Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 25, Indianapolis, Marion County, 13 September 1860 — Page 1

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H O THE CONSTITUTION, THE UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OP THE STATES!

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THE OLD LINE GUARD. is i'i!iu.isin:n Till- -W 33 OEJ IS! Xj Y , "A T I N IU A N A I'OM S I N l I A !VA IIY F.I. II 10 II A; II A KK N KSS. ' TI3H. 3VT S3 , !.()!), unlilHflor Ihc ITeitential Election. In advance, in all cases. Advertisements inserted at the usual rates.

. Prom Uio Union Kongo (I.oiiiaiiiiiu) Advucuto. Effects of the Bell and Douglas Coalition An Important Letter. We. ili'sirc to direct, particularattention to the letter which we copy below. Ii tells its own story more effectively than we can tell it, and deals a blow to Doudasism in the South that will stagger it considcr,M,. AIi- Slnni. the writer ot tlie letter, himself a Domdas man, finding that the Douglas men are laboring for Bell and Everett, feels himself obliged to tome oiit and denounce the intended treason to the Demo--cmtio cause, as every honest Southern Democrat must do who seeks the success of Ihmocrutic principles : Nashville, Tkn.w, Aug. 3, 1860. Jiear Mr: Will yon do the Democracy .of Tennessee the favor to prepare lor publication a synopsis of 'your interestins speech delivered before the Democratic Central Club on Tuesday evening, the 31st ultimo? Very truly, yours, , ' John A. Fisher, President of the Dem. Central Committee. To R. B. Si.da.v. REPLY OF Ml!. SLOAN. Nashville, August 3, 18(10. Mil. John A. Fishkk, Prksidknt Dkmocuatic Ci.I'B Sir: Yours of this date was received, askhi" "me for a synopsis of the speech I delivered before (Tie Democratic Central Club, for publication. I have no notes of the argument there used, and can only give the reasons why I am not for Douglas at this time. Before the meeting of the Charleston Convention, I was for Mr. Douglas ; was even for him after he had received the nomination of his particular friends at Baltimore, and to-day would be tor him were I satisfied that he was the choice of one-half of the Democracy of Tennessee. 1 was for him because I believed him to be more entitled to the nomination than any other contestant, and that the objections to him in the South were open, abstract questions. I signed a call for a Douglas meeting to be held in Nashville on the 21st Jul v for the purpose of hearing " Col. Carroll, and other distinguished speakers." The meeting came oil', but lo.and behold, "what a change was here, my countrymen." The principal regarders and friends (the men that did " the hollering,") of Mr. Douglas in that meet in" were gentlemen who supported Fillmore in 185G, Llatton in 1857, and Netherland in 18o8 men who had denounced Mr. Douglas as a Black Republican king squatter and traitor to the South. What could it mean ? "Were they all deserting Bell and going for Douglas? Were they sincere, or was theresonfething " behind the curtain," not to be seen? I determined to wait and watch. A Douglas Club of some forty or fifty members wis formed, of which I was a member ; the Club made me a delegate to a convention that was to meet in Nashville on the 28th of July, for the purpose of consulting, as I understood it, as to the best means of securing the success of the party in the coming contest. It"was to be a State Convention, and it deemed expedient a State electoral ticket was to be appointed. The convention met at the State Capitol on the morning appointed, but owing to the slim attendance the convention adjourned until three o'clock. But again this Suite Convention of the National Democracy of Tennessee could not drum together twenty-four delegates from all the counties in the State, outside of Davidson. Where are the delegates to this great national party's convention? Why are the friends of Mr. Bell here in such numbers? Why are they so anxious for Mr. Douglas to have a ticket in this State ? "Why do they have such long and animated consultations with the delegates of this Democratic Convention? Why do they suggest the names of men in their particular localities "that will make good Douglas electors, and why do the delegates to this National Democratic Convention lend a listening ear to suggestions of their old political enemies? I could find but one answer or one suggestion. I was satisfied that " something was rotten iu Denmark." 1 felt that it was a Beirmovemcnt in disguise, and for the purpose of testing the truth of my suspicions I drew up the lollowiug resolution : llesolced. That the National Democracy of Tennes see, believing it wrong to throw their influence in favor of any sectional candidate for the Presidency or Vice Presidency, are, first, in favor of the election of Stephen A. Douglas and II- V. Johnson ; and if they cannot effect their object in their election, they are next in favor of the National Union candidates, Bell and Everett. Not wishing to present the resolution in person, I went among the members and told them my suspicions, and that 1 wanted to test the fact whether or not the delegates to the Democratic Convention did hot prefer giving the State of Tennessee to Mr. Bell over Mr. Breckinridge. Their answer was yes; we don't want Mr. Breckinridge to carry a single State but Kmtlli f nmlina. Thev would not introduce the resolt;,m. 1mv.hi.;.. tliev said it would split the partv : that j

