Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 24, Indianapolis, Marion County, 11 September 1860 — Page 1

ID THE CONSTITUTION, THE UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OF THE STATES!

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THE OLD LINE GUARD. IS PUJJL.ISHED : 1 rt x - 'vv eekijT, ATI N I UN APOJilSuIiy;i)IANAi BY KLDKII Sc IUKKNESS. "I" EI IX 3VT IS, ; Sl.OO, until after the Presidential Election. In advance, in till c.nses. Advertisements inserted at tho usual rates. From Uio OonbllWlicui. BREOKINEIDGE SONG. BY P. SUTIIliKLAND. Tune" 0 Come, Come Away" O come, come away, From Douglas and from Johnson, From squattcrites, '. . . And Douglasites, O come, come away ; They split the party right in two, ; And mean to split the Union, too ; From these vile "disunionists" C) come, come away. O come, come away, From bogus "delegations," .. . From Charleston o'er To Baltimore O come, come away. From semi-abolitionists, And little squatter sovereignists, And bogus delegationists, O come, come away. O come, come away, From " trading politicianers," And bargainers, And slanderers, 0 come, come away. They talk of nothing buUhe spoils, And cheat the men of honest toils; '"From these "gambling bargainers" O come, come away. () come, come away, From "double meaning platforms," To blind the South, And catch the North, O come, come away, And stand where hope and faith unite A platform all of " equal rights" From these doubtful candidates O come, come away. () come, come away, And join our noble army, Our Breckinridge, Our heritage, O come, come away, And " Old Jo. Lane, of Oregon," Will lead our gallant soldiers on To conquest and to victory, O come, come away. ! O come, come away, We're fighting for the Union, For " equal rights" Of all the States, O come, come away, Our trust is in the " God of Hosts," And in his name we make our boasts, For Union and for " equal rights," O come, come away. EXTRACTS FROM THE ADDRESS . ' OF T1IK ' National Democrats of the State of Iowa. Assembled in Stale Convention at Davenport, ' August lblh, 1860. .,.' : National Democrats and Fellow Citizens of Iowa : The National Democratic party is confused and distracted, but it is not dead. It still lives, and though wounded in the house of its friends, it will yet recover its former vigor and pristine glory. Though we may sincerely deplore the present unhappy condition of affairs, we yet believe that the principles of true Democracy must occasionally be tested and purified in the ordeal of trial, and, if need be, temporary defeat. To be worthy of the high honor and ni oud distinction of enrollment in the National Democratic army, we must be willing, in the face of fierce persecution, " to take up our cross and trudge nnHnnt.lv onward in the "narrow way " of constitu tional duty, trusting ever to therebounding energy of our tried principles, ana relying upon me suuer second thought" of the patriotic masses. When we'have studied carefully the history of our country, and have considered the great measures which have led to its present wonderful development, we have clearly recognized as the agent and instrument of this amazing progress, the great party around which all our boyish love and manly hopes have clustered. We have seen dark clouds roll up upon our political sky; tie after tie snapped asunder; church after church dissolved by geographical and sectional issues, but we have always consoled ourselves with the reflection that while the National Democratic party remains intact, the Union was safe. But now, alas! this last great bulwark of the Constitution is threatened, and we are passing through a crisis pregnant with great events. It is useless for us now to investigate the causes which have led to the division of the Democratic party; crimination and re-crimination can do no good. It is the part of wisdom to recognize and deal with facts, and to inquire for a remedy, if indeed one can be found. It is apparent to the most casual observer that the most profound anxiety pervades the public mind. A violent and bitter political campaign is before us. Men, equally sincere in their respective political convictions, formerly political brothers, but now almost sworn foes, will wage war against each other. Excitement will inciease, and men drunk with passion and prejudices, and inflamed try insidious appeals from ignorant and designing men, will be ready to crucity their very brothers in the flesh. But the soothing influences of time and sober reflection, will bring men back to reason, and they will then certainly loath and discard the novel and delusive positions which they now cherish with so much fondness. The old land-marks will again be sought for, and the old paths will again be trod with patient, footsteps. ! ' Afl old line Democrats, of the Jefferson school, we have the profoundest confidence in the popular judg-j ment, ami f"c! that the only safe relianee. for the safety ; and perpetuity of this Government, rests in the intelligence and patriotism of the people. Whatever of imperfection there may be in our National Government, how inconiarally superior it is to any other Government in the world ? Founded uxn the virtue and intelligence or me people, it musi increase in perpetual vigor and beauty, unless ignorance and vice shall be permitted to sap the foundations of tlie Republic. We ought then carefully to scrutiuize the teachings of our political leaders, in order that we, the true sovereigns, may sit in impartial judgment upon their acts and recommendations. It is dangerous for us to ricld our judgments and consciences implicitly) . 1 ( 'IM . 1 1 ,. . .. 10 t'le Keeping Oi any mail. m? xiuiu warns ua w put "no trust even in princes,"and "eternal vigilance"

