Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 26, Indianapolis, Marion County, 15 September 1860 — Page 3

PRICE REDUCED!

Tho Old Line Guard for 50 Cents, The back numbers of the Old Line Guard having become exhausted, and in order to place it within the reach of every National Democrat, and extend its usefulness, we have determined to reduce the price, and furnish it, until the election, THREE TIMES A WEEK, FOR FIFTY CENTS! We" have the most, satisfactory evidence that The Guard ' has done good work, and 'with the addition of Mr. Culley to the Editorial Deparlment, no labor will be spared to make it effective in establishing those principles of justice and equality which should ever regulate the interests and intercourse . of the people of all the States, and which must ultimately become the creed and rallying watchwords of the Democratic party; and in advancing the cause of Breckinridge and Lane, those Patriots and Statesmen who have proved on distant battle-fields their devotion to their country, while others, who are now seeking the suffrages of the people, remained at home, playing the carpet-knight and plotting for the gratification of an unholy ambition." Let our friends now go to work, and see that the Gunrd is circulated in every county that it" is in the hands of every good National Democrat. Let the principles of the cause we advocate be known no better agent can be used for this purpose than the Guard. We ask each one of our present subscribers, and all our speakers, to announce it everywhere, that, the Guard will be fnrWished, three times a week, until after the election, for 50 cents. Eleven copies for $5.00.',;. Start your subscriptions, and send them in at once, with the money. Address, Elder & Harkness, Indianapolis. NATHAN B. PALMER AND . .. GEORGE D. PRENTICE Pulling in the same Traces. THE PROCLAMATIONS OF THE RIVAL CHIEFS. Mr. Editor: Not the least amusing and instructive of the curiosities of that Curiosity Shop, the State Sentinel, that has been lately exhibited, are the Proclamations of Colonel Nathan B. Palmer, of Indiana.and Colonel George D. Prentice, of Kentucky, to their respective commands in Indiana, which appeared side by side in the columns of the Sentinel, of the 4th instant. . . .' Their simultaneous appearance, and the plain drift of each of the documents, is certainly not conclusive of any bargain or 'understanding between the two commandants. . The thing may have been only a coincidence, altogether unprecedented ; but whether or not, the coincidence is somewhat remarkable, as well as suggestive. Both of the sages, feeling the force of circumstances, and the urgency of a change of public sentiment, have been driven to the experiment of appealing the one to the "conservative citizens," and the other to the friends of the " Union, tho Constitution, and the enforcement of the Laws," to throw away all personal preferences, and for the moment, unite upon Stephen A. Douglas for President, What should the friends of Breckinridge and Lane do, in the view of such an appeal? For myself, I am laboring under no doubt on the subject. Something should be done, if for no other purpose than to signalize the era when Nathan B. Palmer and GeoD. Prentice coincided in a political movement ! ! But, according to my judgment, Mr. Lincoln can be defeated, and the Union saved, without throwing away any votes on Mr. Doughs ; and I shall act accordingly. With all duo respect to the two chiefs and their proclamations, I remain, &c., RUSTICUS. The State Ticket. The proclamation and appeal of "Nathan B. Palmer, 'Chairman," has been before the public for some ten or twelve days, and the sentiment of the great majority of our friends in regard to a separate State Ticket, cannot be misunderstood. After the abuse heaped upon the "conservative citizens," whose assistance is now so earnestly invoked by Colonel Palmer, tho Douglasites cannot reasonably expect the friends of Breckinridge and Lane to so far degrade their manhood as to cast their votes to elevate to place and power their bitter revilers, or even those candidates who have not had the moral courage to call off Hie dogs. The "conservative citizens" are exhorted in the proclamation and appeal, to forget, for the time being, their family quarrels, and unit in achieving a victory at the State election, for the Democracy at large reminding us that the State, Congressional and local tickets were made up by and for the whole party, and that, therefore, the whole party is in honor pledged to sustain those tickets. I shall not stop now to analyze the assertion or the argument, but will answer both of thein by relating a single incident which will afford a practical illustration of the course and determination of the Douglasites, and the utter hollowncss and insincerity