Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 23, Indianapolis, Marion County, 8 September 1860 — Page 1

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H THE CONSTITUTION, THE UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OF THE STATES!

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THE OLD LINE GUARD. IS I'lJUMSHKl) j ITS. I - "7W 13 33 Xj "5Z" , AT-INDIANAl'OLIS, IMD1ANA, IIV EIiF.lt c 1IAUKNKSS. ..- tehms,;; t.00, until utter the Presidential Election. In advance, in all cases. Advertisements inserted at the usual rales. From tho New York Pay Hook The Late Hon. James K. Paulding on Senator Douglas. It is already known to our readers that the late Hon. James K. Paulding was in the habit of contributing editorially to the columns of the Day Booki for several years previous to his death, when his health permitted, or he felt inclined. With a mind vigorous and strong up to his last moments, and keeping a close watch on public events, his long and varied experience in public affairs rendered his opinions of great weight and importance. Then, too, they were totally uninfluenced bv any of the prejudices and passions which the best of men in active life will and must be influenced by. He, however, was removed from public excitements, and in the calm retreat of his own beautiful homo on the Hudson, indited the dispassionate counsels of a patriot to his countrymen. He was, moreover, one of the purest types of the genuine American Democrat that our country has ever produced. His instincts and sentiments were all truly American ho breathed not a thought that was not full of genuine loyalty to our free institutions. It will be seen with what political sagacity he predicted the downward career of Senator Douglas, and how fully his words have come true. We would also take this occasion to say, in reference to the charge that is sometimes made against the Day Booh, that it has pursued Senator Douglas with a zeal amounting to personal persecution, that the fact that we did not publish this article at the time it was sent us is a sufficient reply to all these allegations. It was written during the Lecompton struggle, and at a time when many papers which are now supporting Mr. D. were arrayed against him, and coming from the source it did, and it being the only article Mr. Paulding ever sent us that we did not publish, we submit that it is positive proof that we were slow, as it is the fact, to believe that Senator Douglas really intended to be false to the Democratic party, and to abandon its just and national principles. The Day Book was among the last of the Democratic journals that took ground against Mr. Douglas, and then only when it was apparent, bevond all doubt, that he intended to rule the party, or defeat it if he could. Since then, we have had but one course to pursue. But to the article, which is as follows : THE POSITION OF SENATOR DOUGLAS. , The position of the distinguished Senator from Illinois, commonly known as "the Little Giant of the West," is certainly somewhat equivocal. He has placed himself in direct opposition to the President on a question which there is too much reason to fear will eventually lead to a disruption of the Democratic party, and if we admit the President to bo the representative and head of that party, it can, we think, hardly be denied that the Senator has separated himself from the Democratic party. That the President was elected by the suffrages of the Democracy is sufficiently notorious; that previous to his nomination by the Democratic Convention, he pledged himself to conduct his Administration on certain great fundamental principles, set forth in the platform of that Convention, is equally notorious, and unless he has forfeited every one of these pledges, it cannot, we think, be denied, that to snap at and oppose a most important recommendation of his message before he understood it, as he confesses, is to place himself in an antagonistic position towards the Democratic party. This, however, the Senator stoutly denies in all his late speeches on the subject of Kansas, and expresses his determination not to be read out of the party, but to remain in it, and labor with it with all his accustomed zeal and ability. Now, we are not among those who believe that, because the Democratic party have elected a President, they are bound to support all the measures of his Administration. They always reserve to themselves the ri"ht to exercise their judgment and their will in regard to these measures, and to dissent from and oppose them if they think they arc inconsistent with his pledges, or with those great fundamental principles they have always made the basis of their political creed. At the same time we hold that there is something like a mutual obligation between a President and "the party by which he is chosen. No one, we believe, doubls'that unless some great change takes place in the views and sentiments of his old supporters, he is bound in honor not to forfeit his pledges to them, and we think there is something like a similar obligation resting on the party by which he was chosen, to support him while he thus remains true to their principles. They should not desert him him without good reason, lest they compel him to seek refuge in the arms of their adversaries. The only point at issue between the President and the Senator, disguise it as we will, is inseparably intertwined with the question of