Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 21, Indianapolis, Marion County, 4 September 1860 — Page 2

TIJE OLD LINE GUAK1).

A. B. CAHLTON, EDITOll TUESDAY, SEPTEMBEK 4. National Democratic Ticket. FOB PRESIDENT, JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, OF KENTUCKY. FOR VICE PliESIDENT, JOSEPH LANE, OF OREGON. ELECTORS FOB, THE STATE AT LARGE: James Morrison, of Marion. Delana R. Eckels, of Putnam. DISTRICT ELECTORS. 1st District Dr. G. G. Barton. 2d 3d 4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9 th Dr. William F. Sherrod, of Orange. David Sheeks, of Monroe. Ethelbert C. Hibben, of Rush. Samuel Orr, of Delaware. Franklin Hardin, of Johnson. James A. Scott, of Putnam. Col. William M. Jenners, of Tippecanoe. James Bradley, of Laporte. Robert Breckinridge. ir., of Allen. John R. Colfroth, of Huntington. . it 10th " 11th " : SKATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. 1st District J. B. Gardner, 2d " : Levi Sparks, 3d Geo. II. Kvle, 4th " Dr. B. F.Mullen, 5th . " Alex. White, Gth " John R. Elder, James M. Tonilinson, ' Julius Nicolai, . James Johnson, . 7th " James M. Oliver, 8 th " Thomas Wood, 9th " Thomas D. Lemon, 10th " G. F. R. Wadhigh, 11th " Dr. E. B. Thomas, W. II. TALBOTT, Chairman. DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET Full GOVERNOR, THOMAS A . II END III CKS, of Shelby . VOU LIKUTKN ANT GOVEKNOU, DAVID TURPI 10, of White. , , FOR SECKETAIU" OF STATE, WILLIAM II. JSGHLATER, of .Wayne. FOR 'AUDITOR OF STATE, JOSEPH RIST1NE, of Fountain, FOR TREASURER OF STATE, NATHAN I EL F. CUNN I XGII AM, of Vigo. FOR ATTORNEY" GENERAL, v OSCAR B. IIORD, of Decatur. FOR SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION. SAMUEL L. RUGG, of Allen. FOR CLERK OF SUPREME COURT, CORNELIUS O'BRIEN, of Dearborn. FOR REPORTER OF SUPREME COURT, v M. C. KERR, of Floyd. The editor is at his post. In to-day's paper will be found his answer to Mr. Dunham's card. We are requested by the Chairman of the State Central Committee to announce that he has called a meeting of that Committee, at Indianapolis, on Tuesday, September 11th, I860. gTbe Richmond (Va.) Enquirer thinks that victor' is safe in Virginia, and that Brec kinridge and Lane will carry the old Commonwealth, not by a plurality, but by a respectable majority. l"We invite attention to the. card of W- II- Talbott, in another column. The young meu he has connected with him in the Jewelry business, are in every way worthy a liberal support, and the stock they keep is the largest and best in the State. A Correction. WINCHESTER, August 31st, 1880. Mr. Editor Your paper of the 30th inst. reads, that I say there is no great inconsistency in supporting the present State Ticket. I meant it to read that there could be no greater inconsistency than for us to support the present State Ticket. Please correct the error, and oblige yours, truly A. W. Kentucky Arousing. ' A tremendous assemblage of people is anticipated to-morrow, near Lexington, to hear Mr. Breckinridge refute the slanders of Douglas. Mr. Breckinridge speaks, it must be borne in mind, lu his own county. He does not, like Douglas, travel out of it, even to reply to the reckless calumnies set afloat by the Little Sucker. The Democracy of Ashland District the home of Mr. Breckinridge give a cordial invita'ion to the people of the whole State to hi present. Daniel S. Dickinson the honored colleague of Clay, Cas and Bright on the committee of thirteen, who framed the celebrated compromise measures in the U. S. Senate in 1850 will, it is said, be present, and address the assemblage. Ex-President Pierce and other distinguished Democrats have also been invited, and will probably attend. A Herculean Task. A correspondent at Peru, Ind., thinks we could not do a better thing for the cause than to publish, at one time, the names of all the distinguished men who sup- ! ort Breckinridge and Lane, in' other States. Their name is legion All the Democratic Senators of the U.S.,exccpt Pugh, support Breckinbidge and Lane; nearly all the Democratic members of the House of Representatives support them; nearly all the ex-members of Congress throughout the Union support them. Ex-President Pierce, as well as President Buchanan, and all the heads of the Cabinet, including General Cass, support them. Indeed, every true Democrat, who lias had a position at AVashinglon, where he could have seen the course of Douglas for the last two or three years, and witnessed his billing and cooing with Horace Greeley and other leading Republican, supports Breckinridge and Lane. What more is necessary so show our friends how the ball is rolling in other States ? ViaoiXlA. A Norfolk correspondent of the Alexandria Sentinel says, "Douglas will not get over 400 iQtet in this Electoral District." ,