there were Bell men enough in the Convention to j taueously from the necessities of human society whercarrv the resolution, and its adoption would ruin ever they are in juxtaposition in sufficient projiortion everything. This was the first intimation that I had j to force society, lor its own safely, to obey the ordithat there, were Bell men in the convention, and I so ; nances of nature. expressed myself at the time to the gentlemen with j R was with these views and under these circumwhom I was conversing, and they all said it would be B(an.es (liat the Government was founded, of course a impossible to keep thein from voting on the resolu-, Government of white men, and with which negroes tion. had no more political connection than he cows or Was I in a joint stock concern, in which Bell men horses had. This Government was based on the great and Douglas men were equally interested, and were central truth equal rights that underlies all our inwe woi kin" for one and the same end ? Had the love stitutions, and of course is bound to fulfill its lcgiti-

for one man so far carried us from the true landmarks : of 1 emocracy that we were prejiared to sell out body : ana baggage lo the Opinion r 1 went into the conventionin good faith ; I was working for the elee-' tion of Mr. Douglas, not Mr. Bell, and when I found that the leaders of the movement were working fori the sole purpose of destroying the Democratic party, ' in aiding Mr. Bell and his friends, I could 110 longer! remain, when it was evident that tlie Carroll, Watier-j son and Company partv were working, not for the ; love of Mr. Dumd.-is. but of revenge : that their efforts

were lo destrovnot to build up the Democratic jiarty. j town, have this light; but the pretension setup by I could not soe how anv Democrat could longer remain j Mr. Douglas that they may legislate away the rights with such a faction, for it is a faction, working again or to the injury of citizens of sovereign States is such the Democratic j.artv, w ith no j.urjiose in view but its a contradiction in law and common sense, that one i destruction. And 1 do not hesitate to say, and that even more amazed at it.s audacity than disgusted at its tix. without the fear of successful contradiction, that folly. the leaders of this lk.uglas movement are working for j The Constitution, it is true, was made, for States, th -siile and only piii-jvise of giving the State of Ten- an(j then-fore its sj'irit. and princijiles are our only ncssee to Mr. Bell, and that they have no other earthly : u;,le ia thi? matter, but when it is acccjted as ai jdy"object in view, save and except . tln-irown political ad- fn al0ne to white men, then it nece.-sarily follows

vancement 111 1861, liy and with the aid of the Bell that "slave properly" is entitled to the same common men. to whom they are now trying to transfer a jxr- protection as other property everywhere within the tion of the Democracy of Tennessee. j f,,,,,ra jurisdiction. If the public sentiment had reThere is one other consideration why, in my oj)i..- mained unaltered if, at this time, all the Suites, every inn, Douglas D.-mocrats should not suport him in this . one, were "slavt holding," as in 1 789, can any one pujS are. It is evident that the race now being made by j pose there would be any question in regard to " ave the friends of Mr. Bell and Mr. Douglas Is to sjilit up; proj erty" in the Territories? Surely not, and therethe electoral vote so as to get their particular friends; fore as the original Government the original comin the House of Representatives. Now, take it for! jact remains the same, no Democrat, without gtultiran ted that if the election goes into the House, who' lying himself, can raise that question now. The Rewi'l be the prominent candidates? All admit that ' publicans, or anti-slavery itt s, who deny that this is a Lincoln will in' one. and it is equally certain that Mr. white Government, and who hold that negroes have