slavery, which Sir Henry Bulwcr declared was the only question at issue in the Presidential contest at that time. It has been so ever since, and so, we fear, will long continue, to the neglect or exclusion of all other great national interests. The Territory of Kansas has become the " debatable land," on which the battle is to be fought, and the question kept alive by continual agitation ; and it must be evident to all close observers that the great object of all the opponents of the Democracy is to prolong an agitation on which all their hopes of the overthrow of that party rest. Take from them this, and there will be nothing left but a resort to the old Innu r,f K!rli tam(T nnrl internal imnrovf ments bv the General Government, which, without the aid of slavery agitation, can do nothing. Senator Douglas has placed himself at the head of this agitation party, and thrown a firebrand in the heap of combustible, lie has anticipated Messrs. Seward, Hale and Wilson, in denouncing the Lecompton Convention. These gentlemen have become silent spectators of the contest, either overawed by the triumphant volubility of the Senator, or apprehensive that it might weaken his claim to a high standing in tho Democratic party, were he to be seen contending side by side with its inveterate foes. For the present, they wisely leave it to him to head the new ! coalition, but the probability is that the restless, perturbed spirit of Abolition will not be laid long, and that its leaders in the Senate will go near to ruin the Little Giant, by openly taking sides with him. It would be a curious sight to see the great champion of non-intervention sustained by the votes of the most violent opponents of his doctrine ; but in all probability wo ill witness such a phenomenon before the end of the present session. The salamander and the bull-frois will be found swimming in the same pool. But, it will bo asked, has the Senator from Illinois really turned his back on the old Democratic party, or has he only turned half way round ? This will appear in the sequel, and we merely venture to predict that , wha'ever may be his motives, the detection of the Senator, whether total or partial, will lead to a serious schism in the Democratic party. Whether this variation of the Senator's compass has a squinting towards "the succession," or to his re-election to tho Senate, we will not pretend to guess, as we don't feel authorised to develop the secret motives of any man (most eiyvcially a great politician.) and, therefore, we shall merely suggest the possibility that this "demi vault" of the Senator mar nave reference to some personal od-

TNDTANAPOLIS,

ject. We believe his Senatorial term is drawing towards a close, and it is well known there is a strong infusion of Freesoilism in Northern Illinois. We should not have ventured on an insinuation of this kind, but when a gentleman so distinguished for clearness of intellect and facility of expression, cives such indifferent reasons for his conduct, we think it but doing him justice to presume he is influenced by others, which he does not think proper to make public. One of the most striking peculiarities, however, in the present position of the Senator who, it will be recollected, has heretofore been the great champion of non-intervention in the domestic atlairs ot states ana Territories is his standing in direct opposition to the great principle which he sustained with such zeal and ability. He insists that the Lecompton Constitution shall be rejected by Congress, and Kansas excluded from the Union, because that Constitution has not been submitted to the people of Kansas. It is strictly a domestic affair, with which, according to the Senator's own doctrine, Congress has nothing to do, except to see that it is Republican, and we are greatly mistaken if the course recommended by hiin is not intervention with a vengeance. Another peculiar feature in the Senator's conduct is the precipitation with which he pounced on the President's message, not only before it was fairly presented to the Senate for discussion, but (as he subsequently confessed.) before he had given himself time to comprehend either its reasonings or conclusions. He discovered a "fundamental error" in it before he understood its meaning. In his headlong haste to deliver a speech, which might be sent to Kansas in time to operate on the election which took place on the 21st inst., and give aid and comfort to the Topeka patriots, ho forgot to make a distinction between what may be proper and what is absolutely necessary, a distinc tion, in fact, on which his whole arcument hinged. If the submission of the Lecompton Constitution to the people was absolutely necessary to give it validity, then the omission would be a sufficient ground for its rejection by Congress ; if it was only proper, it might be dispensed with at pleasure. In one case there is no alternative ; in the other, there is an exercise of the judgment and the will. But the present position of the Senator is full of inconsistencies, as contrasted with the past. For some time past he has appeared as the great peacemaker, the dove bearing the olive-branch in token that the waters of dissension had subsided. And yet it is not a little remarkable that every one of his great measures of pacification have thus far tended to aggravate sectional dissensions, and give new vigor and venom to sectional animosities. The passage of the KansasNebraska