INDIANAPOLIS,

is said to be " the price of liberty." Let us, therefore, each for ourselves, carefully investigate every political question, in order that we may intelligently exercise the sacred right of 'suffrage. With these preliminary cautions, and with an earnest desire-to seek truth rather than victory, we proceed to discuss the principles "of the three great political organizations which are now struggling for the control of the Government, with the question,, which, in some of its phases, is the all-absorbing issue. These parties, we will name the Republican, the Douglas, and the National Democratic. The Republican party regard slavery as a social, moral and political evil, and are banded together in a crusade for its abolition. In their opposition to "the extension" of slavery into Territories " now free" (we quote their expressions,) they invoke the hostile legislation of Congress, in opposition to the plain provisions of the Constitution, as authoritatively decided by the Supreme Court. They intend to check and circumscribe slavery, and the body of the party mean to attack it, not only in the Territories, but in the States, and wherever it exists, regardless of consequences. The vital principle of this organization is ceaseless war upon slavery. Conservatism on this subject is political death to any Republican leader, and Sumner now is regarded as a more authoritative exponent of iiepuDlican principles tnan even oewaru inuiscii, um the real author of the " irrepressible conflict " is the standard-bearer of this party. When you remind them of constitutional rights and obligations, they resort to glittering generalities they speak of the spirit of the age ; the equality of the human race ; the Declaration of Independence; the light of the. nineteenth century; the dark ages and denounce slavery as a crime against nature, a sin against high Heaven, one of the relics of a barbarous age, and their opposition to such a seeming monster of iniquity is but. the logical effect of such premises. The fiamers of the Constitution and the fathers of the Republic, they regard as clever old fogies, but as entirely behind the spirit of the present age. The Republicans show their hands bohlly, and there is no equivocation in their position. They are open and uncompromising free-soilers, and they mean that slavery shall bo driven from the Republic. In the accomplishment of this purpose, they are professedly for the use of legal and constitutional means only, but we have seen few Republican papers denounce John Brown's piratical raid into Virginia, and we fear that "the rank and file" would not have mourned over his success. If this party succeeds they will be forced to strike at the equality of the States, and the Constitutional rights of the citizens, and leave to the South but the alternative of ignoble submission and union, or manly resistance and dissolution. The. Republicans hold that the Federal Constitution conferred absolute and unlimited power of government over the Territories upon Congress, and that it is not only the right, but the duty of Congress, in the exercise of such power, to prohibit the introduction of slavery in any Federal Territory. Next we have the Douglas party, (we mean no offence by the term, but use it by way of distinction, and to designate the followers of the squatter chieftain, and whose demise, whether natural or political, will bo the signal for its dissolution.) These men are much given "to lip service;" they talk eloquently of the rights of the dear people when they want their votes ; they propose to confer upon them powers not recognized in the Constitution; they sing pagans to the Union, and speak softly to their Southern brethren in polished periods, while at heart (we mean the leaders) they hate the South, and are ready, for local spoil or personal advancement, to join in a crusade against Southern rights. Semi-Abolitionists and slaves to popular clamor, they denounce as disunionists and bolters the gallant men who are heroically fighting the battles of the Union by firmly and boldly upholding the Constitution. Their leader, once a gallant Democrat, but who never drew his sword or periled his life in defence of his country, has the folly to imagine himself a second Jackson, and is