INDIANAPOLIS,

Breckinridge will be another, leaving the race for the j third place between Mr. Bell and Mr. Douglas. Now, I if the friends of Mr. Douglas persist iii dividing the j State and giving it to Bell, don't they see that they j aid Mr. Bell twelve electoral votes, taking the corres- j (winding number from Mr. Douglas chances, whereas,! if given to Mr. Breckinridge it would not affect Mr. Douglas in the least ? The samo argument is good j for the balance of the Southern States; give them to j Mr. Breckinridge, and you weaken Mr. Bell's chances, j at the same time you strengthen Mr. Douglas'. But, j for the sake of argument, let us suppose that Mr. Bell j beats Mr. Breckinridge in the South, and thereby j. keeps him from the House of Representatives, what j benefit will it be to Mr. Douglas? The Republican members of the House are all pledged to vote for Mr. I Bell in preference to any Democrat. j Mr. Douglas' single State will be powerless of good j so far as he is concerned; the Southern Democratic : States may unite upon him, but they cannot elect, be-1 cause the tied State is between Breckinridge and Bell, j and Mr. Bell's men would not submit to see it cast for j Mr. Douglas. But if the Douglas men will withdraw ; Mr. Douglas from the South, and let it go as a unit for j Mr. Breckinridge, a Democratic President is bound to . be elected by a combination of the conservative por- j tion of the House of Representatives against the fa-1 natical portion, and the split of our party will be healed, peace and harmony will be restored to the country, and the bonds of union will be tied ten-fold stronger than before. . These are the reasons why I, a Douglas Democrat, am found battling under the banner of Breckinridge and Lane, and will be found battling there until the ides of November. Very truly, R.B.SLOAN. The Territorial Question. There is a great deal of misconception current m regard to the political questions before the country, as well as in respect to the vastly greater question of which it is an offshoot, and, under the circumstances, a necessary incident. For twelve years past, instead of an open and manly grappling with the false and absurd assumptions ot' auti-slaveryism, the Democratic politicians of the North have sought to escape the real issue before the country by raising the fictitious or pretended issue of popular sovereignty, until at last driven to the wall by the force of events and the necessities of the case, they have broken down the Democratic organization, and are now desperately striving to misrepresent their former associates as disunionists and extremists, whose doctrines are untenable and wholly incompatible with the safety or indeed the existence of the Union. Mr. Douglas is perambulating the country, and de nouncing Mr. urecKinrnige as tlie canuiuate oi me secessionists and fire-eaters, and declares that his po sition is equally sectional, false and dangerous as that of Lincoln, while he, (Douglas,) standing between these extremes, on the middle ground of conservatism and truth, is the embodiment of nationality, and his election, therefore, by the people all-important to the peace of the country, if not, indeed, to the safety of the Union. All mis, we must confess, iooks piausiuie, and is likely to temporarily lead astray great numbers of the people, but it is entirely and absolutely false, and this falsehood can be demonstrated with ease and certainty, by applying to it the following test, viz : Suppose we admit Mr. .Douglas argument as sound, and that it is acted on by the people and the Government, will that settle the question or stay the onward march of anti-slaveryism one hour? He says, take the question of Congress and leave it to the people of the Territories. Was not this the Democratic cry in 1856? Did not Northern men rush into Kansas to keep out " slavery," and Southern men to keep it into Kansas? Did this not generate civil war and bloodshed, the first in our history, and was not Congress forced to intervene and take back the question to itself, to save the neighboring States from being dragged into the whirlpool of civil strife ? Would not the election of Mr. Douglas on this "middle ground," and this charlatanism tried over again, end in a similar or worse result ? Indeed, so long as Southern men feel they have the right, and that it is a necessity to give expansion to their system, and Northern men are deluded with the notion that " slavery" is an evil, is it not certain that any attempt of Congress to leave it to the people of the Territories, must necessarily result in a local conflict that can only be stopped by the interference of Congress ? Is it not, in fact, the old prescription of the immortal San Grado over again ? bleeding and warm water if the patient got well, it was because he took it if he died, it was because he did not lake enough of it ! The "slavery agitation" is continued because Congress will not allow the people of the Territories to fight it out among themselves if Congress consents, and the nation is plunged into civil war, why, it is because the people of the Territories did not take popnlar sovereignty enough, or in other words, did not slaughter and murder each other enough to stop the agitation or to cure the patient. But enough of Douglasism. It is a delusion a delusion of which we believe Mr. Douglas himself is as sincerely a victim as Seward or Chase of the British or " anti-slavery " delusion.' The question is, back or bevond all this froth, declamation, and nonsense about "popular sovereignty,"" non-intervention," &c. When this Government was formed, "slavery," the social subordination of the negro the relation now common to the superior and inferior races at. the South was, except in Massachusetts, universal in the American States. Indeed, it was a social condition common to the New World. The negro was brought here thus: there was no local law establishing this relation of whites and blacks ; ail the " local law " now on the statute books of America blotted out, and there would not be such a social monstrosity as a " free negro " in the New World. It is, therefore, a natural relation, pre - existing in the nature of things, and springs spoil mate functions within the sjihere of its jurisdiction ; that is, to protect the jiersons and projierties of all its j citizens, ine lernioncs are num.. mis ieueiii ju-: risdiction ; and while many things may be best managed by the local authorities, of course the supreme ! Government must see to it that these are duly per-j formed, or, as Mr. Breckinridge declared in his I rankfort sj.eech, that Government is an obvious failure. j The peojile of the Territories have the right of self-1 government, that is, to legislate on their own affairs, mst as the family or household, or the people ot a