bill threw the country into a fume which has continued to rage and spread like fire on the prairies ; and now, when there was a prospect of its being speedily extinguished, he throws another fire-brand into the heap of combustibles. At this rate, the Senator will certainly bring about the millennium in time. ' We arreatlv fear, however, the late eouse pursued by the Senator will eventually lead to a serious schism in tho Democratic party, or at least produce new combinations and new complications. Schisms, either religious or political, are like poison or pestilence. When once begun, they never end until they have done their work. The Senator has indeed announced that he will not permit himself to be "read out" of the Democratic party, but is determined to remain, and give it the benefit of all his exertions. But this business of reading out depends on the voice of the party, not on the determination of the Senator. The Democracy may, perhaps, decide that the Senator has read himself out, and dispense with his future services. At any rate, the question may shortly present itself, whether the Senator can do more harm as & friend or an enemy. On this point, we ourselves are not yet decided, though his success in settling the great question of slavery, and establishing State and Territorial rights, might induce us to exclaim, "Heaven save us from our friends!" On the whole, however, perhaps it will be best to let tho Senator read himself out of the Democratic party, as he probably will erelong. We therefore oppose his expulsion, if for no other rea son than that a fire-brand smokes most when out of j the chimney. I We have italicised a few of the more prophetic and ; signincant passages in Mr. raiuaing s article. .auor Day-Book. Squatter Sovereignty, In every organized political society there is a supreme power, paramount in authority, whose mandate is law. This we style sovereignty. Its authority is exclusive it tolerates no rival it admits of neither contradiction nor disobedience. Douglas claims that this authority is lodged in the Legislature of a Territory the National Democracy assert that it is lodged in the government of the Union, to which the Territory belongs. This is the issue between Douglas and the Democracy. No ono will deny that, under the Constitution, the Federal Government is sovereign over the unorganized Territories of the Union invested with the power and charged with the duty of governing them. Douglas concedes this proposition, in all its length and breadth. Where, then, we ask, is the clause in the Constitution authorizing tho Federal Government to divest itself of that sovereignty ? We need not add that without such authority it cannot be done. That authority cannot be found in the Constitution. If any one thinks he has found it, we will be obliged to hiin, if he will point it out. It follows, therefore, that Congress, in organizing a Territory, cannot divest itself of its own sovereignty over it cannot clothe the Territorial Legislature with authority independent of and supreme over its own original constitutional sovereignty. It cannot vest in theLegislature of a Territory the power to pass laws which Congress shall not have the power to repel, and which it shall not be the duty of Congress to repeal, if such laws shall violate the Constitution or the rights of the citizen. This, as we have shown, would be an unauthorized abandonment of the power and the duty devolved upon Congress of governing and protecting; the common Territories of the Union, until they shall become States, co-equal, and sovereign with the rest of the Slates of the Union, in regard to their domestic affairs. Congress may, in the organic act, vest in a j Territorial Legislature the power to enact police reg-j ulations for a Territory, Out always suoject to us own naramount power to repeal them. A denial of the 1 sovereignty of the Federal Government over the Terntories, and the assertion oi sovereignty iu me j. tutorial Legislatures, involve the most absurd consequences. It would follow that the Mormons of Utah would have a perfect right to sanction, by an act of their Territorial Legislature, the robbery of emigrants passing through their Territory, and that Congress would have no power to repeal such an iniquitous law for the Mormon Legislatures would be sovereign, according to Douglas. But such a monstrous assumption is repelled by the obvious principles of the Constitution, by the practice of the Government from its foimation, and' by the course of Douglas himself. The Legislature of Kansas passed an act requiring its inhabitants to take an oath to support slavery. The Senate, Douglas voting in the affirmative, repealed that act squatter sovereignty on that occasion vanished into thin air it would not work, and its author abandoned his favorite dogma to its fate. The Mormon Legislature behaved badly, and Congress, with the aid of Douglas, abolished the Legislature with all its odious and absurd laws. Congressional intervention was then all right, and squatter sovereignty all wrong. The fact is that Douglas only stands up for squatter sovereignty and non-intervention when it is proposed to rob a citizen of a Territory of his slave, by the unconstitutional action of a Territorial Legislature. If you should attempt to rob one of his dearly beloved Yankees of his horse or his cow, by the same means, I the Illinois Squatter would be up in arms in a moment.