now marshalling his forces for the contest of 1864, and hopes for personal victory over the ruins of the great party to which he owes all his consequence. The Douglas party deny the power of Congress either to establish or prohibit slavery in the Territories. They hold to absolute non-intervention on the part of Congress with the subject, but claim for the Territorial Legislatures the right and authority to establish or prohibit slavery in the Territories. They deny that slavery exists iu the Territories by virtue of the Constitution of the United States, and say that it can only have legal existence there by virtue of a positive enactment in its favor, made by a Territorial Legislature. They submit the whole question to the tender mercies of the varying humors of a Territorial Legislature, and "don't care whether it is voted up or down." They have made the novel discovery that the right of property can be decided at the ballot box, and that the offspring of Congressional and Federal power has more "inherent" authority than its creator! Wo next come to the National Democratic party, led on by its gallant leaders, the heroic Breckinridge and the glorious old Joe Lane. War-worn veterans both, Union men by birth, instinct and education, ready at a moment's call again to peril their lives in the defence of their country; yet petty politicians and local spoilsmen, cowards and slaves to the will of one man, have the supreme meanness and audacity to call such patriots disunionists, and "worse than Benedict Arnold." But let us look beneath such billingsgate and the catch-words of "slave-cod ists, interventionists, etc.," and learn from authoritative teachers what the .National Democratic party does teach. In his letter of acceptance, which is but the logic and spirit of the platform on which he stands, John C. Breckinridge says, we " hold to trie doctrine of nonintervention by Congress or by a Territorial Legislature, either to establish or prohibit slavery; but assert (fortified by the highest judicial tribunal in the Union) the plain duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to secure, when necessary, to the citizens of all the States the enjoyment of their property in the common Territories, as everywhere else within its jurisdiction." No language can be plainer or more beautifullyexpressed. Mr. Breckinridge is not only opposed to Congressional action to establish or prohibit slavery, but is also opposed to Territorial action for the same purpose. He docs not wish to create or extend anynew rights not recognized by the Constitution. But he wishes to protect and 'secure'existing rights, and like a true patriot he is willing to look to the Constitution as interpreted by the Supreme Court for the definition and assertion of existing Constitutional rights, but when ascertained, like an honest man, whenever and wherever such rights are attacked and imperilled, as the next President of the United States, lie will discharge his " plain duty" by using the whole Federal Government to defend and "secure" them. We hold that our Union "is a confederacy of equal, Sovereign States, for the purposes enumerated in the Federal Constitution." That whatever " the common government holds in trust for all the States must be equally enjoyed by each." That "it controls the Territories iu trust for all the States." That"nothing less than Sovereignty can destroy or impair the rights of persons or property." That the Territorial Governments are subordinate and temporary, and not Sovereign, and hence they cannot destroy or impair the rights of persons or property." That "while they continue to be Territories they are under the control of Congres;; but tint the Constitution nowhere confers onanv branch of the Federal Government the power to discriminate against the rights of the States or the property of their citizens in the Territories." That it therefore follows, " that the citizens of all the States, may enter the Territories of the Union with their property of whatever kind and enjoy it during their Territorial conditiou, without loss or hindrance either by Congress or by the subordinate Territorial Government," We aver on the one hand " the absence of Sover

INI)., TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 1800.

