserted in the case of Kansas by the most distinguished Senators in the Congress of 1856. The President appoints the Governor, judges, and all other officers whose appointment is not otherwise provided for directly or indirectly, by Congress. Even the expenses of the Territorial Government are paid out of the Federal Treasury. The truth is, they have no attribute of sovereignty about them. The essence of sovereignty consists in having no superior. But a Territorial Government has a superior in the United States Government, upon whose pleasure it is dependent for its very existence in whom it lives, and moves, and has its being who has made, and can unmake it with a breath. Where does this sovereign authority to deprive men of their property come from? This transcendent power, which even despots are cautious about using, and which a constitutional monarchy never exercises how does it get into a Territorial Legislature ?

Surely it does not drop Irom the clouds ; it will not be contended that it accompanies the settlers, or exists in the Territory before its organization. Indeed, it is not to the people, but to the governmentof a Territory, that Mr. Douglas says it belongs. Then Congress must give the power at the same time it gives the Territorial government. But not a word of the kind is to

be found in any organic act that ever was framed. It

is thus that Mr. Douglas' argument runs itself out in to nothing.

But if Congress would pass a statute expressly to give this sort of power to the Territorial governments,

they still would not have it ; tor the federal government, itself, does notj possess any control over men's property in the Territories. That such power does not exist in the federal government needs no proof; Mr. Douglas admits it fully and freely. It is, besides, established by the solemn decision of Congress, by the assent of the Executive, by the direct ratification of the people acting in their primary capacity at the polls. In addition to all this the Supremo Court has deliberately adjudged it to be an unalterable and undeniable rule ot constitutional law. This acknowledgment that Congress has no power, authority, or jurisdiction over the subject, literally obliges Mr. Douglas to give up his doctrine, or else to

maintain it by asserting that a power whicn the teder-

without just compensation." It is universally agreed that this applies only to the exercise of the power by the Government of the United States. We are also protected against the State Governments by a similar provision in the State Constitutions. Legislative rob

bery is therefore a crime which cannot be committed,

property in slaves hold -by their own citizens withiu L either by Congress or any Slate Legislature,- unless

ineir own junsuicuou. it is a reinaiKaoie laci, very

it be in fiat rebellion to the fundamental law of the

land. But if the Territorial governments have this power, then they have it without any limitation whatsoever, and in all the fullness of absolute despotism. They are omnipotent in regard to all their internal affairs, for they are sovereigns, without a Constitution to hold them in check. And this omnipotent sovereignty is to be wielded by a few men suddenly drawn together from all parts of America and Europe, unacquainted with one another, and ignorant of their relative rights. But if Mr. Douglas is right, those governments have all the absolute power of the Russian Autocrat. They may take every kind of property in mere caprice, or for any purpose of lucre or malice, without process of law, and without providing for compensation. The "Legislature of Kansas, sitting at Lecoinpton or Lawrence, may order the miners to give up every ounce of gold that has been dug at Pike's Peak. If the authorities of Utah should license a band of marauders to despoil the emigrants crossing the Territory, their sovereign. light to-do so cannot be. questioned. A new Territory may be organized, which Southern men think should be devoted to the culture of cotton, while the people of the North are equally certain that grazing alone is the proper busi

ness to be carried on there. If one party, by accident, by force, or by fraud, has a majority in the Legisla