INDIANA, SATURDAY,

and squatter sovereignty would be blown to the winds by his indignant breath. This dogma of Douglas was only invented to please the Abolitionists, and is only intended to be applied to slave property. Where that is assailed in a Territory he. exclaims hands off! the Cincinnati platform forbids interference but let the goods and chattels of a Connecticut clock-peddler be attacked, and you will instantly hear the sentorian voice of the Illinois Senator ringing through the halls of Congress for the suppression of so great an outrage. He would make fish of one and flesh of another he would abandon the poor slaveholder to his fate ; but around the pet of an Abolition Aid Society, a Jim Lane or John Brown, he would throw the mighty arms of Congressional protection. Maysville (Ky.) Express. The Late Elections in the Southwest, General elections have been held in two of the Southwestern States during the past summer Arkansas and Texas and local county elections have occurred in Alabama. As it is in the great Southwest that the domestic system of the South is developing its most fruitful results, and as it is there that Southern progress is most apparent, its recent elections will serve as the truest indexes of the prevailing popular sentiment of the cotton region. As tho voice of the cotton-growing section is most potent, not only in the councils of this Republic, but in the affairs of nations, its verdict on the present political crisis deserves serious consideration. Texas has pronounced emphatically for Breckinridge, and against his opponents. The issue was clearly made up in the recent election, between the friends of Breckinridge and those of Houston. The result shows that the Breckinridge candidates for State officers have been elected by majoritiesrangingirom 20,000 to 25,000. It was only last year that Houston was chosen Governor by 8,000 majority. The fruit of the late election can be observed from the sudden withdrawal of Gen. Houston from the Presidential contest. Texas may be safely put down for Breckinridge by a larger majority than that by which his friends have just carried the State. The proportion of votes will be somewhat as follows: Breckinridge, 50,000 ; Bell, 15,000. There is no Douglas organization in the State, and probably will be none. v We have been awaiting for some time the full returns from the Arkansas election, but though the canvass ended some seven weeks ago, the tables of returns, either in the aggregate or in detail, have not yet appeared in our Arkansas exchanges. We learn, however, that the majorities of the successful candidates, in round numbers, are Rector, 5,000 ; Hindman, 6,000 ; Gantt, 3,000. AH of these gentlemen arc avowed friends of Breckinridge and Lane. A local nuestion entered lanrclv into the late election. It appears that a portion of the Democracy took offense at the nomination of Richard II. Johnson, for Governor, by tho Regular Democratic State Conven tion. It was alleged by the malcontents tnat tne "Johnson family" controlled the Convention machinery, and was bent on its own aggrandizement at the expense of the people. This Johnson and anti-Johnson feud has divided the State for a number of years. The Johnson family is one of the most talented in Arkansas, and has been represented largely in AVashington and Little Rock. One of the most vehement opponents of the Johnsons has been Col. Hindman, the member of Congress from tho First District. When R. II. Johnson received the late Gubernatorial nomination, Judge Rector took the stump against him as an Independent Democratic candidate. The two gentlemen addressed the people of the different counties in company, and the result was, as we have before Btated, the success of Judge Rector. Col. Hindman fou'rht his own battle in the First District, and though Col. Cypert, a Bell man, ran in opposition, receiving the support of the Bellites aud Douglasites, and, to a certain extent, the moral support