of the pretence, so earnestly put' forth, in tlie " by authority f appeal of Mr. Palmer. - It is known, at least in Marion county, that our worthy follow citizen, Thomas Johnson, one of the very best fanners in the county, and who hag for several years occupied with credit the position of County Commissioner, was nominated for re-election by the late so-cal ed Democratic County Convention. It is also known that Mr. Johnson was opposed to holding the office longer, and only yielded to the wishes of his friends, in consenting to run. Mr. Johnson is known to be a decided Breckinridue and Lane man. A few days ago he was met by a Mr. Smith, a newspaper carrier, and a Douglas man, and in a friendly way was advised by Mr. S. to come out for Douglas; for, said the zealous Douglasite, I was present a few davs ago in a t-oinpany of fifteen or twenty

Democrats, over the River, when the subject came upi and, although it was tho unanimous expression of the company that Mr. Johnson was every way a good man, and an excellent officer, and was liked by every one, yet the conclusion was, that they could not support him unless he came out distinctly for Douglas. Now, Mr. Editor, you know, and I know, that this is tho essence of genuine Douglasism, everywhere. Yours, UUSTICUS.

From Putnam County. Greencastlk, Sept. 12. Messrs. Editors:- After much reflection upon the present state of affairs, I am satisfied that we cannot do without, a State Ticket. I for one am in for a bold and daring fight, and think We committed a great erron " in not nominating a State ticket at our State Convention. So far as I can learn, all the candidates for State officers are Douglas men, and when we help them to elect, it will be heralded forth as a great Douglas victory; and, in the end, it will have its influence against Us. Yes, it will be published broad-cast "Yancey disunionists' defeated in Indiana!" I have no concealments to make : I am not willing to help do, what in the end will weaken our strength, when it conies to the contest between Breckinridge and Douglas. As we are contending for the old Democratic principles, by advocating the claims of Breckinridge and Lane, why not come out from among the enemy and rally around our own colorsi headed with a State Ticket? Let us show to 'the world that we utterly despise and detest the doctrine of Territorial intervention, and squatter sovereignty, advocated by the Douglas faction. I ain, I repeat, for a bold and daring fight in this contest. Give us, then, something in the shape of a State Ticket, and vou will see a contending for principle, which will far exceed anything ever yet seen in Indiana. Respectfully, Reynolds. From Putnam County. Reels ville, Sept. 8. Mr. Editor : We had to-day a meeting of the National Democracy at this place. The discussion was opened by Patrick Haney, Esq., the Breckinridge and Lane candidate for the Legislature from Putnam county. This old soldier of Democracy made a clear and forcible speech, in which the sectional Douglas party were handled without gloves. The speaker also espoused, in a strong manner, the unconstitutional and dangerous doctrines of the Republican party. The arguments and wit of the speaker told upon the crowd. Mr. llaney will be elected to the Legislature beyond all doubt. If all who have professed and adopted Democratic principles were as true as this conscientious Democrat, then, indeed, would the party be irresistible. He is a man of whom any party may well be proud. Mr. Haney has demanded of the squatter sovereign candidates to defend their squatter sovereign doctrine before the people of Putnam, but they refused well knowing that the Democracy of this county are opposed to this unconstitutional dogma of the Illinois dodger. The meeting was also addressed by Dr. Pitchlin, who is the other Breckixridge candidate for the Legislature. . The Doctor is an able debater, a sound National Democrat, and will, if elected, make an able Representative. An Old Democrat. From Jennings County. Vernon, Ini., Sept. 13. Messrs: Editors: Yesterday was a day long to be remembered by the Old Line Guard of Jennings County. It had been announced a few days previously, that the Hon. Jesse D. Bright would at that time address his fellow-citizens, and our very large and beautiful new Court-room was filled to its utmost capacity to hear him. His address was a complete vindication of his official career, as well as a triumphant defence of the nationality of the cause of Breckinridge and Lane. He handled squatter sovereignty without glovcs,exhibiting its free soil deformity so fully and satisfactorily as to leave no doubt of the ultimate evil that must follow the endorsement of such political nonsense. Tho ballotingsat Charleston and Baltimore 'were carefully analyzed, and the