ture, the negroes are taken from the planters; and if

the other set gains a political victory, it is tollowed by a statute to plunder the graziers of their cattle. Such things cannot be done by the Federal Government, nor by the governments of the States; but, if Mr. Douglas is not mistaken, they can be clone by the Territorial Governments. Is it not every way better to wait until the new inhabitants know themselves and one another; until the policy of the Territory is settled by some experience ; and, above all, until the great powers of a sovereign State are regularly conferred upon them and properly limited, so as to prevent the gross abuses which always accompany unrestrained power in human hands V .- . '. ' We insist that an emigrant going info a Federal Tarritory, retains his title to the property which he took with him, until there is some prohibition enacted by lawful authority. Mr. Douglas cannot deny this in the face of his New Orleans speech, a:id the overwhelming reasons which support it. It is an agreed point among all Democrats that Congress cannot interfere with the rights of property in the Territories. It is also acknowledged that the people of a new State, cither in their constitution or in an act of their Legislature, may make the negroes within it free, or hold them in a state of servitude. But we believe more. We believe in submitting to the law, as decided by the Supreme Court, which declares that a Territorial Legislature cannot, any more than Congress, interfere with rights of property in a Territory that the settlers of a Territory are bound to wait until the sovereign power is conferred upon them, with proper limitations before they attempt to exercise the most dangerous of all its functions. Mr. Douglas denies this, and there is the new issue. Why should such an issue be made at such a time ? What is there new to excuse any friend of peace for attempting to stir up the bitter waters of strife? There is no actual difficulty about this subject in any Territory. There is no question upon it pending before Congress or the country. AVe are called upon to make a contest, at once unnecessary and hopeless, with the judicial authority of a Nation. AVe object to it. AVe will not obey Mr. Douglas when he demands us to assault the Supreme Court of the United States. AVe believe the Court to be right, and Mr. Douglas wrong. ; extract"fbom a SPEECH OF HON. CALEB CUSHING, At Boston, Sept. 12.

nearly all the Democratic members ot congress, the aj 0Yernmcut does net possess may be given by Conwhole of the party South, and a very large majority , ,0 ,he Territorial government. The right to abolNorth. aro penetrated with a conviction, that 110 SUCh; -i, Alr;nnn slvnrv in a TVrrilnrv is not frrantorf hv

power is vested in a Territorial Legislature, and that: t1(J Constitution 'to Congress; it is withheld, and those who desire to confiscate private property of any therefore the same as if prohibited. Yet Mr. Dougkind must wait until they get a Constitutional Con- iig declares that Congress mav give it to the Territovention or the machinery of a State Government into j r;og NaVi he goes further, and says that the want of their hands. AVe venture to give the following rea-j tlie pgWer ;n Congress is the very "reason why it can sons for believing that Mr. Douglas is in error; (delegate it the general rule, in his opinion, being The Supreme Court has decided that a Territorial thattongiess cannot delegate the powers it possesses, Legislature has not the power which he claims for it. ! blt delegate such, " and only such, as Congress That alone ought to be sufficient. There can be no ; cannot exercise under the Constitution !" Bv turning law, order, or security for any man's rights, unless the; )0 es 520 and 521j the reader will see that this asjudieial authority ot the country be upheld. Mr. toun(fing proposition is actually made, not in jest or Douglas may do what he pleases with political conven- ironVi but soiomnlv, seriously, and, no doubt in perfect tions and party platforms, but we trust he will give to j f.,;tiK 0n this principle, as Congress cannot exthc Supreme Court at least that decent respect, which . ,i10 nnmPi,,ire.inww thrin law. nr n

none but the most ultra Republicans have yet with-! jaw ;mj,a;ving the obligation of contracts, therefore it

