Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 17, Indianapolis, Marion County, 25 August 1860 — Page 2

THE OLD LINE GUARD.

A. B. CAULTON, EDITOK, SAT UKDAY, . . AUGUST 25. National Democratic Ticket. FOR TRKSIDKN'T, JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, OF KENTUCK V. Fon vicrc rnESiDKNT, JOSEPH LANE, OF OREGON. ELECTORS FOR THES'TATE AT LARGE: James Morrison, of Marion. Delana R. Eckels, of Putnam. DISTRICT ELECTORS. 1st District 2d " Dr. "William F. Sherrod, of Orange. 3d " David Sheeks, of Monroe. 4th " Etliclbert C. Hibben, of Rush. 5th " Samuel Orr, of Delaware. . 6th " Franklin Hardin, of Johnson.. 7th " James A. Scott, of Putnam. 8th " Col. William M. Jenuers, of Tippecanoe. 9th " James Bradley, of Laporte. 10th " Robert Breckinridge, jr., of Allen. 11th " John R. Coffroth, of Huntington. STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. 1st District -J. B. 'Gardner, 2d Levi Spark?, 3d 4th 5t!i Gth Geo. II. Kvle, Dr. B. F. Mullen, Alex. White, John 11. Elder, James M. Tomlinson, Julius Nieolai, James Johnson, James M. Oliver, Thomas Wood, Thomas D. Lemon, G. F. R. WVlleigh, Dr. E. B. Thomas, W. II. TALBOTT, Chairman. 7th 8th 9th 10th 11th DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKETFOK GOVERNOR, THOMAS A. HENDRICKS, of Shelby. FOR LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR, DAVID TURPIE, of White. FOR SECRETARY OF STATE, WILLIAM II. SCHLATEll, of Wayne. FOR AUDITOR OF STATE, JOSEPH RIST1NE, of Fountain. FOR TREASURER OF STATE, NATHANIEL F. CUNNINGHAM, of Vigo. FOR ATTORNEY GENERAL, OSCAR B. HORD, of Decatur. FOR SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION. SAMUEL L. RUGG, of Allen. FOR CLERK OF SUPREME COURT, CORNELIUS O'BRIEN, of Dearborn. FOR REPORTER OF SUPREME COURT, M. C. KERR, of Floyd. The State Ticket. We call the attention of our readers to the communication signed " B." from New Albany. The suggesr lions are worthy of serious consideration. Although several candidates on the State Ticket are regarded as being favorable to the election of Breckinridge, yet with the example of the late MIsssouri election before us, where candidates were elected by the joint vote of Breckinridge and Douglas men, and their election has been heralded abroad, in the Douglas newspapers, wjth crowing roosters and booming cannon as "a great Douglas victory over the Breckinridge Party" with this example before us, what are we to expect from the unscrupulous Douglas press in this State and elsewhere in case of the election of the State ticket ? Is there any reasonable expectation, that they will have the fairness and magnanimity to proclaim it as the victory of the Breckinridge men as well as the Douglas men ? We have no hesitation in saying that they will not. But they will claim it as a Douglas victory a victory over the " Yunceyites .'" They are in the habit of saying that if the State ticket is elected by 5,000 majority, Douglas will carry the State by 10,000. There are thousands of Democrats in this State who are unwilling to have their votes at the State election used to manufacture popularity for Douglas. A plain, simple and honorable means of avoiding defeat was presented by the Breckinridge State Conention, and rejected by the Douglas State Central Committee. We could still suggest a feasable plan for earn ing the State election, but it would be at the ritk of being kicked and cuffed for our pains, by the Douglas Central Committee. 'There is a strong feeling in mnny portions of this State in favor of bringing out a separate Bkeckin- : ridge and Lane ticket. It iias been a familiar subject of conversation, ever since the rejection of the compromise. What will be done in this regard we cannot now say; nor have we any opinion to express, at present, as to what ought to be done. It is the prevalent belief, among the Breckinridge men, that the candidates on the State ticket could have induced the Central Committee to have adopted the compromise. Their failure to do so, or to use any influence whatever for that purpose, has created an unfriendly feeling throughout the State. What is to be the result we cannot tell. But " we shall see what wc shall see." The Congressional Mass Meetings ! Publication is made in the Old Line Guard, and also by large colored postei-s which are being sent to every county in the State, of Congressional Mass Meetings of the friends of Breckinridge and Lane, to be held at one or more points in every Congressional District. These meetings will be addressed by some of the best speakers in the State. Also, by Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York certainly at some of the points and probably at alL Every county in each District is expected to send large delegation! of the sound National Democracy. Come with music, banners, mottoes, and hickory boughs! Let us have a grand jubilee of the true Democracy, so as to strike terror into the hearts of Black Republicanism and Squatter Republicanism ! K Some of the Douglas men affect a serene indifference as to the Breckinridge party in Indiana, and say that they don't amount to much anyliow. So the little bull thought when he squared himself against the locomotive.