0The following communication was written for the Sentinel, in which paper we suppose it will be published this morning: Hon. 0. L. Dunham. Indianapolis, September 3, 18G0. J. J. Bingham, Esq., Dear Sir; In tho Daily Sentinel, of August 2Sth, I find a card from Hon C. L. Dunham,' in regard to an article which appeared in the Old Line Guard on the 25th tilt. ; and I hope

you will do me the justice to publish a short conuiiu- j nieation from me, in answer to that of Mr. Dunham. His card, above referred to, is as follows: A CARD. Indian atolis, August 27, 1860.

Mr. Binoitam .Sir: I -find the- following in the his -reputation - as a statesman to ga all 'lengths with Old Line Guard, of the 25th inst, edided by A. B. j tuen)j jn 'tmj;r crusade., against the South on the TerCarlton : r;tor;ai questi0n. He will ridicule the policies of all , " WJ,'en r TCari!'T,,r; wkJ: ! other parties, and crack many a joke at their expense;

(nana, ue torn nun. iuu..uiuu uum u. uu - been opposed to the Democratic party; hut as he W; he will make the most against them out ot his wittigoing to settle (or had settled) in a Democratic portion ' cisms that he can, at all times, and on all occasions ;

(701 of the Slate, (Washington county,) he was determined to turn Democrat." This statement I pronounce an unqualified false- .. i : T 1 1., nmA.,A Y,v this man Carlton, and his friends, as a good Democrat. Within that time there has not been a political canvass in which they have not sought my assistance m . the county in winch they have nvcu anu in wiucn inatj assistance has not been rendered. Especially two; yc Vs -1 ..rJX :.r:r.iT:.T:ra ' in, with him in opinion upon' the political questions! of ,1,? raoK, at lci to .ipect a truthful and fair treatment at his hands. But such is my reward. At the ..bidding of . his master, like a hound, he ! belches forth at mv heels a continuous tirade of abuse ! and falsehood. I 'will not complain, for it is just what I ou-'ht to have expected from such a mind 'as that of: Ambrose Carlton." 1 do not expect aaain to notice i anything he may say of me; not because I expect! him to make anv statement of me that will be truthful, but. because I do not consider him worthy of further notice. Respectfully, C. L, DUNHAM. Now, I wish to say in advance, that I do not, and j never did, desire a personal controversy with Mr. 1 Dunham. I have always regarded him as a kind, I ,, , . , i "clever," and accommodating man-so much so, m-. deed, that he could easily accommodate himself to any ; set of political principles, or political fellowship, that : ! ,;.vl,t "l,a0 tr, s,,;t tlm numnses- he had in view: i , ,( , vr ;, t ,1n ! and. thereiore, it a mere pohncal difference . s to d- j generate into a personal quarrel, the fault shall be his, j and not mine. I do not propose in this comnumica-

?ars ajo, w en lie was lumseu a caniimaie lor me i o- i ' . ti, i,n ' . .... i , . iuiinin.1, 1aw nn,i imvom themselves then thev

Slate Senate, against a warm personal inena anu a ! . , b m . 4i fonner business0 partner of mine, at his earnest solid-j have the right to vote on al aws opening o. the mj tation I canvassed his countv almost, if not entirely, ' Congress has a right pa a to ul b.U, o. to township by township, in his behalf, because he was, levy direct taxes cm the people ot e Statand Te -t i.. i: - ,1 i. Su. nf l,w nr(v.' T intones. Have they any vote on that t JSot at all.