neiu. l niay authorize such laws to be made by the town counThe right of property is sacred, and the first object ' cis 0f AYashington City, or the levy court of the Disof all huniiin government is to make it secure. Life , trict. If Congress passes an act to hang a man withis always unsafe where property is not fully protected. ! out trial, it is void, and the Judge will not allow it to This is the experience of every people on earth, an- - be executed ; but the power to do this prohibited cient and modern. To secure private property was a thing can be constitutionally given by Congress to a principal object of Magna Charla. Charles I. after- Territorial Legislature ! terwards attempted to violate it, but the people rose j ye admit that there are certain powers bestowed upon him, dragged him to the block, and severed his upon the General Government which are in their nahead from his body. At a still later period, another! frl. judicial or executive. AVith them Congress can monarch for a kindred ort'ense was driven out of the 1 do nothing, except to see that they are executed by country, and died a fugitive and an outcast. Our own j the proper kind of officer. It is also true that Conrevolution was provoked by that slight invasion upouigrPSS has certain legislative powers which cannot be the right of property, which consisted in the exaction delegated. But Mr. Doughis should have known that of a trilling tax. There is no Government in the i,e was not talking about powers which belonged to world, however absolute, which would not be disgraced cither of these classes, but about a legislative jurisdicand endangered by wantonly sacrificing private prop-' tion totally forbidden to the federal government, ! crty, even to a small extent. For centuries past such aml incapable of being delegated, for the simple reason outrages have ceased to be cominited in times of peace . that it does not constitutionally exist. ' j among civilized nations. " j Will anybody say that such a power ought, as a Slaves are regarded as property in the Southern matter of policy, or for reasons of public safety, to be j States. The eoplc of that section' buy and sell, and, held by the provisional governments of the Territo-j carry on all their hu-ines, provide for'their families,; ries? Undoubtedly no true patriot, nor no friend ofi

and miKe i:ietr wins ami uiviue ineir iniirnianccK im juuti: " " . .- ni -i, ,.u ure jnuuthat assumption. It is manifest to all who know them, j able consequences, without deprecating them, that no doubtfbvcr cross their mind about the right-j This power over propt rty is the one hich, in all fulncsi of holding such property. They bclievelhey ; governmcrts has been most carefully guarded, belme a direct warrant for it, not only in the examples' cause the temptation to abuse it is always greater of the best men that erer lired, but in the precepts of; than any other. It is there that the subjects of a Divine Revelation itself; and they are thoroughly sat-! limited monarchy -watch their kings with the greatest isfied that the relation of master and slave is the" only jealoiisy. No Republic has ever failed to impose on" which can pos-iblv exist there between the white strict limitations upon it All free people know, that and th Mark ra e without ruining loth. The people 1 if they would remain free, they must compel the govof the North may differ from their fellow citizens of eminent to keep its bands o3" their private property; the South on the whole stibjurt, bnt knowing, as we , and this can be done only by tying them up with all do, that the-se sentiment.- are sincerely and honestly i careful restrictions. AccoHingly, our federal constininrf lined, we cannot wonder that thrv feel the most tution declares that " ro person shall he deprived of

nnsp-nksble indignation when any attempt is made to his property except by due process of law," and that; Mr. interfere with their rights. This sentiment results " priTSte property shall not be taken for public nsei Hoi

Do any practicable and honorable means exist by which the election of Lincoln may be prevented? I think such means do exist that is, means to elect a

constitutional and national candidate by the votes either of the electoral college, or of the House, or the

Senate. Let us see. -

We know that in the fifteen Southern States, cast-

ins one hundred and twenty electoral votes, Mr. Lin

coin cannot obtain a single vote. The whole number

of electoral votes is three hundred and three, of which one hundred and fifty-two are a majority. It needs, therefore, out of the one hundred and eighty-two Northern votes to take away from Mr. Lincoln but thirty-two, which, with the one hundred and twenty at the South, which he can by no possibility get, would

prevent his election ; and if the one hundred and twenty Southern votes, with the thirty-two Northern, could be cast for the same person, that person would

be President; or, if divided among two or more per

sons, then the election would devolve, in the first in

stance, on the House of Representatives.

I cannot stop to calculate here the series of conse-

auenees, if the result, in the hrst instance, should

be merely to defeat Mr. Lincoln. Suffice it now for

me to say that, inconvenient as such a result might be, and doubtful as it would be in its ultimate effect,

whether to produce the election of one of the Presi- .. t. - i . , i .in

dential opponents ot jyir. lvincom Dy tne nouse, so in default of election by the House, to raise one of the Arice Presidential candidates to the Presidency by