1ND , THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER' 13 1800.

the same (natural) rights as white men, are certainly logical, however false, and atrocious their principles, but no man who accepts the fact that this is a Government of white men, can escape the conclusion that .1..1...... ......... ...... ' .....Itl...! tin. a'.to.i ..fntiintimi :,u

IIU JIH, 13 CUllllK-. V l'H mil 1 11 wiv .. ...... .... jurisdiction. A. . Ihiy liook. Slavery Agitation. llliaa utra wuu uumncu uioi iuc nu nuui uit 1. 1.... 1 11 ,i i jfii,f..

any other .property, evcrvwhcrc.AYithiu.tho. Mcvalm" u'- KSZ fc111. y.L!'r,11,.V'

States have no earthly business to meddle with, the , ;ed bv two pons one very youthful. (It will ininstitutions ot the South in other words it becomes , tw.est -those of our rea(I(,,.a who happen to be rusty in them to let slavery alone. W hen those of the old ; (lloman antiquities," to know that, in classic times, States, which entered the confederacy with slavery ! notn;ncr was nlore uslmi than to head a triumphal proamong their domestic institutions, began to take steps ; Cfss;on w;th tie ilcro's favorite steed caparisoned and to relieve themselves ot what they considered a bur- ,e(, ; Cynics may pretend that the eurtness of the den, and the political preponderance was on the side littlc nl3 j su,rf,(,sU,f ,0 tiie Douplasites of Richof the South, no barrier was interposed to prevent 1110d the necessity of substituting the steed with the them from exercising their own pleasure. I ho rights ;j.1(.ka(.s . We know )cltl.r. yye know that the hero of the States were properly regarded and respected. ()f. t,1(! (, ,,,t, h lo ti1(! fwn.e .Mi No " irrepressible conflict" was then thought of. No fi warj,orsei s;mp v because the former is eminentone broached the policy, that we could not live in ; , ..doml..stjc animal, pre-eminently "squatty" in peace and harmony, while our institutions were l;fli--; construction. Moreover, Mr. Douglas is entirely too ent. No one asserted then, that we must bo all slave, c.onservat;ve to tolerate anything military in a civic or else ull free Stales. .. It was not attempted to force !- proccs8i0n.- Why, such an anomaly might even slavery upon unwilling States. No crusades were nwaken a si10ut ot- pR.fe,.ence for that gallant old war gotten up 110 raids projected no inflammatory ap-jlorg(1) j00 Lan() of Oregon a thing evidently not to peals spread through the public press, to persuade the bc ausired. We insist, then, that under all the cirpcople of the free States that slavery was ordamcd of c,mls(an(.M a donkev in front was the safest and most Heaven, anil that it was the normal condition of the ; approp.iate arrangement which could possibly have blacks. State afterState from the broad YV est territory , jjeen devised. '

came into tlie L uion, wunouc oujccuou on me pari. of the South, although their institutions were diflerent from those of the majority of the States, until, what was foreseen and apprehended,' the equilibrium could no longer be maintained iu tlie Senate and the House. It was feared, too, (what is now transpiring) that par-j ties might be arrayed geographically, and the prejudices and passions of the people stimulated by amlii-1 tious demagogues, to set at nought the wise counsels of the Revolutionary Fathers, and of Washington him-

sen, ami pun uuwii tuu miuia ui tnu Lmiiiuwuu ( . , , , , at l o i 1 , . j . 'ii , 1 . rt veru dark color. I en appropriate. N. B. B. Leadwinch they had taken so much pams to construct. . It. ' , , , .,, , ' , , i. . i- . ,, . , , ers and wheel horses ornamented with plumes suy;was apprehended that some aspirant would take ad- .. . , , , ., . , .. . 1 ,. , 11 ,,,, , , V ., i , srestini;, unavoidably, the idea of a tip-top funeral. vantage of the tendency of the Northern people o ,n-; ailinibllt trlrmeh appropriate, termeddle with the rights of their Southern brethren, ; j Jh A body-guard of Douglas men ; three and promulgate the very doctrines now advanced,) , , , "i ,i, . i , i i, . e . , ,,. , , . ,. on horseback; a somewhat larger number on foot, Althat there is au " irrepressible conlhct between live-1 t0et.,er V(ru select ' dom and slavery; and the fanaticism which; wlum first; j,(.nl fifth, A somewhat lamer corps of Bell' and introduced at Boston, was regarded as simply ruhcu- E mm-mr fiftv-two, more or less, all told. Sigulous, Won the lead.ngpnncij.le of a party cla.in- ;f of " ing to be a majonty m the Nortlier.. States. ! it,lu sixth. Fifty-four boys. The emblems of YV hy should this be ? W hy should tlie teachmas of v a, .,.,, that great bulwark of freedom, he Constitution ot the . j tXu al., 1iun(hed Kept United States, be disregarded.' Can we not live ,n I ,fu, Uxrn-m consideration of the Senanuty, as we have lived, and while we guard our own ; , fcrem.(( for llclams,. rights, respect the rights ot others? It is against (he , , letter and spirit of the Constitution to form conibina- j As to the speech,Mr. Douglas must have been hoarse, tious, iu the free States, to intermeddle with slavery ( for ho was nearly inaudible. The Enquirer gives the at all. The equality of the Slates is distinctly inoul-: aniK.Xed sketch:

I.. . 1 11 .1 .1 :ii ...t '.

cated in that great instrument, and that, equality ! T,IR SpFFrn. ceases to exist when, having attained a political pre- . . , , , ' .' ' , t, ponderance, it is assumed by Northern politicians that ! At about 2 o clock, P. M., we approached the monslavery shall be restricted to the States in which it ex- f et iron, the western gate of the Catol grounds, ists, and shall not go into the Territories. Should this I taking our way toward the outskirts of the crowd asdoctrine prevail and become the ruling sentiment ot : sembled around the monument, and hearing no sound the nation, the Constitution would cease to fulfill its of public debate, we ventured to inquire as to when functions; the equality of the States would be no the speaking would probably comn.enec. "At .t almore; and all the calamity that has been apprehended ready, 1 believe. Ih.s good-humored reply .induced would be consummated. j 119 ,0 sl.ou der our way toward the other side. ho Have the Democracy of the South shown no mag- r soon as we obtained a view of the j.latiorm, there .nnanimityin the past? Have they not stood up like .f. the ttlc.O.ant, gesticulat.ng earnestly, but men, and sustained three Northern Presidents, since ".we hearl .- Ig-ng to the front and this "irrepressible conflict" began? In 1848 thcy!8 nl.w at last hecan.e one of the pnv.leged few supported Gen. Cass who was a Northern man. True, 1 J'o heard Mr. Douglas speech,- I he elect was painhe failed of securing his election, but the Democracy j ul. His voice was oo weak for out-of-door speaking of the South were true and steadfast to him. In 1852 ; -was strained to a "proper mixture of the squeak and they supported and aided in electing Mr. Pierce, a' groan,' every word requiring a separate eftoit, each Northern man, who was succeeded bv Mr. Buchanan, ! ort requiring a j.ause, and eflort and jiause inducing M,.t., ' ,!,, tl, l.mn,."ra,.vnt n. Snnili 1 an emphasis altogether at variance with general usage.

mm, an undivided vote. Thus, while fearing the ap- ( proaching storm, whose (hunders had sounded in and out of Congress from prominent' Northern politicians, the South confided in three Presidents in succession

drawn from the North. The time has come when she the Abolitionists ot tlie iNoi tli and by the has a right to expect a chief executive officer of the j Secessionists of the South." nation shall be drawn from among her eminent sons. ; The matter of the speech was a feeble rehash of the The agitation of slavery is relied oii as- a' -'political . Norfolk and Petersburg speech, very awkwardly put hobby by Northern politicians, and the South j.rotests , together, and extremely prosy. Before the speech against it as unnatural, suicidal, and looks to the dec- was half finished, the crowd thinned raj.idly. Many of tion of one of her own distinguished sons, as a source : the remaining sjieetators amused themselves by makof protection in the darkest hour. ing free and easy comments on the matter and manner We were promised, in 1850, that this slavery agita-. 0f the address. A large number of these reached our tion should cease; and for a time the rays of happi-j cars. The most symjialhctic proceeded from a bareness and content beamed on every countenance ; but ; footed juvenile, of some ten years of age: "He's

it was too strong a hobby to be turned to grass by! certain men who had an eye upon the Presidency. Here it is a mere abstraction, for there are no slaves, but in the South it becomes a practical question. The slaves are informed that they have friends at the North, who are striving to gain their freedom that a Northern President will redeem them from bondage and give them liberty. They become dissatisfied, discontented, unrulv. stubborn, restless, anxious, rebel lious. Fire and rapine stalk through the land. No; master feels safe from the torch of the. midnight in-; cendiarv, or steel of the as-asqn. Women and chil-i dren are filled with fears, and the land is the abode of;