eignty in the Territorial Governments," and on the other, we deny the power in Congress to confiscate property or " to discriminate against the rights of the States or the property of their citizens." We wage war against Territorial Sovereignty as well os Congressional prohibition. Wo esteem them "equally unconstitutional and equally destructive of the cardinal doctrines of State rights, State Sovereignty and State equality, and equally calculated to endanger the fraternal relations which should exist between sister States. With an honest and sincere desire for the truth, we seek to be guided in our political darkness by the light of the Constitution, determined to follow whence it leads. We seek not to create new rights, but to protect existing ones. If slavery is not in the common Territories by virtue of Constitutional right, we seek not to establish it there either by Congressional or Territorial law. But if slavery be there by virtue of the Constitution we protest against Congressional or Territorial prohibition. We ask only for our rights and equality under the Constitution. We nnlv ihicivo tn Vuw to wtiflt. nni- fathers rtlcdn-od us in the Federal compact, and having entire continence in . . . . ... . 1 ,r, . . their patriotism, intelligence, and morality, we are willing to carry out with alacrity and good faith, every obligation they have assumed for us. We wish for no alliance with covenant-breakers, we have no " higher law" than the Constitution, and we regard the Union under the Constitution as the most perfect form of government, and are determined to maintain it. The National Democratic party has always gloried in beipg a law-abiding party. Founded upon "the rock of the Constitution," as interpreted by the Supreme Court, wo have a ready and safe solution

for all Constitutional difficulties. The man who an- that opinion carefully, and with an liouest desire to peals from this tribunal to a "higher law," or who will ascertain what really is decided, cannot fail to be connot consent to take the Constitution, as interpreted by ! vinced that the whole question of Congressional power,

the Supreme Court, for his rule of action, is without hp nnlo of t.liA Democratic nartv. lo such we make no appeal, but we warn them that when this beautiful temple of our liberties shall be destroyed by the hand of the political incendiary, and chaos and confusion, murder and rapine, shall stalk abroad in mis iair lanu, that an incensed people, aroused at last to a sense of their loss, will hold them to a fearful accountability for their direct agency in the .fearful tragedy. " The Constitution and the equality of the States ! These are the symbols of everlasting union." These are the rocks upon which the National Dt Jemocracy have planted their feet, Let us then examine the party issues of the day in

the light of the Constitution ; let us inquire what is j And yet convinced as we are of the absurdity and the Bond which our fathers made; to what have they entire u'ntenableness of squatter sovereignty, because pledged us, and are we willing to redeem pledges so j we refuse to leave the old paths and desert well estabsoleninly entered into ?" lished principles, to follow Mr. Douglas into all the vaWe know of no more safe and satisfactory way to ! garies of his political speculations, we are termed boltarrive at the true meaning of the Constitution than j ers, disunionists, etc. .Well, fellow-citizens, we will by considering the -circumstances under which it was ; endeavor to survive the terrible anathemas of the made ; the debates in the Constitutional Convention ; "Little Giant" and his faithful followers, and although eo-temporaneous construction; the opinion of lawyers; he does "grow upon our hands, and may come down learned in the law, and the decisions of the highest j Up0n us like a ton's weight," (as Augustus Osar prejudicial tribunal in the land, i diets,) we will yet endeavor to console ourselves with We must confess that to our minds such sources of ; the company and sympathy of all the Democratic Um- ' information are much more conclusive and reliable j ted States Senators, save the "man Friday ;" ninethan the fervid and impassioned assertions of stum) j tenths of the Democratic members of Congress ; the orators and politicians, devoid of legal learning, and ; President of the United States, and the distinguished more anxious for political victory than constitutional ; Democrats who compose his Cabinet; all the sure truth: ! Democratic Slates ; together with Franklin Pierce,

"It has been necessary more than once in our lnsto-i ry, to pause and solemnly assert the true character of this Government." We believe the time has fully come when every American citizen should deliberate ly review his political creed, and take his position firmly upon the stand-point of sound constitutional principle We aver in the first place, then, that slaves are re cognized as property Dy the Federal Constitution; that the citizen of a slave State has the right to take his slaves into the common Territories; that there is no power in Congress or in the Territorial Government to impair or destroy such property; that such citizen is entitled to the full enjoyment and protection of his slave property in the Territories while the same remain in a Territorial condition, and that it is the "plain duty of the Federal Government, in all its de-:

partments, when necessary," to afford adequate pro- j highway of nations, or in the common Territories, we tection. We desire no equivocation or evasion on this j demand that in such case, the Constitutional rights subject. We understand that the Constitution regards , of the citizen, whatever they mav be, may be a slave as equally the subject of property as a horse j protected by the whole power of the Federal Governor any other personal chattel, and that the same guar-, ment, whenever assailed from any quarter, antees which are furnished for the protection of the ' It is much the fashion now-a-days to denounce Fedone no more, no less are equally applicable to the j eral power, and to compare it witlv that grinding other. ! tyranny which drove our forefathers into revolution, Before the adoption of the Constitution, the States j forgetting that the Federal Government and the Conwere sovereign and independent, and were in a con- stitulion are the offspring of the popular will and the dition to settle the terms upon which they choose to ! creatures of popular sufferance. But what has this to form a more perfect Union. They made a Consti-j harsh step-mother done to the good people of the tution and a treaty in the same instrument. It is j United States or to our fellow-citizens who seek their well known that when the Constitutional Convention1 homes in the unexplored solitudes of our country, that assembled, composed of the representatives from thir- j she should deserve such severe and wholesale denuntecn States, that twelve of those States were slave ciation ? : When the people of a Territory are poor States, that slaves were considered and recognized by and unprotected, unable to pay taxes or defend the rathe laws of those twelve States as property, and that: selves against the robber and the savage Indianthe slavery was considered highly essential to their inter-1 Federal Government intervenes with ils organic act, ests and prosperity, and as a very important subject -of , it pays all the Territorial oflicers, its Governor, ils treaty and consideration. It was therefore, manifestly. Secretary, its Judges, the members of its Legislature the intent and purpose of a large majority of the fra-j ofits own selection ; it erects its public buildings, farmers of the Constitution to enlarge, extend and se-j nishes its public library, provides Federal troops for cure, as far as possible, the rights and powers of the . the protection of the citizens, bestows upon tin m milowners of slaves within their own limits respectively,' lions of acres of the choicest public lands for educaas well as within the jurisdiction of the confederacy j tional and railroad purposes, and in every way minisabout to be formed. Assembling under such circum- ters to their wants, ami watches over their helpless

stances, and impressed with such convictions, is it not ; . 1 ... .i . ir L c C reasonable to suppose that the intelligent framers of the Constitution would atlonl ample security 10 ine owners of slaves throughout the entire Territorial limits of the proposed confederacy? What we may reasonably expect to find in the Constitution we do find there in fact. Wc sav that the Constitution re cognizes the lawful existence of slaves as property,for; it apportions the representatioti-aaiong the States on tho l.o.;0.,C rlHm-Hon lvtwpfin free persons and vth-' er persons (meaning slaves) ; it provides in Art. 2, ! Sec. 2, tor their surrender when escaping iroin on ; State to another, and provides for the continuance of the Slave Trade until a certain specified period. t..a 1..A. n .lrt.ilf arw-nlaHsin iinon

this important subject. The highest judicial tribunal; A e are not, therefore, surprised that our Youthen, in the Union has authoritatively declared the .pies- brethren, preferring the solemn guarantees which the tion. In the much abused and much misunderstood j Constitution has thrown around their properly, should Drcd Scott case, 19, Howard, p. 394, which decides: be unwilling to risk it before any other tnbuna what, little new, but recognizes well established principles, i ever. W e are not surpnsed that they do not share in in delivering the opinion of the court, the Chief Jus- the .nddlercnce of Mr. I Was whether their proptice, in sneaking of4 the Territories acquired by the ; erty be " voted up or voted down ; - we arc not surFederdS?vement,v.: "The Territory thus ac, prised that they should insist that this Govern men ouired. is acquired bv the people of the United States,! was formed for "the protection of lite, liberty, and