oi tne menus oi Col. Johnson, ho was re-elected by a heavy majority. Tn the Second District, the friends of Johnson had m nomination Dr. Mitchell, and the opposition Democracy Col. Gantt. In this District, as in the other, the anti-Johnsons triumphed. It is proper to state that Col. R. II. Johnson, as well as Senator R. W. Johnson, gave an earnest support to Mr. Breckinridge. Since the election, an attempt has been made to get up a , .... tl-ti. All 1?...,. n..A JJou"las organization in me cuiie. jiiuch j"wu Mr. Flournoy, are the principal movers, but wo do not observe that they have enough followers to constitute a power in the State worthy of serious notice. Rust was the Douglas candidate for U. S, Senator in Robert W. Johnson's place. As far as we can learn, not one Douglasile has been elected to the new Legislature. The vote in Arkansas, in 1856, was Buchanan, 21,910; Fillmore, 10,787. We presume it will range among the several candidates in November as follows: Breckinridge, 40,000; Bell, 12,000; Douglas, 500. :.'.:"' In Alabama, only county elections have taken place. The statements in the Douglas papers that the elections have cone against the friends of Breckinridge and Lane are base fabrications. They are a part and

I " i ,..;i. ...Jm nf wlmlesnln lvin-r arlonted bvrral Committees, in reiauon .o a voiiip.om.se n,wu

ZnZ in this can.namn. and as false as the kiP sn natter died assertion that the Douglasites carried Arkansas in August. The Montgomery Jlail, alluding to these canards, says: "There were more Breckinridge men elected at the August elections in Alabama, by default of Bell and Doaylas Opposition, than will outnumber all the Bell and Douglas men elected throughout the State. Then add to them the Breckinridge men elected 'in spite of opposition, and the majority of Breckinridge men elected is very great indeed. It is true that m some instances Bell men were elected by dividing the Breckinridge vote, and as in this county by a candidate's keeping dark till the day ; but that is all. One Douglas man elected by a plurality, and a few Bell menslippcd in, are only exceptions to the general rule in Alabama, which was the election of Breckinridge men." It is folly for the Bell-Douglas Opposition to suppose it can make any impression in the extreme Southwestern States. Basing our calculations on personal correspondence with well-informed and reliable politicians in that section, we are confident that Breckinridge will beat Bell and Uouglas combined in Alabama bv 20,000 majority, in Mississippi by 25,000 minority ii Arkansas by 25,000 majority, in Louisiana byJ5 000 'ma orit "and in Texas by 35,000 majority. THStc-s'will give BreckLdge .anLane thirty electoral votes to start with. Day Book. Boy LostAn Affecting Case. The following advertisement appears in the Minnesotian. We trust it may lead to the recovery of the lost boy, and to the restoration of peace to a bereaved family : "hoy" lost. Left Washington, D. C, some time in July, to go home to his mother in New York. He has not yet reached his mother, who is very anxious about him. He has been seen in Philadelphia, New York city, Hartford, Conn., and at a clam-bake in Rhode Island. He has been heard from at Boston, Portland, Augusta, and Bangor, Me. From some expressions he dropped, it is feared he has become insane upon a subject he calls "Popular Sovereignty." He is about five feet nothing in height, and about the same diameter the other way. Has a red lace, short lees, and larsre belly. Answers to the name of "Little Giant." Talks a great deal, and very loud always about himself. Has an idea that he is a candidate "for the Presidency. Had on, when he left, drab pants, a white vest, and blue coat with brass buttons, the tail very near the ground. Any information concerning him will be gratefully received by his afflicted mother, t or runner particulars, address AUGUSTE BELMONT. New York. WILLIS A. GORMAN, Minnesota. '

SEPTEMBER 8. I860.