election of the Senate inconvenient and doubtful as

all this is, still it is one chance of escape from evil, and as such is a contingency fit to be considered. Therefore it is that, little as I find to approve in the candidature of Mr. Bell, and much as I find to condemn in the canditature of Mr. Douglas, I frankly confess that, if it were in my power to discover any

where thirty-two electoral votes possible for cither of

them, or it such thirty-two votes were, in my hands to cast at will, I would willingly have them given to Mr. Bell or Mr. Douglas, unless being cast for Mr. Breckinridge, they would elect Mr. Breckinridge. But I declare I do not see how or where, in all the Northern States, either Mr. Bell or Mr. Douglas is to obtain a single electoral vote, or how it was possible, at any time, that either of them should have obtained a single Northern vote, save and except by- the aid and the help of the friends of Mr. Breckinridge. I am not now discussing the political character or pretensions of cither Mr. Bell or Mr. Douglas. I merely state an opinion as to availability. That opinion is strikingly confirmed by the late elections in Vermont and Maine, which show that Mr. Bell has no strength there, and Mr. Douglas no special or personal strength, over and above the mere strength of the Democratic party. That is to say, the Democratic party would have done at least as well in Arermont and Maine, and I think better, with any other Democratic favorite for the Presidency. In fine, as to Mr. Douglas, my opinion is, that if he had been nominated at Baltimore, with regularity of form and substance, so as to make him the true party nominee, which he was not; or even if he had been nominated without opposition at Charleston, he could not have carried a single Northern State, nor more than one Southern. I think his own confidence of self assertion and the zeal of partizans, had gotten up for him a semblance of personal strength at the North, which he never possessed in fact; that his particular dogmas possess no strength whatever at the North, and have, from the beginning, constituted a sufficient insurmountable bar to his carrying a single Southern State, except perhaps Missouri. AVith Mr. Douglas regularly in the field. Mr. Lincoln would have swept the whole North, and some other person might have been nominated at the South competent to sweep the whole South. At

any rate, in the present state of things, the election of

lJouglas, either by the electoral colleges, or by the

onse. is a condition manifestly and undeniably out

of the limits of all moral possibility, and his candidature serves no purpose save only to distract the Democratic party in some of the Southern States, and in those few of the Northern States in w hich there is any possibility otherwise of defeating Mr. Lincoln.

Ihen, as to JYIr. lieu. In the hrst place, what Northern StatG can he carry ? I do heartily and sincerely wish I could see one; but I do not. Vermont and Maine have already spoken for themselves decisively on that point. In all the rest of New England Mr Bell has no show of strength out of Massachusetts.

Can he carry Massachusetts? AVill Massachusetts accord even the poor boon of her Vice Presidential vote to the highest and foremost of her living statesmen, Edward Everett? -Would that she might! 1 will not say a single word to chill the ardor of a single citizen of Massachusetts who entertains the hope. AVhat next ? Possibilities of half a dozen votes, more

or less, to be grudgingly conceded to Mr. Bell, it may be, in conjoint electoral ticket, by the friends of Mr. Breckinridge and Mr. Douglas in New York, and possibilities of a couple more of votes of the sort in !New Jersey. And that is all; for neither in Pennsylvania, nor in any of the States of the Northwest, or of the Pacific, is there the faintest shadow of a show of electoral votes for Mr. Bell? He therefore, cannot get the thirty-two needed Northern votes necessary to

elect him if he had in his hands the whole South.

AVho, then, is to carry the South, the whole South? If either of the candidates can do this he will approach so near to an election that he may reasonably hope for the additional 82 votes at the North to be given to

him, or at all events to be cast against Mr. Lincoln.