trickery, treachery and thimble-rigging, by tho aid of which Douglas received this form of a nomination, fully exposed. His remarks touching the charge that tho friends of Breckinridge and Lane were bolters, were most happy and effective. His allusion to the antecedents of those gentlemen, who now almost turn their lungs upside down in yelping about "regular organizations," and who, two yeai-s ago, moved heaven and earth to defeat those of the regular nominees, who were administration men, brought forth a shout of applause from the National Democracy that will not soon be forgotten by those who were present. Mr. Blight's speech was eminently characteristic of the man, able, high-toned, full of energy, and gloriously defiant No wonder that such a man has been able to reach and retain his present proud position, as an American Senator. It can be a matter of no surprise, that a gentleman of so much decision, dignity, and unbending political integrity, should be so admired by his friends, and so dreaded by his foes. You may rely upon it that the cause of Breckinridge and Lane is already very prosperous in this county, and is gaining ground very rapidly ; of this there is no mistake, and the ballot-box, in November, will tell a tale for the Old Line Guard in Jennings that will cause the worshipers of little Dug. in this District to wish that Geo. W. Carr had never been born, and that "woodpile conventions " could be forgotten. FOR BRECK. AND LANE. The Democracy of Virginia. Our able and reliable cotemporary, the Richmond Enquirer, contains the following encouraging article in relation ,to the Democracy of the Old Dominion : The Democracy of old Virginia, anxious and desirous to bring back to the fold of the party their rrinr and wanderm" brethren, abstained from any very great exertions until after the adjournment of the C harlottesville and Maunton uonvenuons. xius was done in order, if jwssibje, to harmonize the party. Tliis wise course has worked out most excellent results many Democrats who were kindly disposed towards Sir. Douglas, having witnessed the factious and uncompromising course of the Staunton Convention, have determined to adhere to their party, and 6upjxrt the nomination of Messrs. Breckinridge and Lane. The Democracy of Virginia, in the present campaign, will poll a larger vote than in any previous canvass ; and notwithstanding the defection of the Douglas men in the State, the electoral vote of Virginia will be given to Breckinridge and Lane by a majority over Douglas and Bell combined. From all quarters and sections of the State, from the Ohio to the Atlantic, the most encouraging accounts have been received at this office. The true gallant State Rights Whigs of lrginia are rallving to the support of the Democratic party, and attesting their earnestness by subscriptions to the Enquirer and by the purchase of documents. From our country correspondents we learn the otter hopelesmess of "the Douglas division in more than three-

fourths of the counties of Virginia. After a most desperate effort, not one-third of the counties of Virginia, were authoritatively represented in Staunton, and from many a solitary Douglasite was the volunteer representative of counties he knew misrepresented. Numbers of instances of this kind have come within our knowledge. Since the adjournment, of the Charlottesville Convention, tho great work has been nobly begun, and from this time onward will continue until Virginia sends greeting in November to her sister States that she has again, as so often in the past, overthrown the enemies of the South and their deluded and mistaken allies. Mr, Douglas stumping visit to Virginia will do much good to the Democratic party. The office of President is held in such high esteem by the people of Virginia, is regarded so far above the stump,, that disgust and contempt have ever attended those who sought to -degrade it to the vulgar level of an electioneering tour. The only hope of the Bell men was in the division and discord of the Democracy; for this they have urged on the followers of Douglas to import him into Virginia, but they find that they have overrun the game, and, though thousands flock to hear him, his friends are finding in the expostulations of the people the injury he is doing to their cause. It is an accustomed sound for Democrats to hear their party friends abused and villified, as Mr. Douglas is doing, while he has no word of condemnation for Lincoln. He is doing faithfully the work of a Black Republican emissary. He utters no uncertain sound. ' The defeat of Democracy and the triumph of Lincoln are objects which cause him to stump the country. In none of his speeches has he uttered a sentiment against Mr. Lincoln ; in all, he has shamefully and falsely assailed the man whose support he but recently sought. The people of Virginia are not blind enough not to see that Mr. Douglas' conduct is giving aid and comfort, to Lincoln, and his friends in Virginia true and faithful sons of the old State will never follow him, leading as he does, to Black Republicanism. ; '