t tion to assail Mr. Dunham, nor to notice his card, fur-! laws because you will not obey those which vou have I ther than mv own self-respect and my own vindication n.ot nde yourself, you will not obey a Congres- ! L L 1 j sional law declaring war, because you had no vote m ! require. i it. To make it harmonious, you must have two Se na if,- in the first paragraph of his denial, he means to tors and a certain number of Representatives from i aert that I have knowingly fabricated " an unquali- each Territory. Under such circumstances, no Ter- ! fied falsehood " against him', I tell him, in plain Eng- J "ton- would ever ask admission into the Union for it ! . . , , , would have all the rights ot a State into the Union, 1 hsh, he lies. . But it he means no more than that the whi,e ,hc genul1j pUrse 0ftiie United States, to which ! statement is untrue in point of fact, that is a question .! tliey had not contributed, would pay the expenses of i to be settled bv the evidence. My informant is Judge j their government. It. n- it. i- T,,i ,.'.,.,.. t,i i, i ,1 1 " Now, mv little brother, to whom this great truth

t t, r Tj-u -D .. u I has been revealed, vou must go back to the altars ot me that Hon. Tl in. J. Brown or B.ll Brown, as he , yQur diyinity and for a l;tle mQre of lis reveIa. familiarly called him, had told him Judge Hardin .t;ou. You cannot make this work in our political systhat Mr. Dunham expressed himself to him, substan-i tern. Every territory has a delegate in Congress to tially as set forth in the Old Line Guard. I have not j 11 what the territory wants but he has no vote there. ' , ,. . . , , , i But, says my Douglas friend, ' How dare you, represeen Judge Hardin since Mr. Duunams. card was-- htt. J0 of the United States, make a

published. As soon a-i I see him I will get his certifi-j cate or affidavit, perhaps in time to append to this communication. So I leave it as a question of veracity between Hon. AVm. J. Brown, (deceased) Judge Irankhn n..,i: ri w r t n,,l,on, A a tr, tho fViarap-i , ,i Ti I ter.for veracity of these three gentlemen, I leave the I world to judge, remarking, only, that Mr. Dunham is 1 an interested witness, a witness in his own behalf, j But as he is, or has been, a pretty fair lawyer, es-i . ., , , . , r u ! neciallv on the spread-eade system before an unsopht . on liic 3t it . 1 1 isticatedjury in the. rural districts, ho may object to . my evidence as being 'hearsay," and therefore inad-j j nuVable by a technical rule of law. True, that is the : rule of law, on grounds of public policy; but in the j i '. b, ,, ' , , , j practical afTairs of life, nearly all the knowledge we j receive and act upon, with the firmest convictions of ! truth, is of the same character, "hearsay evidence." Here I might stop; but Mr. Dunham goes on, and ' - t parades with great pomp and circumstance, that for sixteen years he has been regarded by "this man Carlton," and his friends, as a good Democrat. This I will not stop to cavil about, although a good deal might be said on the subject. I will remark, however, that one of mv friends in Lawrence county was so attached to Mr. Duuham that he burnt all his Freesoil speeches ! made in Congress, in 1850, that he could find, to keep ; 1 them from rising in judgment against himin the future, j ' t , . r 'i 1 . . 4 . .1 i v i In regard to Mr. Dunham s statement, that he can- j vassed Lawrence county at my solicitation, in my be-; halt, wlicn 1 was a canuiuuie xor oeuaior, io years aowhile it is totally untrue, I will not follow his - own example and pronounce it an unqualified false-! own example anu pronounce 11 an umj j hood." I have no recollection of ever soliciting Mr. i Duohain to canvass Lawrence county. But my unj derstanding is, that he canvassed the county (in com