apprehension that fruitful clime "where the orange d-atic meeting. Faint applause. As I was saying, and the lemon trees bloom," which adds to the wealth the meaning of the whole thing is of the Union, and receives its commerce by the ad-j Another Bystander What is the meaning of Squatvantages arising from its productions, the result of j ter Sovereignty ? Laughter. slave labor, to which the world aflbrds no parallel, Mr. Douglas If that individual hasn't the. brains and this is the result of slavery agitation, and why to define the term for himself, I am obliged to fell the South is so violent in resisting it. Their lives as j ,hu that I left my dictionary at home. Faint ajwell as their fortunes are dejiendent ujion its eessa-' plause. (ion. AY'hen we of the North calmly contemplate the j Indeed, the attempts at apjilause were all very faint, subject, we must come to the same conclusion, that it' The, little squad of Douglas men jiresentdid their best is a business with which we have nothing to do, and ;n that line, but they got very Utile assistance even

should permit tho-e whom it does concern, to work out 1 , .. . , e - ' ... ! the results ot tne.rown cxj.erience. ui. courier Breckinridge and Lane. From the day that two Presidential candidates asliea of the Democratic National .. ,T" .. . i. f 1

Uonvention, a very large po: 110:1 01 our ii-uw -in - nm.. ... v ........ -ry friends have urged and advised that we should run ; ting fashionable in quarters where only a few months up the fl.i" of Breckinridge and Lane, as the most ago the welkin rang with haarse and discordant invosatisfac'orv nomination before the country. In that cations of the evil sjii.it of dissension, and proclamaopiniou we have ever coincided, but at the same time: tions of the existence of an irrejiressible conflict beadvised that if such a union of the Democratic and j tween the North and the South. But, though there conservative elements of the State could be made as! may be nominalists in philosojihy, the thinking masses would rescue it from Black Republicanism, it were; are not liable, in the sphere of politics, to mistake better to do so, even if it were insisted it should be: words for things, shadows for realities. They will

done under the DouMas flag. To that end have the ! fr;onf).s Df Breckinridge and Lane toiled incessantly, ! fmm the adjournment at ISaltunore to the meeting 01 , our own ;,e Convention. The friends of Bell and Everctt were equally willing to throw their votes in j tie samP direction but the jilan has failed, and it becomes a conscientious duty to fall back upon our first ! preference, and give to the breeze the flag of the only tandidatcs who can by possibility be elected in Novcniher. The followii." reasons, which are given by 1 the editor of the Hart lord 7V;)ie., suit equally well our meridian : 1. The Democratic jiarty is divided. The regularity of the National Convention was broken down by the admission of bogus or Know-Nothing Delegates, and the practical repeal of the Two-thirds Rule, a resolution being substituted for that essential Ballot Rule. 2. In this division we believe every Denwx'rat is at libertv to support either of the candidates named ' 11 bv the Democraev. 3. Our preferences are for Breckinridge and Lane. 4. We desire that the unity of the Democratic party in Connecticut should be preserved. But the proceedings of tin Convention of Wednesday so insulting to the friends of Breckinridge and Lane 0 at variance with the ordinary course of the old Democracy leave us no alternative in deciding ujxu. the course which it is our duty to pursue. 5. The special friends of Douglas have taken their course thcirs,The friends of Breckinridge will now take i rtr Hitvcn !!-qUur. I