, Gen, Jo, Lane, at Covington, Ky. Tuesday evening, 11th inst., the candidate for the Vice Presidency, on the Breckinridge ticket, lien. Jo. Lane, of Oregon, addressed a largo out-door audience, from the door of the Drover's Inn, Covington. Col. Harris officiated as chairman, and introduced the General to the meeting. Gen. Lane said, he had not come to make a speech, but to state his views upon the great issues now agitating the country. He had' not yet made, up his mind to enter the canvass as a stump speaker; but he was glad of an opportunity to meet some of the people of Kentucky tor the gallant old State was the home of his boyhood. He knew her chivalry, and the patriotism of her sons, and therefore he was proud to be able to visit the State again. (Cheers.) Just now the political horizon wasoverhung with dark and threatening clouds. It was not very eei-tain in the present distracted condition Of' parties who would succeed to the Presidential chair. But there was no doubt who it ought to be.. John C. Breckinringe. ("That's so.") In his hands the interests of every class would be safe, and equal justice would be dealt out under the Constitution to every portion of their beloved country. But there was' a sectional candidate for the Presidency, a man who, if elected, would be elevated to office by the votes of one section of the country only. The party who nominated him hold that the common territory of their country should be appropriated to the Northern people exclusively; or in oilier words, that the people of Kentucky should have no interest in common with the Northerners in the common property of the Territories. He trusted that the people of Kentucky would not favor the election of such a candidate. On the other hand, the Breckinridge ticket represented a principle that must be maintaineda principle lying at the foundation of the Government, and upon which the Constitution and the Union reposed. He knew that there were individuals in that State who wished to divide the party and prevent the success of Mr. Breckinridge one of the most gallant, chivalrous, just, high-toned, talented men in the Union. -'Why should it be so? It ought not to be so. Kentucky ought to be united in defence of the principles upon which her interest and future happiness and the happiness of the whole country depended. (Applause.) The issue was whether or not all the people should have equal rights in the common Territories; whether Kentucky, Tennessee, South Carolina, and every other Southern State should enjoy equal rights in the Territories with the people of tho North. The Territories were the prize of the blood and treasure of every portion of the country; and therefore, any man, from any State, had the right to enter a Territory with whatever was property in the State from which he came. If the Constitution was maintained no power on earth could disturb such a man in the enjoyment of his property in the Territory. -'That's the docti ine." When the people of the Territory camo to make a State Government, on their admission into the Union on an equal footing with all other States, it was their privilege and duty to establish such a Government consistently with the Constitution, as they desired to live under, to constitute a Free or a Slave State ; and it was the duty of Congress to admit them in whatever form they presented themselves. (Cheers.) With any other course there would not be equality in this country. "Squatter Sovereignty" was the sheerest nonsense ever uttered bv mortal man. Laughter. It was a heresy, a fundamental error; and those who preached it either did not understand it, or did not wish to do equal justice to every portion of the country. The difference between a State and Territory was manifest to evcrv one who had a particle of common sense. In the State, the people were ruled by the organized law furnished by their own Legislature. The organic law of the Territories, on the other hand, was the law of Congress. Congress has no power to establish or prohibit slavery. 