AVe have already seen all the world sees and knows that Mr. Douglas has no electoral show at the South i

outside of Missouri. If, as some of bis partizans in the Southern States professedly intend to do, they desert the Democratic party to vote for Mr. Bell, they will destroy Mr. Douglass without benefitting Mr. Bell. Strangely fallacious expectations are founded on this by the friends of Mr. Bell in Massachusetts ; all these expectations assuming that the Southern States in a body are to be frightened into voting for Mr. Bell by the imputed disunionism of Mr. Breckinridge. I confidently believe that these devices of faction will fail, and that the Democratic party of the South will be victorious over all enemies, and return its unanimous vote for Mr. Breckinridge. But, hovever that may be, I know that Mr. Bell cannot possibly be elected President. What remains? I say that, dealing now only with the question of election by electoral colleges, Mr. Breckinridge, and he alone, exhibits any chances or possibilities of success against Mr. Lincoln. You know well that I earnestly desire, and shall do all in my power to promote the election of Mr. Breckinridge, either by the electoral colleges or by the House of Representatives. I support him as the only true expression of the Constitutional party opinions cither of the Democratic party or of the country; as the only true nominee of the Democratic States; and as the only true representative of the Democratic electors of the Democratic States. But I support him. also, and above all. because, in my opinion, the

support of h'm is the only direct means of defeating

the Republican party, counteracting its unconstitutional aims and projects, and inverting disaster from the Union. I say, with absolute confidence, there is no other path of safety but this. The candidature of Mr. Douglas serves but to divide the Democratic party 1

he cannot be elected. The candidature of Mr. Bell

serves but the purpose of dividing the South ; he can not be elected. Mr. Breckinridge, and he alone, can, if properly supported, carry the South ; and in that case there is good cause to exert ourselves, with fair prospects of success, to obtain for him the additional thirty-ttvo votes in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Cali

fornia and Oregon, if not in New l ork, and so to make him President.

To commence, then, let the fifteen Southern States

be united themselves in opposition to their sectional enemies ; let them cease to exhibit the self-humiliating

spectacle of discord at home; let them not, by their intestine quarrels, be the means of delivering up themselves, and all the North who sympathize with them, as common victims to the assailants of the Constitu

tion and the Union. To waste their strength on three candidates, as they are now doing, is but madness, mere madness. And, if the people, of the Southern States persevere in this course of passion and folly,

let them not hereafter reproach any citizen of the

Northern States for what may happen. They must

begin by being true to themselves, and then, and not

until then, they may complain of others if untrue to

them. It they have no sense ot danger or duty in their own behalf, to allay their own dissensions, how can they expect the sense of danger or duty in their own behalf to prevail at the North ? Or, let the Democratic party at the South unite in the common cause, of their party, their section, and their country. All men perfectly well know that of the two candidates of the Democratic party, there is but one Mr. Breckinridge who can by any possibility obtain any electoral-votes in the Southern States or the Northern. In such a case, does not every consideration of public duty, of patriotism, of party faith and of honor, appeal to the partizans of Mr. Douglas to desist from supporting him ? Nay, do not these considerations appeal to that candidate himself to withdraw from the field ? AArould to God there were some voice of remonstrance in the United States

potential enough tb move the hearts ami the consciences of those misguided men in the Southern States small in number in each of them, at best who, as profound friends of Mr. Douglas, are diligently

engaged in promoting the success of the Republican party in the North, by distracting and dividing the Democratic party at the South. If not if the South cannot act unitedly, or at least the Democratic party act unitedly, or, best of all, the Democratic party conquer of itself, the unnatural co-

aliton in the South between the partizans of Douglas,

resentfully abandoning their party and their cause if no honorable concert of the opiioneiits of Lincoln

in the North can be effected if neither of these things can be done, then all is lost except honor. That may be saved by manfully standing to our opinions and our candidates, and to our party friends both North and South. It will not have been the fault of Mr. Dickinson, Mr. Randall, Mr. Brady, Mr. O'Conor, Mr. Green, or Mr. Sehell, if we lose New York. It will not be the fault of Mr. AVise, Mr. Mason, Mr.

Hunter, Mr. Russell, Mr. Garuett, Mr. Pryor, Mr.