1 panv with Gen. Lane) at the solicitation of Judge ! diana, Bui Ohio and Indiana are partners, along i Hughes, who was a candidate for Congress; and that! with tt otler stockholders in the same compa- ! , " , , , . 1 nv, and he had a right to come over and consult with j Hughes afterwards paid him off by having him ap- s brothor stockholders about, what they should do. j pointed Secretary of State by Gov. Willard. j Each man, rich or poor, had the same capital in the : Mr. Dunham wishes to make it appear that I owe ! concern, and an equal voice." him a great debt of gratitude. He has never done j Tllig extra(.t comprises the gist of what Mr. Corwin j anything for me, to my knowledge, except the inci-' ga(1 ;n hjs spt,cclli a3 rcp0rted, we repeat, in the Indi- ; dental aid he gave me while he was canvassing my: auapoKg Journlll. Although the speaker is as familiar j county ibr Hughes. I could set up a counter-claim of j with the provis;ons of tlie Constitution as he is with services rendered by mcfor Mr. Dunham, were it not ; houseIloW wor,Si the reader w;u look in vain for a ; that it would do me no credit before the public j single svlIabe 'from itto dislodge the "Breckixridge I to have spent so much time and money for such a man. :mt,n from th(J posillon which they occupy. "The ! I might remind him of my services in his behalf when Xerl.;lories," they say, "belong to all the people of the 1 he was a candidate for Congress against Joseph G. United States they were won bv the common blood j Marshall in 1852; of the time and money I expended ! an(, treasure. What said Mr. Corwin in reply ? " I iu 1854, in going to two conventions at Columbus to, agefe ,0 wcre his pmph.-aic words. " The Constijhave him nominaU-d for Congress; how, when the j tution protct.ts the rights of persons and property in ! Monroe county delegation at tho first convention in j t)l0 jenn'tories, and recognizes slaves as 'property it 1854 sold him out, I alone stood by him ; and how, ; js the ark am, llie f0VL.nant say the Breckinridge after he wa nominated at the second convention of, men 1)id Mr Corwin deny it? No not he; but j that year, I took hiin in a buggy to several townships ,,e M;d) wlen ;ving a roason for coming to this State j of Monroe county, and did all I could (o secure his j to ppeaj 0!1 tuig OCCasion, that the thirty-three States j election. j of the Union were like thirty-three stockholders. I owe Mr. Dunham nothing, and claim nothing from j " Oh o and Indiana are partners along with thirty-one 1 him. Two years ago the Anli-Lecouipton papers of j other stockholders in the same company, and he a ! Indiana not only showed up tho tortuosity of his former ; citizen of Ohio had a right to come over and consult j political course, but also assailed his private character - with his brother stockholders about what they should ; in the moot virulent manner. He published no "card' do each man, rich or poor, had the same capital in j then. But now he seizes uXn a mere pohtical article, i tl)e con,.ertl) and an voice! - Very time, Mr. i not rcflect'iiiy on his private character, and makes it . , , . . , , c,..i. ,,,, ' f . , . Corwin; and that is just what the Southern Mates 1 an excuse for assailing me. hat he means bv ' J

"Such a mind as that of Ambrose Carlton," we are ; left to conjecture; but I w ill give Mr. Dunham to un-! j derstand ihat I Jjave a "miud" of my own, not to be j influenced by a man of his calibre, and that I desire 1 i as lu tie of his company as lie does or mine. Lit.. arhool bov.' Mr. Dunham takes a ni2h cut, 1 j tor ending a quarrel anu Keeping out 01 a uniicuity, , by sawng he does not consider me worthy of further j notice. WhetlnT he is worthy or unworthy, I expect J to notice him as oca.oion may require, i " Yours, in:., A. B. CARLTON.

"I agree to it," said Oorwin. Tom Cor win was the great light at the Republican Ratification meeting in Indianapolis on the 29th ult. Thousands flocked from all parts of the Static to hear him. He is known by repute, as a distinguished Statesman, to every man in the country. He was a member of the Cabinet under General Harrison nearly twenty years ago, and -yt-as a member of both Houses of Congress before he entered the Cabinet; and