'It ain't in the book.' When their forefathers made the Constitution they conferred upon Congress all powers necessary all for the promotion of the common good. Then they took care to say : All powers hereby not conferred upon the General Government are reserved to the States respectfully and the people thereof.' In the Constitution which was made by the purest men on the face of the earth, there was not one word that could be construed as authorizing Congress to legislate on the question of slavery. Would any man then, who had one siioonfull of brain, say that a Territorial Legislature could, under anv organic law, do that whtch Congress itself could not do? If any would, he might with equally propriety contend that a man was greater than the power that created him. Applause. The Government could not live that was constructed on the Squatter Sovereignty principle. The herersy was only a more direct route to the accomplishment of the "infernal purposes of the Lincoln party, namely, the exclusion of the people of Kentucky from an equality with the Northern States in the common Territory of their common country. "That's right." Ho knew that the man Douglas, who was his friend, for they served in the Senate together, and had visited at each other's houses, and had never had personal difficulty; he knew that Douglas hat! been traveling over the country in search of his mother, as his friend in the crowd reminded him, and teaching the Squatter Sovereignty doctrine. Recently Mr. Douglas had taken a higher stand, and defied" the Supreme Court; for he had said that the Court might decide as often as it pleased that the Southern people had the right to go where they pleased with their slaves, yet the people of a Territory had the right to prohibit slavery, and were responsible alone to posterity and to God. Thus Mr. Douglas preached in the Northern States, with the view of distracting and dividing the Democratic party, in order as he (Gen. Lane) honestly believed, that Lincoln might be elected President of the United States. "God forbid." Laughter. However, be would not say anything of Douglas. He had onlv wished to expose his heresies and denounce his doctrines. He (Gen. Lane) was for preserving the LTnion, and God knew there was not a man who would lay down his life quicker than he would to assure its preservation. Applause. They can preserve the Union forever by maintaining the Constitution; and they must do the latter by refusing to allow the Government to infringe on any of the people's rights. If the Government attempted to force an indignity upon Ohio, would not th Kentuck'ians

rush to maintain her Constitutional right? And should they not do tho same for South Carolina ? Even if any State or people should be willing to submit to an insult, or to surrender a right, he would stand alone, if necessary, to protest against it. Applause. The blood of his ancestors, shed in many a battle to defend constitutional rights, ought to haunt the man who would relinquish one of them, and the bones rising from the battle-field ought to shake in his face and call him coward ! If it should bo established that tho people could go into a Territory, and there establish or prohibit slavery, what a rush of opposing parties there would be ? And soon there would be collision and bloodshed between the citizens from the North and those from the South. -'...' , . ; Suppose a Territory should be organized, the legislature of which prohibited every Northern man from bringing into it his horses, oxen and machinery, what would be the feeling of the great North ?- Would they submit to it ? Not for one hour. Yet it was a parallel case for the Northerners to say, " We will exclude the Southern men and their property from the Territories." Applause. It should then be remembered that the Breckinridge ticket was the only Union ticket in the field, for it stood by the equality of the States. If the Government should be administered upon the principles represented by the Breckinridge ticket, it would last for all time, and the Union would last forever. Cheers. Whether that ticket were elected or not, the party must never abandon their right doctrine. Then, if defeated once, they could rise and fighf for their principles again. Cheers. With such evidences as he had had of the patriotism of all classes upon the battle-field, it would be safe to say that the people, North and South, and the adopted citizens of the States, would be true to their country in November next, and secure the success of that ticket which would lead to the Government being administered upon those principles of equality, justice and right, of which he had spoken. Some one in the crowd having called the General's attention to a speech ho delivered in Concord, N. II., in 1856, in which it was thought he had advocated Squatter Sovereignty, he said he had remarked in the