Dug. in Eichmond, Va. The Richmond Enquirer gives an amusing account

of the sayings and doings of Mr. Douglas in Rich- ,., .1 ,. 1 1 I or. j.ne nmowing is uie miquuvrt invciiiurj ui uiu items of the procession : Tlum T?iif ;in.l Inromnyl a. Vfipv docile IION'k'FVi . .. . .. . .. . . . ,,, m.f ,. lu.fmit n d ii.m n I , viw h.nsi' m-cll- . Item second. Tlie Armory band, (hired for the occasion, rumor says, by a joint contribution, in which all the Douglas men of Richmond, anil an equally large number of generously disposed Bell and Everett men participated proportionally.) playing with all their might, " See the Conquering lleio Conies!" or something equally appropriate. Item third. The Little Giant with three attendant gentlemen, seated in an open carriage drawn by four horses. N. B. Leaders white wheel horses' of a An instance will suflice to give some conception of the effect: "Fellow citizens the time honoreddoctrine of non intervention is denounced -alike bv a doin'like as if he wuz a coin' to cry. Po or fel ler!" Some of the "boys," who had come to "see the fun," evidently considered the programme "slow," and tried to enliven it by addressing imjiertinent questions to the orator. A short specimen of eloquent and refined repartee on the part of the Senator must suffice : Mr. Douglas I say, let the jieoj.le of each Territory settle the slavery question for themselves. Bystander How about the t'LA.u question ? "Laughter.! Mr. Douglas I understand that trick of old. The eueiny are sending outsiders here to disturb a Demoj'rom the followers of Bell and Everett What is our Duty ? All parties of course profess devotion to the Consti....I.... .i.i.l i'lttt I'liinn All f,f n curl. Ii -n t'iu prv 14 mil consider calmly and well, during the .ending canvass, which of the warring jiart.es it is whose success would secure me raiiinuii ami iiva vi mi- mun 1. u n that which has all along consistently, and without equivocation, boldly attacked the constitutional righis of the South, and the triun.j.hof whose jw.licy would at once render her but a subject province of the einpire? Nothing is more certain than that the election of Lincoln would be the signal for the disruption of our Federal relations. It has so been proclaimed by mow m.u lltivt. ill-, ci lih u uuun iyt , 01 11 w.ihii, and the utterance of sound anil fury signifying nothing ; who were the staunchest Union men in the troublous era of 1M32, and whose warnings are rather the sorrowful convictions of an irresistible logic, the unerring instinct of those long and intimately conversant with public affairs, than the voice of partisan zeal. Is it the faction of which Mr. Douglas is the originator, and 111 whose behalt lie is now stumjnng the South and scattering ambiguous words? Who ., 1 . . 1 .1... .j- . i... mai nas p:i:o me m aueuuim iu (luuuiai imiabihties, and the indications ot the mpular will, can doub! that Douglas will fail to carry a single State, and that Douglas knows the fact? The inevitable inference, therefore, is. that the jiurjiose of his present tramp is to divert votes from the Jlenior ratic cause, thus, in effect, throwing his influence for Lincoln and dissolution. The Bell and Kvcrctt arty, with their purely negative platform, which ignores all living issues, "can hardlv expect what jxa.r consolation Gen. Seott received in 1852. fcvenr vote given to Iouglas will be. in consequence, in reality piven to Lincoln. That this object is desired by the arch-agitator is