he is now a member of the House of Representatives. He is nearly sixty years of age, but is hale and strong and feels, he says, as youthful in body and as vigorous in mind as ever. Although acting with the Republicans on many occasions, he has too much regard for but, in order to do so, he will not, like many other Republican speakers, misrepresent or distort the Contitution. Hear what he said at the. Fair Ground as to the position of the several parlies, the othei da , on this question, as reported in tho Indianapolis Joui'(I; ; "My squatter sovereignty friends, do you believe in What, then, becomes of your inalienable rights VWithout your having a vote in Congress, it can. pa whatever laws it Pses, opera Ung upon you m. a Tcn,to,y, just as they operate upon a State. But the Douglas man, ...stead ot answering, turns away and says, ' Y hat's the use of pushing things to extremes (Laughter.) . " It you have the inalienable right to vote for those who make laws for you in a iemtory, you have the same r.ght exactly to elect your judge who construes, and the olhcers who execute those laws. 'But we will cons.der that ... the next Presidential election, and get. that fixed after a while. Ihe truth is, il you maintain that doctrine at all, you must maintain that flirt iwnnli' nt a Territory have the ri'dit to be renreseuted in Congress, where laws are madevall'ecting their interests as well as those of the States ; to have two Senatoi-s, and a Representative in the House for every ninety-seven thousand people, to vote when tins fu ope!.atm on- them, involving them in . . i ,irainjn,r their life-blood. Will vou then obey that law in which you had no vote ? Thus it must happen if this absurdity in relation to our goveminent is followed out. It all grows out ot their (at no be tQ ohey & ,avy in the making of which he had no vote. Therefore, if you insist that you will hiake your own territorial iaw for ti,e territory? You don't live there.' Who do the territories belong to? Say the Breckinridge men, 'fo all the people of the United States; it was won by the common blood and treasure.' 1 agree to it. A-k tho Douglas man. 'Yes,' he answers,-'' it belongs to all the people of the United States. Ask the Lincoln man. AI1 the people own the territory, and Contrress is the trustee. Savs the Douglas man, cireumgtanc'es becomca aw ibr jt gavs the Breckinridge man, 'Stand back, here is the Constitution of the United States, the banner of protection to slavery. Here is the Ark and the Covenant, keep vour profane hands away from this holy ' . 1 , 1 . .. . J. tT . receptacle and preservative of freedom. Here is a mc,ger that is going there. The Constitution says he shall go there it takes him there." In consequence, every white man wtio wants to woi k mere mui retir,e and Pv P''-e th. neSr0; What the Ll"; coin men, 'As the Territory belongs to all the people in commorl( anrt is to be the home of emigrants from a the States of the Union, so all the people represent--" ed under our form of government in Congress, shall . ii. 1 a-.. t t . i.., i':,.v maKe me .aw ior iuo xinu. UUt m. . "When vou acquired New Mexico and California, who did you get those Territories from? The Republic of !New Mexico. California did not cede itself to you, nor did New Mexico. The Mexican Republic did not cede the land to the persons who might happen to live there. Before the Treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo, the Mexican Republic had the power to make laws for those Territories, and it conveyed that power to the Government of the United States. The very deed by which you acquired the country, gives t" United States the ownership ot the. unoccupied soil, and power to jovern it. There was theisecret of tbetP of j 850j w mneh Understood and misrepresented. The country was conveyed to the people 01 me united otatcs. xne people nave 110 representative body save the Congress of the United States. Upon that idea they made laws to govern must; xt"i 1 iiui ic:?. " Some might wonder why a man of so long experience as a speaker, and so little ambition to make a display of himself, should have come to speak in Incontend lor an "equal voice in ine ui.oposiuon arm government of the Territoi-ies ' EO.UAL rights " to all the States, North or South, East or est the tame rigid for the Southern man to go into the Territories will, what the Constitution recognizes as prop erty as the Northern man possesses, -they, as ."Mates, ask for no more in the disposition of the Territories " won by the common blood and treasure," than would be contended for by ns in the Northern States, if we were in a minority in Congrws tliat might should not

il. -o. :..I..,.,aI,1,1 .Kfr r. I t n.lAII n n l'V V lilt I'M T.I I 111 Ik

make right. They, as States, demand no more than would ba contended for by any thirty-three farmers, who should unite together, under a written article, iu the purchase of a section of laud in any one of the Territories an " equal voice" in its government, and " equal rights " in its use and occupation, according to the terms of the contract ; nothing more. And where is the honest man who will fly from his contract, whether he is a gainer or loser under it ? Suppose fifteen planters, on tho south side of the Ohio River,