i speech in question, "Why not leave the matter to the people in the Territory ?" never dreaming that any man would be fool enough to say that the people I could prohibit slavery while the district was still a Ter- ! ritory.J j. Tn conclusion, he paid a personal tribute to Mr. i Breckinridge, of whom he said that since the days of i Washington, this country had not had the opportunity of procuring the ' services of a purer, better, nobler :man than John C. Breckinridge. He called upon jail his hearers, as they wished to promote the welfare 1 of their glorious country and the. happiness of her I people to support the Breckinridge ticket. Ap- ' plause. Mr. Douglas Then and Now- His Inconsistency on the Territorial Question. On a recent occasion, when Mr. Douglas was making one of those speeches " in favor of Mr. Douglas for the Presidency," into which he was so frequently "betrayed " in his tour through New England, an inquisitive citizen in the audience requested Mr. D. to answer the following simple question ; " Do you hold, and if elected President of the United States would vou carry out, the doctrine that the people of a Territory, before it becomes a State, have the power, under the Federal Constitution, and notwithstanding the Di ed Scott decision, to prohibit or exclude slavery therefrom i" '',' Mr. Douglas, though, he declares that he has no opinions which he is anxious to conceal, yet did not find it convenient to give his opinion on this subject; and thus far has declined even to attempt an answer to the question proposed. One of his New England organs displays more temerity than its chief, ami undertakes to answer it in a mode t hat we should like to see Mr. Douglas himself attempt to adopt namely, by quoting the sentence from President Buchanan's letter of acceptance wherein he said that the NebraskaKansas bill "simply declared that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide for themselves whether slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits." The squatter sovereignty organs profess now to believe that thia eonteiicc sustains and nuthori:es the heresy of Mr. Douglas ; but it is a recent discovery that it can be so tortured as to support any such dangerous but despicable dogma. Mr. Douglas himself did not put that interpretation upon the sentence quoted until a late after-thought suggested it to him as a means of fortifying himself behind the authority of President Buchanan; but, no matter when the pretence was taken up, we cannot permit him, or his organs on his behalf, to ensconce themselves under such very respectable shelter. The sentence does not in the least support the theory of squatter sovereignty ; and to show that it does not, it is only necessary to quote the exposition of its meaning afforded by the President himself on the first occasion which offered itself to him after the publication of his letter of acceptance that is to say, in his inaugural address, to which Mr. Douglas listened, and which he accepted without a murmur of dissent. In that address, Mr. Buchanan said, concerning the difference of opinion in regard to the point of time when tho people of a Tenftory should decide the question of slavery, that it is a judicial question which legitimately belongs to the Supreme Court of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, it is understood, be Speedily and finally settled. To this decision, in common with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit, whatever it may be, though it has ever been my individual opinion, that under the Kansas-Nebraska act, the appropriate period will be, when the number of actual residents in the Territory shall justify the formation of a Constitution with a view to its admission as a State into the Union." This is quite the opposite of the present Douglas doma; but Mr. Douglas" not only did not then intimate any dissent, but he, in the most decided manner, assented to the doctrine of the inaugural, that the Supreme Court should decide authoritatively the point in dispute. If Mr. Buchanan's present views on the Territorial question are so very odious to Mr. Douglas, why were they not so on the 4th of March, 1857? They arc identically the same as they were then avowed bv him in the first act of his official term. Mr. Douglas heard Mr. Buchanan utter every word of his inaugural. Did he dissent from it? It it was so terribly heterodox and inconsistent with his letter of acceptance, why did not iwr. nouglas denounce it as such at the time, and why did he not go forth from the Capitol on the 4th of March, 1857, to proclaim to the people that the man whom they had elected had proved false to his pledges? Did he do so? No. He left the Capitol, and aided to swell the throng which was flocking to the Executive Mansion and the various Departments in search of office. I.ook at the files of the Departments now, and sec if they do not irroan under the number of applications for Executive tavors which were placed on them for nine months after Mr. Buchanan had been guilty of the inconsist-j ency which so outraged the scrupulous and patriotic Dou'das. If Mr. Buchanan was so false to his pledges, was it honorable, was it honest, to beg and besiege him for