General Joseph Lane in New York. HIS ADDRESS TO THE NATIONAL VOLUNTEEH8. . DEMOCRATIC - General Joseph Laner the Democratic candidate for Vice President of the United States, addressed tho National Democratic Volunteers of New York city on the 29th ult., at their rooms in Broadway. General Lane was waited upon by a committee of the Volunteers, at the Everett House, and from there proceeded as above mentioned. After the organization of the meeting, he said : National Democratic Volunteers : I thank you for your kind invitation to meet you, and for the cordial greeting with which you have received me. Had you convened a public meeting, and called upon me for a speech, I should have hesitated about accepting the invitation, for I am averse, considering the position I now occupy, as a candidate for Vice President, to enter actively into the campaign. I may be permitted, however, on this occasion, to make a few brief remarks, and a few only will be necessary after the eloquent addresses you have heard from your chairman, Dr. Miller, and from Mr. Daniels, Mr. Genet, and Mr. Lawrence. Gentlemen, we have been charged John C. Breck inridge and I have been charged the ticket which you feel proud to support has been charged with' se cession, disunion, and even treason, l ne great parry to which we all belong has been called a disunion party, a secession 'party. Now, who, with any common sense, can believe that John C. Breckinridge, the high-toned, gallant and chivalrous Breckinridge, the patriot and statesman, who loves the Union, and who has, throughout his life, fought so bravely for the Union and the Constitution who, I say, can believe that he is a disunionist or a secessionist? My friends, as well might it be said that a fond father desires the dismemberment and bitter conflicts in his own family. One statement would be as reasonable as the other. No; Breckinridge is the best of Union men ; and it is a gross libel tocharge him with disunion sentiments or designs. No man would sooner lay down his life for the Union than the noble Breckinridge. I know him well, and I say what I know of him, And, as to myself, why, gentlemen, my whole life gives the lie to such a charge. No man loves this Union more than I do ; and none would go farther or do more within the power of man to perpetuate it. But, my friends, if you would preserve the Union, you must maintain the Constitution, for they are one and inseparable. If you would preserve the one, you must maintain the other. The equality of the States is the principle upon which the confederation was formed, upon which the Union was made, and without which there would have been no confederation or union. The equality of the States that is the principle now at issue before the country the equality of the States, not partiality, not with any reservation, but in full recognition of the original compact. In this you will see that Breckinridnre and your humble servant are better Union men than those who make the foul charge of disunionism against us, because we are for maintaining the Union upon the principles of the Constitution, strictly and fairly interpreted, and not interpreted in a latitudinarian manner, for the purpose of political expediency. Are we not, then, the best Union men, for the reason that we would maintain it upon the. principles of the Constitution, while our enemies who make unfounded and base charges against us, would destroy the Union by sapping its very foundations. And now, as to the party which is identified with, and supports the Breckinridge and Lane ticket. That party is not a secession or disunion party. I am not here to defend the past history of men who may now support this ticket, nor to offer excuses for, or explain away charges against individuals; but I main tain that our party is, par excellence, a union parry. If it were not, neither Breckinridge nor I would be identified with it. The disunionists are really those who would sap the foundations of the Constitution by denying the equality of the States. Preserve in good fait h the original compact of the equality of the States, and the equal rights of the citizens of each of the States in the common Territories, and everywhere else where the flag of these United States floats, and the Union will be preserved to all time, and this great and glorious country will fill the most important page in the history of nations. Let us be just, deal fairly by every portion of this country, and by every State of this confederacy, and this family of States will live together in harmony for all time to come. Now, my friends. having made these few remarks in response to your flattering reception, I thank you again, one and all, and bid you good night. THE COMPEOMISE KEJEOTED. We publish below, in this number, the correspondence of the Breckinridge and the Douglas State Cen- . As r P"!'" about ? ,0 V we 'avf neither time nor space for extended remarks. Indeed, comment is