should unite their ' ' treasure " with eighteen farmers on tho north side, in the purchase of a township of land in any one of the Territories, to be occupied in common by all suppose, after the purchase, the eighteen, forming the majority, and possessing the most strength, should go upon the land with theipropei ty, and deny the same right to the fifteen what would !..! 4. .i:t...n..nal.,,l n,.,o In mtTXvA in Ullfll piUUl, llUliVOl., U1B1UIU11.LIICU 111,-11 ctlj 11 v. conduct ? Would they not say that " each man ot Ihe fifteen, rich or poor, having " the same capital in the concern," should have an "equal voice" as the eighteen in the use and occupation of the land ? Would not the world regard the eighteen as rogues and cheats, if they did not yield to the fifteen their equal rights f Put the States of the Union in the place of these farmers and planters, and they should be looked upon in the same light. Mr. Corwin, sepa rated from his political associates, would not say any thing else. He would stand up for the rights of all the stockholders all the partners in such a concern. whether they are individuals or States: he would ask no more for Indiana and Ohio than he would for the other thirtv-one States, North or South ; and he would accept of nothing less. He might, perhaps, indulge, occasionally, as he did in his speech on the Fair Grounds, in jokes he miid.t excite the risibilities of his hearers, at the ex pense of some of the "parties in the concern," but he would nothe could not, as an honest statesman op,vw. tlm execution of the contract, or compact; he would not refuse them "equal voice," or deny their lust riahts, according to the letter of the written arti cle or written Constitution it makes no odds which. He midit, with a comical expression of countenance say, "here is a nigger going to the Territories," under the arm of his Virginia master; and, thereby, call forth from his Republican friends, as he did on the 29th, "roars of laughter" at the expense of the slave owner; but he would not as he did not then, deny that the Virginian had, tinder the Constitution, the hi to take his negro into the Territories as the same rig Iloosier has to take his horse there. Mr. Corwin, however, said, that Congress was the "trustee" for all the thirty-three partners in the " concem"for all the "stockholders." True; but the trustee is bound to be governed by the terms of the written article the contract the compact the Constitution or whatever else it may be called, be tween the partners. The trustee, under a deed of trust, must ao according to the letter of the deed according to the covenant. If he fails to do so, if he violates his trust, the "stockholders" or "partners" have a right to appeal to the Courts, and the Courts will annul his acts. Mr. Corwin, as a lawyer, if not as a politician, could not fail to say, to such a decision of the Court, "I agree to it." But there is one part of Mr. Corwin's speech, in which he speaks of the niggers turning white men out of the Territories, where he does not appear as frank as he does in other parts. There are about three millions of slaves in the Southern States, and about thirty millions of white men in the Union. Now, suppose all the slaves should be sent to the Territories, which no man, in his sober senses, can believe will ever be done; suppose they should be distributed in Kansas, Nebraska, Utah, New Mexico, Arizona, and other large districts of country, where ten times their number of white men will as soon, or sooner, settlewill Mr. Corwin seriously contend that ten white men have anything to fear from one nigger? But we cannot pursue this subject. The distinguished Ohio wag was only amusing himself with the large crowd before him. He knows, as well as any man in the country, that the white men have nothing to apprehend from the slaves in the Territories. They will go only to such Territories where the climate is too hot for white men to labor. White men will chiefly , go where white labor is profitable. Such was the case in the settlement of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois! and other Northwestern States; and such will be the case in all the Territories. The Stump Candidate. What a spectacle (says the St. Louis Bulletin) is presented to the country and to the world by Mr. Douglas. Shades of Washington, Jefferson and Jackson ! How has the greatest office in the world fallen, when a man stumps the country, seeking its possession I Never before has a candidate for the Presidency (claiming to be a Democrat) been his own advocate before popular assemblies. Douglas has, indeed, inaugurated not only new principles of government, but also new methods of getting to be President. Heretofore the Presidency has been regarded as the highest honor, and the man deemed worthy of it was presumed to be sufficiently known to the people, without traveling round as a mountebank or a circus flown, to blow his own trumpet. But this is changed changed by Mr. Douglas, who not only makes stump j speeches in his own favor, but cowardly assails his competitors, who, he well knows, will not follow him to reply. His speech at Norfolk, Va., as reported for his chief organ, the Cincinnati Enquirer, and copied bv the secondary organs here, is the most disgusting of the Douglas exhibitions. See how valorous he speaks of one of his competitors in reference to some qucs. tions propounded to him by somebody. He says : "Now, these questions, put to me the first day I landed on Virginia soil, having emanated from the friends of the secessionist candidate, I ask that like questions may le put to these candidates, and that you insist upon such frank and unequivocal answers as I have 01 , .1- 11 .1 ..1,T given. lie Knew poriecuy toi uu uiugi mou uuiu, as a candidate for the Presidency, leave his home and go over the country making speeches, and hence, such questions could not be asked, nor such "frank" (save the mark !) answers given. Now, who does Mr.Douglas mean by "secession candidate?" We know of none such unless it is Mr. Johnson, the colleague of Douglas for Vice President. He is the only man, a candidate for President or Vice, who has avowed se cession sentiments. Lincoln, when speaking of slaveiy, comes near it ; but Douglas does not denounce Lincoln in that way. Does he refer (o Breckin ridge and Ease? Of course not. Both of these have gallantly bared their bosoms to the bullets of j their country's enemies on Mexican battle fields; nor were they afraid nor are they now afraid of other enemies, who never showed their love of country by risking life in its defence. Secessionists indeed! Mr. Douglas shows he is badly scared, by employing the epithets and using the demagogue slang to which he resort in his Norfolk seeh especially. And we are much mistaken if that kind of thing receives much countenance from the noble and tried Democracy of the "Old Dominion," or any other portion of the country.