office, and, after obtaining all that could be got, to then turu round and discover the inconsistency? Mr. Douglas' own father-in-law, Mr. James Madison Cutts, was one of those for whom Mr. Douglas solicited office ; and Mr. Cutts was promoted by the President from a $1,600 clerkship to the second comptrollership of the Treasury, at a salary of $3,000, which office Mr. Cutts still holds. The brother-in-law of Judge Douglas, Judge Granger, also still holds an impoitant place in the Land Office, in which he was retained at the solicitation of Mr. Douglas ; and numerous other friends of that gentleman occupy official positions to which they were appointed by the same influence, previous to the discovery by 'Mr. Douglas that the views of President Buchanan were opposed to the true Democratic doctrine. This discovery did not even take place when the Supreme Court rendered its decision, nor yet when the President wrote the famous Silliman letter, in which the views that he had formerly expressed were reiterated in terms that could not be mistaken. Mr. Buchanan wrote as follows in the letter to Silliman and his associates: " Slavery existed at that period, and still exists in Kansas under the Constitution of the United States. This roint has at last been finally settled by the high est tribunal known to our laws. How it could ever have been seriously douWed is a mystery. It a confederation of sovereign States acquire a new Territory

at the expense of our common blood and treasure, surely one set of the partners can have no right to exclude the other from its enjoyment by prohibiting them from taking into it whatsoever is recognized to be property by the common Constitution. But when the people the bona fide residents of such Territory proceed to frame a State Constitution, then it is their right to decide the important question for themselves, whether they will continue, modify, or abolish slavery. To them, and to them alone, does this question belong, free from all foreign interference." Here aain tho doctrine always maintained by the Democratic party was expressly announced, and squatter sovereignty as distinctly repudiated. But .Mr. Douglas had not yet found the necessity of an excuse for separating himself from the National Democracy, and while he himself gave his approval to the letter, his organs, the very same who now insist upon the opposite of this doctrine, enthusiastically

"endorsed it. The sentiments' therein expressed, in the opinion of Mr. Forney in August, 1857, " shed along the dark pathway that has led into our Kansas troubles, a flood of light." They " dissipated a thousand falsehoods in an instant;" "deprived sectionalism of the only weapons left in its armory of expedients," and " invigorated the friends of the Constitution." Furthermore, having agreed to abide by tbe opinion of the Supreme Court, Mr. Douglas was still further held and firmly bound by that decision fo the princi ple ot popular sovereignty as uiusiraieu in me luiumtion of a State Constitution, when the people of a Territory, " like those of a State," are entitled to fix the institutions which they will have under their new form of government. Mr. Douglas did accept this opinion of the Supreme Court, having previously repeatedly endorsed the. same principle; and it was only when he was in want of a pretext to excuse the course which his personal ambition and private malice induced him to take, that he invented the creed appropriately christened squatter sovereignty, and undertook to" browbeat the party into accepting it as an ancient and recognized doctrine. The truth is, that squatter sovereignty never was known or recognised as a Democratic principle at all, and is not now ; that Mr. Douglas himself he'd the contrary to it until the fatal hour of his treason, and that his' organs are not only all committed against it, but never heard of it until the opposite doctrine was fully established in the Democratic creed. Those who advocate squatter sovereignty have completely abandoned the platform of 1856;' and as the Douglasites appeal to Mr. Buchanan's letter, we have shown that they have abandoned the principles advanced by that letter itself. The inconsistency Mr. Douglas is patent to every eye, and that of his organs is not less open and palpable. They both endorsed and agreed to the principles of the President's letter of acceptance, his inaugural, and his .Silliman letter, and these three are perfectly harmonious, and alike opposed to the new Douglas dogma. The latter has already produced the disruption of the Democratic party, and undoubtedly aims for its destruction. Its whole short history thus far is comprised in these lines. We look to see " Finis" inscribed on the end of the volume in November next. Washington Constitution. The Late