for their common and equal benefit, and every citizen; has a right to take with him into the Territory any article of property, including his slaves; which ! Federal Government for its protection." V, e , Now, fellow citizens, is there any escape from such language Can it be expia.nea away uy in, ue. agogues who have not the courage to make a manly , "n"?" " i- i t iU nnU aiKilAin thp. Constitution. UD-I ,,,a. . ... jvy.v. , i hv tbft expenditure of the common blood and com- . LA mon treasure, is acquired for the whole people of the j United States, " for the..- common and equal benefit, , and that every citizen "has a ngh t to take with him; into the common territory- any article of property, eluding hi slave; which (slaves) the Constitution re-, cognizes as property, and pledges" not the inherent power of the people of a Territory, but something much more tangible and efficient, to wit: the whole power of "the Federal Government," with its armies and its navies, its courts and its officers, its legislative and executive power, ail. all is " pledged for the protection and support" of the humblest American cititen in the peaceable and ouiet eniovment of his sacred right of property whenever and by whomsoever' availed. This is the position of the National Democratic! partv; this is the protection guaranteed to us by oar!

der which they live, ana unuer wn.cn wc m. - now exapi fjm ie

pored so amazmgly as a nation t nave we no intn, . fuW ni)dereiaIldi the glaTCrv qU(

established our proposiuon, .. re m,t .u.,, .j, and knowledge that thorized to sav that the common Territory, acquired . . . , u -e ,.

glorious Constitution ; this is the protection which we invoke for our Southern brethren as for ourselves, and this is the protection, to the maintenance and securing of which, for every section of our common country, we hero this day solemnly pledge ourselves shall be impartially extended to every American citizen, or else we will not only sustain those whose constitutional rights are invaded, by speech and vote, but in the hour of battle and blood, if need be, we will sustain them with our swords.

e are all Union men. e would that tins glorious Union, with its teeming associations, its amazing progress and its future promise, should be torever preserved as the richest heritage which we can leave to posterity, but we tell you, fellow citizens, that this can only be' accomplished by a firm maintenance and a n -.1 r , l . . o .!ii! 1 iainuui uiscnarge oi our consiiiuiioiiai ouugmiuna. Those who cannot come up to this standard, had better join the Republicans or their squatter allies. Thev can have no affiliation with the National De mocracy, and if enrolled into our ranks they would desert at the first smell of powder or the distant blast I ii i. nr . .. :n: n:. . oi uiu war-irumpei. ive wain ou unvwimig tum, no faint-hearted soldiers; no cnmp-followers; but we do want true and tried men, thoroughly educated in sound Constitutional doctrine, and who, if need be, will peril their lives and their fortunes in the great Constitutional battle which the people of this country must yet fight for the preservation of their liberties and their rights. Now, then, let us come to the late decision of the Supreme Court as to Congressional power over the Territories. We refer to the Di ed Scott decision, and we undertake to sav that anv lawyer who will read , witn us iiiniianons, is uieie ueciuci.. : the opinion substantially decides the points ! ist. That the power of L'oveiniiig the Territories of ! the United States during their Territorial condition jS vested solely in L ongrcss. 