unnecessary. Our proposition is rejected. The Douglas men, by their action in this respect, proclaim to the world their preference for Abraham Lincoln as the next President of the United States! They put their refusal to accept our proposition upon the ground of want of authority. This is only a shallow excuse. Douglas Executive or Central Committees have no hesitation about their 'authority' to form coalitions with Know Nothings; but can finfl none to adopt measures for binding up the broken fragments of the Democratic party. Their Committee in Indiana assumed authority to instinct delegates to the National Convention. Their National Committee, or a portion of it, met at the National Hotel, in Washington, and asumed authority to NOMINATE a candidate for the Vice Presidency ; but when it comes to adopting a line of policy by which alone the Democracy of this State can triumph, they skulk behind the plea of want of "authority." CORRESPONDENCE. Indianapolis, July 31, I860. rALMtK, om, , iv . State Convention of the friends of B, and L-e, hdd in this city, his day. Hon. N. B. Palmer, Chairman, (,-r. At a Mass RECKINRIPGE among other resolutions, the following were adopted Resolved, That whilst we disapprove of the platform of principles on which Mr. Douglas is now a candidate, we still regard it as less objectionable than that on which Mr. Lincoln is placed; therefore, Resolved, That the Democratic Central Committee this day appointed, be authorized and requested to confer with the Central Committee appointed on the 1 1th day of January last, with the view to the organizing and running of one and a joint electoral ticket, on the following basis, to-wit: If the persons that may be jointly agreed upon for electors shall be elected, they shall cast the vote of this State for that one of the two candidates for President and Vice President Breckinridge and Lane, or Douglas and Johnson who it shall be found, after the election, is certain to receive the highest number of electoral voles from other States. That said committee be authorized, in their discretion, to agree upon the adoption of an entirely new electoral ticket, or the running of either of the present electoral tickets, or of a ticket composed of parts of the present electoral tickets, as may be thought mot expedient The electors who may be then agreed upon, pledging themselves, in writing, to cast the vote of the State (if elected) in accordance with this resolution. In discharge of the duty devolved upon us, we lose no time in submitting this resolution to you, in order that such action may be taken by you, and those associated with you on the committee appointed at the Convention field in this city on the 11th of January.

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as you deem proper. A reply at your earliest convenience is veiy desirable., , Respectfully, W. H. Talbott, Chairman, &c. 1st District, Jno. B. Gardiner, 2d " ' L. Sparks, , : ... 3d Geo. H. Kyle, B. F. Mullen, Alex. White, John R. Elder, Julien Nicolai, James M. Tomlinson, James Johnson, James M. Oliver, Thomas Wood, Thomas D. Lemon, G. F. R. Wadleigh, E. B. Thomas. 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9 th ) 10th 11th Indianapolis, Aug. 2, 1860. To W. II. Talbott Esq., (Chairman,) and others Gents; Your communication of the 31st ult,, accompanied by resolutions of the late Breckinridge meeting in this city, and asking the action of the Democratic Central 'Committee upon the propositions therein contained, came to hand in proper time. I shall take the earliest opportunity to lay your communication before the Committee, of which I have the honor of being Chairman. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, N. B. Pai.jikh. Chairinan Ind. Dem. Cen. Com. Indianapolis, August 17, 1860. '"Hon. N. H. Palmer, Chairman, c- Sir Some fifteen days have elapsed since you acknowledged the receipt of my letter enclosing a resolution passed by the Mass State Convention of the. friends of Breckinridge and Lane, held in this city July 31st, having for its object the running of one and a joint electoral ticket, thereby enabling us to secure harmony and success in our party in this State. No response having been made, I feel constrained to respectfully call your attention again to this subject, and request an answer without further delay. Very respectfully yours, &c, W. II. Talbott, Chairman Ind. National Democratic Cen. Com. Indianapolis, August 20, 1860. Wm. II. Talbott, Esq.: Sir Your letter of the 1 7th instant, calling my attention to your letter of the 31st July, covering certain resolutions of a Breckinridge meeting held in this city on the 31st ult., is before, me. A meeting of the Indiana Democratic Central .Committee was called for the 17th inst., but for some cause a full attendance was not accorded, and no formal action taken on the subject presented in said resolutions. I may remark, however, that from correspondence and interchange of