Lexington, Ky., Mass Meeting. The following letters, says the Lexington Statesman were received by the Committee in reply to invitations tendered to the distinguished gentlemen to be present on the occasion of the late Mass Meeting. They will be eagerly read, and the political sentiments embodied will awaken a cordial response in the breasts of every true Constitutional Democrat : Lexington, Kentucky, August 26, I860. Hon. Jesse 1). Bright Dear Sir: The political friends of Breckinridge and Lane contemplate holding a Mass Meeting near this place on the 5th of September next, and we have been appointed to invite and urgently- request you to be present on the occasion. -Your acquaintance with the history of parties, political integrity and conservatism entitle you to the confidence ot the people, and give you a position of usefulness. Many here would be pleased to see and hear you, and your compliance with this request will be gratifying to many friends. Very respectfully, James B. Beck, t'liA. 1. TnoAJ, Tn. B. Monroe. H.J. BRECKINRIDGE, Jr., B. 11. Al.I.EN, Hart Gibson.' Jefiersonville, Ind., Sept. 7, 1860. Gentlemen: Your hitter of the 2fith ultimo, inviting me to attend a Mass meeting of the friends of Breckinridge and Lane, holden near Lexington on the 5th inst., was not received until to-day. I regret that my absence from home for the past two weeks, placed it out of my power to accept your kind invitation ; for I assure you, it would have afforded me great pleasure to have heard what I have this day, with much satisfaction read the true representative man of the National Democracy John C. Breckinridge " group together " the many calumnies put in circulation against him, and triumphantly refute them all, as every impartial man who heard or will read his speech, must admit he has done. Those who know John C. Breckinridge need no evidence as to his unimpeachable integrity, and his attachment and fidelity to the Constitution and the Union. His whole life public and private affords a full anfl nmnln niinranlee on these points.

Deeply regretting that I could not have been with you on the 5th thanking you for the terms jn which you are pleased to speak of my public services, and assuring you that I shall do all in my power to promote the' election of those true and tried patriots, Breckinridge and Lane, I am, Very respectfully, yours, J. D. BRIGHT. Messrs. Jas. B. Beck, and others, Committee. FROM HON. DANIEL S. DICKINSON'.. BlNfiHAMPTON, Aug. 81, 1860. Gentlemen: It would give me inexpressible satisfaction to attend the meeting of tho Constitutional Democracy near Lexington, on the 5th September, to which you have invited me in such generous and flattering" terms, .but circumstances will not permit, and I can only return you my thankful acknowledgments for remembrance, and my cordial greetings upon the proposed occasion. The struggle in which we are engaged is one of no everyday interest. The Democracy are contending against, not only allied armies, but against guerilla and scouting parties and land privateering. The black banner of Republicanism is unfurled, in an undisguised effort to elect sectional candidates, upon a sectional platform; while individual ambition conies to its aid ; in an effort to mn down aiM capture the Presidency on private account, for individual advantage. It is not only a struggle between the constitution and the ' higher law," but between the whole Union and a section between popular sentiment and noisy pretension, and between the dignity of statesmanship and the success of a one-sided steeple chase. The Constitutional Democracy, with the equality of the States for their motto, and Breckinridge and Lane for their standard-bearers, may well defy the foes of the Constitution, the machinations of management, and the assaults of faction, and march forward to that success which is better sought by adherence to the principles of the Constitution, than by the treasonable resorts of the sectionalisms, or the shifting expedients of the necessitous politician. I am, gentlemen, sincerely yours, . D. S. DICKINSON. Messrs. Jas. B. Beck, and others, Committee. FROM HON. GRAHAM K. FITCH. Orleans, Orange Co., Ind., Sept. 3, 1860. Js. B. Beck, and others : . . Gentlemen: Your letter of the 26th nit, inviting me to be present at a Mass Meeting near Lexington, of the friends of Breckinridge and Lane, found me on a tour of appointments in this !tate, which extend until the 11th inst. It would otherwise afford me pleasure to accept your invitation, and give in his own State, the reasons for my preference for Major Breekinrid 'e over either of the political twin candidates, Lincoln and Douglas, or the candidate of tbe KnowNothing allies of tbe latter. rlTru Respectfully yours, l.A.i"Vtt Messrs. Ja- B. Beck, and others, Committee.