Colonel Yancey's Testimony, under Oath, Concerning the League of United Southerners, A few days since a personal altercation occurred at Montgomery, Ala., between Col. J. J. Seibels, editor of tho Confederation, and B. C. Yancey, a son of Hon. AVm. L. Yancey. The matter was investigated in Court, when Col. Yancey was examined as a witness.

In the course of the examination Col. Yancey gave tm foliowillg testimony in regard to the " League of the United Southerners," which was corroborated by Col. Williams, the President of the League : Witness stated that he held in his hand a paper which had been printed by order of the League in the summer of 1858. It was an oflieial copy of the Constitution of the League, and he read it as fol1 tOWS CONSTITUTIOX OF THE MONTGOMERY LEAGUE OF UNITED SOUTHERNERS. Believing that the South is in need of some efficient and organized mode of concentrating public opinion upon public' men and measures, and of influencing and guiding political parties, with a view to the advancement and protection of her constitutional rights and that the want of this has enabled all political parties to sacrifice those rights to their own necessities : And believing further, that it is the duty of the South to use all proper means to maintain her rights within the Union, with a view to being justified belbrc. .the world in resuming the powers she has delegated to the General Government, in the event she fails to obtain justice in the Union, we organize ourselves under the following Constitution: Article 1. This association shall be known as the Montgomery League 'of United Southerners. Aiit. 2. Its officers shall consist of a President, Vice President, Secretary and Treasurer, who shall hold their offices one year, or until their successors shall be elected. Art. 3. Election of officers shall be made annually, and by ballot. - ' . Airr. 1. Any person may become a member of this League who shall pledge himself to carry out its obligations, and shall sign this Constitution. "Aht. 5. The object of this League is, by the use of proper means, to create a sound public opinion in the South on the subject of enforcing the rihls of the South in the Union. Among its primary ideas are : 1. No more compromise of those rights, either in party platforms or national legislation. 2. A full recognition and maintenance of those rights, as paramount to the safety of the Federal Administration or the success of national parties. 3. The elevation to the public councils of the ablest and purest southern men. Aht. G. This League will nominate no candidate for any office, State or Federal but its members arc pledged to use all honorable means to secure the nomination, by the respective parties to which they belong, of sound, able and pure men of the Southern Rights school. He was present when it was adopted had written it himself. The League had never any other Constitution it had never been amended in any way. There was no idea or design of disunion about the League. Its real object, and that of witness, was to preserve the Union and the Constitution, intact and inseparable. There was no oath connected with the League, or any of its proceedings. There was no other pledge than the act of signing tho Constitution. There was no secresy about it. lis meetings were held only on public notice the public attended all its proceedings were public, and were published in the papers at the time. This Constitution was published in the Advertiser next morning after it was adopted. Another Falsehood Nailed, We clip the following from the Mobile Register, of the 21st ult : " John C. Breckinridge, the seceders' candidate for the Presidency, bolted the Democratic parly in 1847 and '48, and supported Gen. Taylor for the Presidency. We have before us a report of a Taylor meeting, in which he took a conspicuous part. lie also gave 'aid and comfort' to the Know-Nothings in the days of their prosperity." We quote the above extract simply to