Lyons, or Mi. Harvey, if we lose V lrgmia. ! We, Democratic citizens of Massachusetts, have 1

our duty, then, and other political friends in every j State of the Union, to discharge our duty to our-; selves, our duty to the country ; and we discharge ' this duty in all its relations by rendering our good will, our voice, and our suffrages to electors in the interest of Mr. Breckinridge and Mr.' Lane, and to our State ticket nobly headed by General Butler, who

merits all of trust and honor which it' is possible for us j

to bestow. t

Gentlemen, I have already occupied your time long ;

enough, and must postpone to another opportunity discussion of the points of controversy between the!

different divisions of the Democratic party, and the '

relative claims and pretensions, personal and political, i of Mr. Breckinridge and Mr. Douglas. j

Upon that class of topics let me say one thing, how- '

ever, and that is to repel with indignation and scorn,

the false and calumnious charge that Mr. Breckinridge I and his supporters arc disunionists, and that his cause i is the cause of disunion. The attempt in certain j quarters to throw discredit on the supporters and the cause of Mr. Breckinridge by reason of any cxpres-' sions of Mr. Yancey, is uncandid and unjust as regards

.Mr. xancey, and odious and contemptible as respects

of the most clamerous friends of Mr. Douglas at;

Charleston and Baltimore, and his theme was not ,

squatter sovereignty, bat the beauties of the foreign slave-trade. Mr. Alexander H. Stephens, the most conspicuous friend of Mr. Douglas, in a seech made

not long since, also aavocatea tne. reoxmng ot the slave-trade. Mr. Soule, the tlomient advocate of Mr. '

Douglas in Louisiana, was the ally and companion of Walker in Nicaragua. Mr. II. V. Johnson, the Vice Presidential candidate with Mr. Douglas, has spoken of the possible consequences of the election of a Republican President in quite as definite terms as Mr. Yancey. Shall we, therefore, say that Mr. Douglas

! nnfl liw fVwini-la ftrn la-L.3tn(tiirc Hiinir'linenrs. Anrf rtlft.

unionists ? AVe might well do so, with as much cause and as little decency as Mr. Douglas and his friends impute disunionism to Mr. Breckinridge. To the contrary of this, the election of Mr. Breckinridge would be the true and sure means of perpetuating the, Union; for his election, and that only, would tranquilize the Southern States, and dispel every image of disunion or secession ; whilst, if he be