2d. That Congress has not the power to confiscate property or exclude slavery from the Territories. 3d. That not having the power, of prohibition, it cannot, of course, delegate it to the Territorial Legislature. . . ' ., .'. 4th. That the Territorial Legislature, in the absence of delegated power, has no inherent right to exclude ! slavery. Daniel S.Dickinson, Charles O Connor, Henry A, Wise. and. all the other truly trreat Democratic lights. We sav, that sooner than bolt against all. these; the dictates of common sense, the plain interpretation of Constitutional law, and the ancient and tried doctrines : and usages of the great Democratic party, we prefer, if you please, "to bolt" Mr. Doujrlas and ins new fancied doctrines. But let us not be deceived by the confusion of terms j which now prevails in political lexicography. Let us not confound Comrressional non-intervention witn squatter, or more properly speaklng, Territorial sovereignty. We are for non-intervention by Congress or by a Territorial Legislature, either to establish or prohibit slavery in the Union or anywhere else within Federal Jurisdiction : but wherever it has a constitutionul existence, whether on the high seas, the common infancy like a kind father, and all the federal IjOv- . . , .1 ..11 .1.:.. 1 v..,.no. ernment asks of them for all this care and expense, is that they will be good boys, sludy hard, and prepare themselves for the great duties of self-government, when they shall attain their majority and be admitted into the family of States. Now, is this any more than the Federal Government lias a right to expect ? But suppose they are guilty of grossly immoral conduct, and they refuse to heed the teachings of their j fathers: suni.ose thev undertake to exercise powers) not conferred upon them, and to the prejudice of the j mmuy lniercscs, or aueuijiiiu n-gaiiAc uimuv., , adultery or polygamy, will it be said that the paternal Government should not reacn inein in men- uiau Cal'CCr? property;" we are not surpnsea mat w :,c, -in opu u the equality of the Stales, and the righ of each c.t -; aen to a full and equal participation in all the benefit mrpr,Kd hat they prefer placing their ngh s upon ! solid constitutional grounds, rather than upon the nn-; furtive theories of tunning and unstable ! bt wiU 1)0 ,urprised if the entire South ' - 'lv , -lo Ap prt:on an(i niamtendo not now nrm V un ue in n e wrmuu aim iimmit-u- . . .... i noe ot ihnr constitutional ngnts; we will he surNorth a final : L-stion ; and our politi-; t f , . . , . . tftimAft w. DOl llOff, Willi HLrtll tlliu imui. uiuic u rwu vm vii.hvuj. ,a d .w he ,.hiTairos Tonnjj wm of Ken-1 iAes rf mber come we shall ;f one hun,ired and twenty Southern; , . , not -. w-.h (hv?on. California. p,.nns,.,TBn;a t0 make Brerkinridse and Lane the next President and Vice President of these United States. ' Docglak IM THE South. The special telegraphic correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette says: Doudas is expected here this afternoon. lie will rest a dav and then go to Baltimore and i redenck. Maryland. He has been mainly rrrrir'd hy Ml m'n South, who have furnished all the enthusiasm and all the receptions. All their demonstrations were of course insincere, as thev intend to give hrm no Tote.