NO. 25

at least, not questioned by the most astute and far-seeing politicians of the South. , It remains, therefore, that, alter all the absurd charges of disunionism made against the Democracy, it, ' and it alone, is the only really Union party in the field. Its triumph. would, satisfy theSoutl reconcile all divisions, dispose. of all disturbing problems, and conduce more than any event in our history to the glory and power of the nation. Let it fail, (and we have no apprehension of the occurrence of such a calamity,) and the worst evils which patriotic men have long dreaded as a future contingency, will oveiflow us as a deluge. Neither Douglas nor Bell can be elected ; and the South will most assuredly not tolerate Lincoln, and submit to be passed under the yoke. It would, in such event, pre are itself to secure its imperilled rights and its co-equality in the Confederacy. These considerations and facts should have their proper weight with all really Union-loving men,, of whatever jiarty. 'If they be sincere in their devotion to the Constitution, and prefer the triumph of Union principles above all factional success, there is no other means to compass their object but to rally around the standard of Breckinridge and Lane. St. Louis Bulletin. Douglas aud His Partizans Eesponsible for the Disruption and Probable Defeat of the Democratic Party. No candid man can deny that Stephen A. Douglas and hisadherents are alone resjionsible for ii 1 ilsniition of the Democratic jiartv, and for all the disasters that will follow from lhat event. If defeat shall be one of those disasters, Stejihen A. Douglas and his adherents are alone resjionsible for it. Douglas is the leader and the pioneer in this nefarious work of demoralizing and destroying the Democratic jiarty. lie. began his mischief in lnisrej.resenting and misintcrjireting the Cincinnati platfoim. That jilatibrm declares that when a Territory has a sufficient number of people to justify its admission into the Union as a sovereign State, they shall have the power " to lbrm a Constitution with or without domestic slavery," and bo admitted into the Union 011 terms of jierfect equality with the other States. The true construction of this resolution is jdain and obvious. It clearly inqilics that the jieojile of a Territory were to take no action with regard to the institution of slavery., until there was a poj.ulation sufficient in (he Territory to justify its admission into the Union, and, in that event, and when tUey'fraiKe -a Constitution with the view of admission, they could then abolish, or establish, or continue slavery, as they saw fit. This is tluj -. true reading of the Cincinnati jilatibrm, and the true idea of Fopular Sovkkeignty such as every Territory has enjoyed, and will continue to enjoy. But Douglas was not satisfied with this construction of the Cincinnati jilatibrm. It did not favor his ambitious designs. He wanted the sectional supjwrt of the North, and he thought he could obtain it only by making one tremendous stride over the Abolition sentiment of the North. Hence he put a new construction ujion the Cincinnati platform. lie construed it to mean that the residents of a Territory, at anytime, and however few in numbers, might legislate on slavery, and abolish it if they pleased. And this doctrine, in its consequences and results, is more mischievous than the doctrine of the Wihnot Proviso, held by the Black Rejiiiblicans. Douglas substantially holds, that after a Territory is once organized, a score of Abolitionists, under the patronage 'of the New England Emigrant Aid Societies, 'may go into it, and vote slavery out, and pass severe penalties against its introduction, thus effectually excluding the Jieojile of the South, who have an equal right with the North in the enjoyment of the public domain. This doctrine was sufficiently satisfactory to the abolitionized portion of the Northern Democracy, and it was the first step taken by Douglas, with a view to the coercion of the Democratic jiarty into the sujijiort of his aspiring and ambitious schemes, or its disriijition and defeat. It was soon followed by his hostile attack upon the Leconipton jiolicy of the President, and the industrious and jiersevering jiroj.agation of his squatter heresy, from his first act of apostacy to the present time. This was followed up by his schemes to obtain the nomination for the Presidency from the National Convention at Charleston. And, to accomplish that design, the -.plan of unit delegations was devised and jiartially carried out ; the trick of voting in irregular delegates, and keeping out those who were regularly elected ; and the virtual repeal of the twothirds rule ; all resulting in the nomination of Douglas, by a glaring fraud upon the Democratic party. Thus is Stejihei A. Douglas and his adherents the authors of the disruption and defeat of the Democratic jiarty, if it shall be defeated. Even at this late day, if he and his jiartisans were nof intent ujion the defeat of the Democratic jiarty, he would retire from the field, and aid in the election of Breckinridge, the true and legitimate candidate of the jiarty. For it is apjiarent that Douglas has no effective strength in any State in the Union. He will not, in all probability, get the electoral vote of a single State, His party . is a mere. Northern sectional faction, .without any substantial power, excejit for mischief, and not the glimpse of a jirosj.ect for success, further than to defeat the Breckinridge ticket in one or two Northern States. Every State that can give a Democratic electoral vote, will give it to Breckinridge, And Breckinridge is the only Democratic, candidate, really or nominally, w ho has even the remotest prosj.ect of success. . Yet, with these most obvious facts staring them in the face. Douglas and his followers still keep in the field, still keep up their factious, sectional organization, still oppose tlie jirincijilcs of the National Democracy and its candidates, and are still determined ujion their defeat. Thus Douglas and his adherents are resjionsible for the disruption and defeat of the Democratic Jiarty, in the pending Presidential contest, if such shall be the result. Concord (X. JI.) Standard. The friends of Douglas seem to be peculiarly unfortunate in their efforts to get uj. electoral tickets for the " Little Dodger," in the South. As fast as they jiick their electors they are sure to declare themselves for Breckinridge and Lane. In Virginia and Tennessee they worked and sweat for several weeks, and finally thought they had their tickets fixed up; but, in the last few days, the majority of the gentlemen selected have declined the dubious honor, and announced their intention to sujiport the tried and true National Democratic nominees. It is sujvposcd the rest will " follow suit " soon. Tlie fact is, the peoj'Ie of the South look upon Douglas as being fully as hostile to their institutions as Lincoln. The only difference between them is, the one is bold and open in his avowal of Abolitionism, while the other cloaks the same sentiments under insidious disguises. Both have the same object in view, to-wit: the ultimate abolition of slavery; but they take diflerent methods to accomplish it. Both are purely sectional candidates, running in the North alone, and depending entirely .qion Northern sectional prejudices for election. Each received about the same number of Southern votes (and most of thosfl were Ixuus) in the Nominating Conventions each will have about the same cumber of electors in the South, and the Southern supjxirt of each will be about the same at the polls in November next. Probablv no two men were ever before the American people occupying so nearly the same jxsition in every rvpjM'Ct. li(Kie I'ionffr. Who is to Bi.amk? The Douglas jjerg and orators, surely, have a j-oor ojiinion of the intelligence of the peoj.le. or they would not so persistently assert that the fi icudsof Breckinridge and Lane are at fault lor the division of the Democratic party. If there is anv fact a clearly proven a any other, it is, that seventeen States of this Union were opKed to the nomination of Mr. Douglas. Awjnst.i ('ni.) 7'rw lm-0'rttt.