pronounce itfalse and slanderous. Although the Register gives no authority and makes a positive assertion, Ave know, of course, it must have been copied in substance from some other paper. Now what are the facts ? The Lexington (Ky.) Statesman, of July 24th, gives them in full. Read them : " Tho Louisville Democrat charges that Mr. Breckinridge took no part in the canvass of 1848, between Taylor and Cass, and voted for no one, being absent from the polls on the day of the election. When Mr. Breckinridge returned from Mexico, in the summer of 1848, the canvass was far progressed, but he immediately entered upon the arena and canvassed actively for General Cass, making a number of speeches and earnestly advocating and largely contributing to his election. If he was not there to take part earlier in the canvass, it was because he was periling life and health in the service of his country upon the plains of Mexico. We imagine he will not be much censured by Kenluckians for that. On the day of election Mr. Breckinridge was in Laurel county, where hp had just gone a few days before on a hunting excursion. " At that time he had a right to vote at any place he happened to be in Kentucky. There were nine gentlemen in the hunting party, eight of whom were for Taylor and one (Mr. B.) for Cass. The eight agreed not to go to the polls if Mr. Breckinridge would not, but all would have voted for Taylor had he. voted for Cass. He agreed to pair off with the eight and thus did not vote. Had every Democrat in Kentucky done as much for Cass as did Mr. Breckinridge, the State would have gone for Cass by an overwhelming majority. So much for that slander." Douglas' Impolitic Course. The Virginia Sentinel has a candid and fair revie w of the contest nt Charleston and Baltimore, from which we extract the following: Reviewing that contest, we think the friends of Mr. Douglas acted very unwisely, so far even as his own interests were concerned, in pressing his fortunes with such ruinous pertinacity, under such unpropitious circumstances: This was" not the time, for him either to be a successful candidate or to be a successful President. We use the mildest term and say that it is his misfortune at this time to labor under a very deep and extensive prejudice among the members of his own party throughout the union, but especially in those States where the Democratic supremacy is found. In addition to this he is involved in a violent feud with the administration, whose influence he has piovoked and defied. We ask reasonable men if a candidacy under such circumstances would not be eminently unpromising; and if even Mr. Douglas himself ought not to have preferred, especially at his time of life, to postpone his race for more propitious circumstances ? But suppose him elected. A President can do little, either for the country or for his own fame, with a Congress hostile to him. How would Mr. Douglas have stood in this respect? Out of the thirty-six or seven Democratic Senators who constitute the majority in that body, he has but a solitary friend Mr. Pudi, of Ohio and even he, we are sorry to say, is about to be supplanted. And these men, with whom he has been engaged in fierce Senatorial encounters, are not men of a day. They are leading men of their several States, nnd likely long to continue their connection with a body so stable as the Senate. In the House of Representatives, Mr. DougWs Administration would also commence not only in a minority, but with very few friends. The Clarksburg (Va.) Register says: "We stated last week that we knew a number of the delegates appointed to tho Douglas Convention at Staunton were advocate of the elec tion of the national Democratic candidates Breckinridge and Lane. We have since been authorized to say that four of them Mensrs. Lewis, Horner, Tinman, and Smith repudiate Douglas, and scorn the appointment. That they are, with their brother Democrat.' of Virginia, decidedly for Breckinridge and Lane."