NO 24.

Our Correspondent "Cleveland." The Commercial of yesterday embraced the opportunity, in copying a miserable lie, from a Yancey-dis-union print, concerning our Washington correspond- - cm., IU Oj,coiv jl mill off a tT(Tirirrrr7 . I, 10 mi, uti.vir sary to vindicate him from that charge. His letters have been proverbial for their accuracy in political speculation, aud have been moro widely copied than any other lelters written from the Federal Capital. Their author is not Judgo Douglas' Secretary as the Yancey organ charged. The motive of the Commercial in traducing our correspondent is obviously one of malignant disappointment and sjilee.n. It inaugurated the system of special Washington dispatches; but, for some cause, it has fallen behind, and allowed its cotemporaries the whole field. Having been ingloriously beaten, it takes refuge in suarls of rage against its more fortunate competitors. Cincinnati Enquirer. Ave charge that this correspondent of the Enquirer signing himself "Cleveland," is a fellow named, or at least passing by the name of Sheridan, for he may have as many aliases as a horse thief for aught we know to the contrary. This Sheridan was the private Secretary of Mr. Douglas, was brought with him into Ohio last fall to report his speeches, and did report his Wooster speech, in which Mr. Douglas denounced the Attorney General, calling him "Jerry Black," in bitter terms! If not the private Secretary of Judge Douglas now, he is still under his orders, being better enabled to serve his master iu writing falsi looils for the Cincinnati Enquirer, and in telegraphing falsehoods to other papers, than in writing letters tor, and reporting speeches of the candidate for President who pays him his salary. This Sheridan is Ihe same unnurtured .whelp that started the canard that Mr. Breckinridge had it in contemplation to withdraw from the canvass, and we have good authority for saying that it was done to prevent Judge Douglas from carrying out an intention foreshadowed in his letters to his friends in Washington, of retiring from the contest in order to attend to his private affairs in the hope of retrieving his fortunes and becoming the Democratic candidate for President four years hence. The reason why we know that Sheridan is the man that started the canard, we can give, having an account direct from one who was present when the idea was conceived, but whose name we are not at liberty to use, as he is not now in politics. Does the Enquirer ask for it, and will it give it an insertion if we furnish the item? Mr. Faran, one of the proprietors of the Enquirer, has been for years the personal friend of our informant, and would if necessary indorse him as a man of the sternest, strictest truth. . Missouri. The best test of the relative strength of the various parlies in the State of Missouri, is to be found iu the composition of the new Legislature. The footings are as follows : , . SKXA'IK. Breckinridge Democrats. ............ ..1 7 Douglas Democrats. . . .............. 8 Union.... 7 llepubliciins. ....... , 1 Total..... .. .............. .. .....33 house. . v Breckinridge Democrats ............. .53 Douglas Democrats ...... ........... 28 Democrats, position unknown ......... . 6 Union .. 33 Republicans 12 Total..... .......... ..........132 The six Democrats whose position is reported unknown, are believed to be nearly all Breckinridge men. From this, it will be seen that the "Little Squatter" won't be able to give Frank Blair "James S. Green's place in the Senate," as lie promised. Boone County Pioneer. A Gross Douglas Fraud. The. Douglasitcs in New Jersey have issued an adi dress in pamphlet form. The address states that the rules of the Baltimore Convention of 1852 were adopted at Cincinnati and Charleston, and that those were binding, and determined how many votes were required to make a nomination. It then quotes from the resolutions of 1852 one which declares that "two thirds of all the whole number of votes given shall be necessary to a nomination." The authors of this address knew they were perpetiating a fraud upon the people, when they copied this resolution instead of the one adopted at Charleston, and which was binding upon the Convention. The Charleston resolution is as follows: "Resolved, That the President of the Convention be, and he is hereby, directed not to declare any person nominated for President and Vice President, unless he shall have received a number of votes, equal to two-thirds of the votes of all the electoral colleges." The suppression of this resolution, and the substitution of another is one of the basest frauds of the times. The authors of the address knew that Mr. Douglas did not receive the number of votes required by the rule adopted at Charleston ; and hence, they suppress that resolution and publish another which was repudiated by the Convention itself. Wash. Con. Douglas' Friends in the South. The receptions of Mr. Douglas in Virginia are managed by the supporters of Bell. His audiences are made up from the same sources, and the applause which greets him is from Opposition mouths 1 They applaud him because he is doing his best to destroy the Democratic party ! Such applause is to the shame and disgrace, and not to the honor, of him who receives it, and Mr. Douglas should blush, instead of feeling complimented, when Virginia Know Nothingism tosses up its cap for him ! The Know Nothing organs in Virginia witness the progress of Mr. Douglas with delight, which they do not attempt to conceal. They know that he is, in effect, stumping the State for them, and they believe that ho can do them more service than all their own oratoi-s. They uphold him, they praise him, they magnify all the favors he receives, in order to exaggerate liis strength. They are right, for he is truly laboring in their cause. But while Know Nothings thus rejoice, the true Democracy can only feel gnef and indignation at the treason which thus flourishes in their sight. Wash. Con. Ex-Pi;ksipkst Pierce. In our issue of last week we copied an article from the Manchester American, in relation to the course of Ex-President Pierce, to which we added some comments of our own. The article from the American intimated that Gen. Pierce wa not sincere in his declaration in favor of Breckinridge and the National Democracy. We have sufficient reason to believe that we were too hasty in our conclusion.-, anil, therefore, did injustice to the ExPresident. We have, now, no doubt of the sincerity of liis preference for Breckinridge, and the integrity of his purpose with regard to the pending eouteet. We have no doubt that Gen. Pierce will do all for the national cause, as represented by Breckinridge and Lane, which could be exacted of him in view of his position and character. We regret that we have been niu-led into any doubt of the sincerity and integrity of his motives. Concord Stmdanf. C3T The Mobile (Ala.) Tribune fays : " We haT reliable news fioni several counties in the interior. It amounts to the fact that Douglas is losing every day, that Bell will beat him. largely in the vote of the State. We have no doubt of this, but in order not to give encouragement to our Bell friends, it is certain that in the counties alluded to. Breckinridge will beat both of the Opposition parties."