not elected, no man is wise enough to answer for the future, and the conspicuous advocates of Mr. Breckinridge, Mr. Bell, and Mr. Douglas at the South all concur in predicting the worst effects from the election of Mr. Lincoln. The Meeting at Lebanon. The meeting last Saturday was well attended by '.. Breckinridge voters, who manifested the utmost enthusiasm for the great cause of the National Democracy. : ' . About 1 o'clock, Hon. James A. Scott, National Democratic candidate for Congress in the Seventh District, was introduced to the audience, and in a speech of an hour and a half, ably and eloquently reviewed the positions of the different parties. .--1 owing that while the Republican and Douglas factions both .-denied to the people of fifteen States their constitutional rights in the Union, and both denied the authority of the Supreme Court of the United States the latter, after having made a solemn contract to abide its decision, the National Democracy sought to give to the people of all the States an equal right and interest in the common territory, and upheld and sustained the decisions of the tribunal established by our fathers for the settlement of all constitutional questions. His remarks were received with applause, and evidently "told." He was followed by Senator Bright, who spoke for overan hour, and was listened to with the deepest attention. He reviewed the action of the Charleston and Baltimore Conventions, demonstrating to a certainty that Mr. Douglas, even with all his bogus delegates and forced votes, never received a nomination according to the rules and usages of the Democratic party, He did not claim that Mr. Breckinridge was regularly nominated ; both nominations were irregular. But, while Douglas was presented as a candidate, and his platform made, almost exclusively by Black Republican States, Mr. Breckinridge was nominated, and his platform was endorsed, by nearly all the Democratic States of the Union. Ho then showed up the record of the " itinerant candidate" for the Presidency, and his " billing": and " cooing" with the Black Republicans for the past three years. AVhen Dr. Fitch and himself were elected Senators, and went to take their scats, Mr. Douglas, with the Black Republicans, opposed them. Of this he did not complain the question was a judicial one, and every Senator was bound to follow the convictions of his own judgment. But the Senate investigated the case, and solemnly decided their election legal and valid. The Black Republicans and anti-Lc-compton Democrats of the last Legislature elected a couple of bogus Senators, Henry S. Lane and a man named McCarty, and sent them on to AVashington. They could find no Republican who, in the lace of tho solemn judgment of the Senate, would undertake to engineer their claims through but they did find a man to do it, and that was Mr. Douglas. He undertook it in the teeth of the Senate's decision ; and when the vote was taken, only thirteen Republicans could be found who would vote for it, and he voted with them. He iilluded to the fact that at AVashington, where Mr. Douglas spent most of his time, he had the fewest supporters. Of the Senators, most of whom had been intimately associated with him for years, only one supported him, and four-fifths of the members of the House were opposed to him. The President and his Cabinet, and all the ex-Presidents, with the single exception of Martin Van Buren, were opposed to him. It had been reported that General Cass was in favor ot Mr. Douglas. He hail seen that veteran Democrat a few weeks ago, and was authorized to give this report an emphatic denial. The General knew Mr. Douglas too well to ever give him his support. The distinguished speaker then proceeded to an examination of the platforms of the present political organizations, proving to ever- candid mind that the positions assumed by both Lincoln and Douglas were purely sectional in their bearing, and destructive of the rights and interests of one-lialf of the Union, whilst the principles represented by Breckinridge and Lane recognized the perfect equality of all the States, and the equal rights of all the citizens. He closed his remarks by alluding to the recent position taken by Judge Douglas in favor of a protective tariff. He had always understood the Democratic doctrine to be, "buy where you can buy cheapest, and sell where you can sell dearest." This doctrine of protective tariff was certainly a new article in the Democratic faith. The Senator's speech was interrupted by frequent bursts of applause. It was the most effective speech of the canvass, and made a decided impression upon those who have hitherto been wavering ; and wc feel satisfied that its influence will be largely shown at the ballot-box. Boone County Pioneer, Sept. 28.

Dissolution of Eouglasism. HIS NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN FACE look at this an1 thus at that. The Northern Face. The Southekx Face.

resolution" of the to-j the ledo Coiiio) Douglas' in

MEETING.

WK'KLIFFE l'LAXK THE BALTIMORE

PLATFORM.

"liesolved, That the amount of power which the people may exercise in their sovereign capacity, never has been.is not now, and never can be a judicial question, and we believe that the people of a Territory are as perfectly sovereign and supreme in regard to all matters appertaining to their local interests as are the people of a State in the management of their affairs, and we look upon any attempt to limit or restrain the power of the people of the organized Territories in the exercise of these rights, cither bv Congress or the Su

preme Court as a violation of the sacred principles of free Government." The foregoing, says the Richmond Kuquirer, furnishes a just indication of the position occupied by Mr. Douglas' Northern supporters. They proclaim, to a man, that there shall in no event be any concession on the Squatter Sovereignty doctrine, and stand as ready to defy and denounce future decisions of the Supreme Court, as they have already been to disregard the Dred Scott decision. This is not what the Douglas men of Virginia bargained for at Charleston. A pledge, submitting the question of Squatter Sovereignty to the umpirage of the Supreme Court, was there voluntarily extended by the Douglas men of the Nortlu It now becomes only too evident that this was a mere delusion and a snare, and that both Mr. lXwgtas and his managers intended

1 "Resolved, That it is in accordance with the Cincinnati Platform, thaf during the existence of Territorial Governments the measure of rest riction what ever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial Legislature over the subject of the-domestic relations, as the same has been or shall hereafter be finally detei mined by the Supreme Court of the United States, should be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the (ieneral Government.'