views, it is ascertained that the members of the Central Committee appointed at the Indiana Democratic State Convention, held on the 11th January last, are unanimously of the opinion that they have no authority to act in the premises contemplated in your proposals. Very respectfully, N, B. Palmer, Chairman Ind. Dem. Central Committee. Gone Over to the Enemy. There can no longer be. any doubt, says the Baltimore Republican, as to the designs of the Douglas leaders. Their intention to break up the Democratic party stands out boldly developed in all their actions. The Miles Taylor circular, issued directly after Douglas' pretended nomination, shadowed forth the intentions of the "squatter sovereign," which are being carried out throughout the country no union with Breckinridge Democrats, but rather a union with Know Nothings, or Abolitionists, whichever may be most conducive to the destruction of the Democratic party. This is the platform of Douglas' friends, who, if they cannot rule, are determined to ruin. Nothing but the strong and self-condemning facts presented by the parties themselves, could have made us believe in this traitorous scheme of Judge Douglas and his friends. But the facts show them everywhere coalescing with the enemies of Democracy, either by an open fusion or by a professedly independent course, when that will best serve their purpose of enmity and injury to Democracy. Most reluctantly are 'we forced to the conclusion that disappointed ambition has so operated upon the mind of Judge Douglas that he is deliberately planning and pursuing a purpose intended to dissever and defeat the Democratic party. This he does, not so much of his own vocation, but at the bidding of his friends, for he, himself, is anxious to withdraw. There : can be no doubt of the fusion with the old Know Nothing party in Kentucky that is openly acknowledged by the Douglas papei-s, and thanks returned for it "by the Know Nothing candidate elect. In New York there is an open union between the Douglas and Know Nothing parties, and a joint ticket of Douglas men and Know Nothings presented. In Virginia they refuse to unite with Democrats, but run a Douglas ticket as the better way to aid their allies, the Know Nothings. In Maryland, the same insidious game is playing, and in Ohio his most cherished organ, the Plain Dealer, of this city, makes open boast that it prefers Bell, or even Lincoln, to Breckinridge and Lane. There can no longer be any doubt that Mr. Douglas and his active leaders have ceased to be Democrats, aud are deliberately engaged in a cmsade for the overthrow of the Democratic party. Cleveland National Democrat. After the Little Conspirator. , The National Democratic General Committee of. New York City have passed the following resolutions: Resolved, That, from the speech of Hon. Wm. Kellogcr, of Illinois, delivered in Congress last winter, and which has not been refuted, or denied from the factious and arbitary course of Mr. Douglas and partisans in the Charleston and Baltimore Conventions, and from his open hostility to the united tuffrages of the Democracy, upon any electoral ticket to defeat Lincoln, it is self-evident that a conspiracy exists between Stephen A. Douglas, Dean Richmond and his Albany regency, and Thurlow Weed, for the overthrow "of the Democratic party and for the success of the Republicans. Resolved, That this corroliorates what Mr. Douglas said at Washington during the anti-Lecompton struggle, (see Kellogg's seech page 12,) that "he would be found fighting in the ranks of the great Northern party in 1860 ; that it was policy for him to remain in the party, in order to hold certain of the rank and file, so that when he went over from the Democracy he could take the crowd along with him, and, when he got all over, he would cut down the bridge and sink the boats!" Resolved, That, as the only way the Territorial question can ever be settled harmoniously is upon the broad doctrine of equal rights advocated by Breckinridge and Lane, we call upon all good citizens, and especially appeal to the manufacturing, mercantile and commercial classes of this city for (heir support in the coming contest; for the election of Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Bell, or Mr. Douglas would only prolong this exciting and embittered contest for four years longer, to the imminent danger of the Union, or to a succession of angry political strifes, which unsettle business, destroy confidence, seriously affecting commerce in all its ramifications, and extending its influence from the mansions of the wealthy to the homes of the humblest laborer in this metropolis. (JT Judge Douglas has abandoned the slang name of the " Little Giant" for another, which he doubtless considers more appropriate. At Petersburg, Va he designated himself as the "Little Sucker." The term " Little Sucker" probably accounts for his long and anxious search for his maternal relative. tkitf Book.