Why we are opposed to Lincoln for President. Because, when in Congress, he took sides with the enemies of our country, who had commenced a war against us without the formality of declaring one, condemned all his own government did, and approved the conduct of her enemies.

Because, he so conducted himself as a member of Congress, that his constituents refused to send him back to misrepresent them. Because, lie is without the knowledge, experience, and abilities necessary, successfully, to administer the affairs of the national Government. Because, if elected President he would be a tool to be used for sinster purposes," by" menof more "experienced capacity than himself, to better their own fortunes at the expense of the public treasury. Because, he is still devoted to all the absurd theories of the old Whig party, which caused its death and burial without mourners. Because, he is the sworn enemy of the Democratic party and their principles, and wishes the repeal of every great measure carried by that party. Because, he is in favor of extravagance in public expenditures, when his partizans can benefit by it, and of squandering the public lands for party purposes. Because, he justifies all the abuses of power and extravagances of t old Whig party and those of the Black Republicans, including the buying up the whole state Government of Wisconsin, from the Governor down to the janitors of the public buildings, including the legislature Because, he believes in the agitation of every question, however fatal to the public welfare, which will tend to build up his political party. Because, he is the representative of a party formed exclusively on sectional principles contrary to the advice of Gen. Washington. Because, he seeks to excite the prejudices of the North against the. South for mere partizan purposes, and expects to prevail, because the former can give the more votes. Because, he shows a want of patriotism, in trying j to array the whole North and West against the South in order to aid him in securing votes. Because, he disbelieves in the binding obligation of our Constitution and the laws made in pursuance. thereof, and claims that he knows of an unwritten ; "higher law" tliat controls both. Because, if elected, he would set the Constitution and laws of the fathers of the revolution, at defiance, and set up his own will over them, under the pretence that he had found a law higher and superior to both, and therefore they must yield. Because, the man who swears, as he has done, to support the Constitution of the United States and who recognizes an unseen, unwritten law above it, is guilty j of moral perjury. Because, having violated his oath once, in going for a " higher law," lie w ould do so again, if allowed an opportunity, and, therefore, he ought not "to be led i into temptation. Because, his political principles are at war with the Constitution, the law of the land, the best and most lasting interests of the people. Because, he does not believe in the equality of the Stales, or of the people, but tlie reverse. Because, he holds that one man's property is better than another's, nnd is more worthy of protection from aggression and destruction. Because, he treats the people of fifteen of our sister States as enemies, and proposes war between them and the other States, by which the former shall be deprived of the institutions of their fathers, and be compelled to submit to those of the latter, however fatal they might be to their prosperity and happiness. Because, he is for increasing this hostility between the North and the South, until all trade and intercourse shall cease, and there shall be an end to association, even between members of Congress from different sections of the Union, as taught in Helper's approved book. Because his principles and feelings are so sectional, that he docs not even expect an electoral ticket in fifteen of our independent States, and cannot get a vote there. Because, upon his own political theories, he would, if President, refuse to permit the people of fifteen States -to participate in the administration of public affairs. Because, upon his own theories, he would send from the North and West, collectors, postmasters, marshals, district attorns, land officers, &c., to administer the laws in the fifteen Southern States, because, in his estimation, no one there is worthy of being entrusted with such -duties. Because, he would devote his whole energies to promoting this ruinous sectional warfare, which is so destructive of the peace and welfare of the country, ami the happiness of the people. Because, he is wholly incompetent for the office he seeks, and would, if elected, be used by designing men to promote their selfish and wicked purposes. Because, it would be disgraceful to our Government to have the official head of it, the practical tail of an Administration. Because, while we claim to have the best constitution and laws, and the greatest country on earth, we have a just right to expect the wisest executive offi cers in the world, instead of the weakest and dullest j Because, he and his friends are promising a thou-! sand things that they do not expect to perform, and i remind us of " Tittlebat Titmouse," in " Ten Thousand a Year," who, in his speech at the hustings, promised to bring in a biil to "give everybody eventhing." Because, sensible men dislike the foolery of worshipping rails, because split by a man who did not then know how to do anything elsc,ami to be asked to support him now, merely because he knew that much then. Because, his friends put his election upon such childish and insulting grounds old rails instead of appealing to the sense and intelligence of the people, whose votes they solicit. . If the people next November exercise their usual intelligence and patriotism, the Lincoln pillar will be made, not of electoral votes, BUT OF mere bails, AND SUCH CAMPAIGN FOOLERIES. MAERLED, On the morning of Wednesday, August 22, at the residence of the bride's uncle, J. M. Talbott, Ejq-, by Rev. Mr. Tindall, Miss Sarah E. Talbott, of this city, to Mr. Edward J. Binford, of Crawfordsville. C3T Our correspondence from Southern Indiana gives a good report of the gallant fight Judge Eckels is making for the National Democracy. That portion of Indiana will roll up a vote for Breckinridge and j Lane tliat will astonish the worshippers of the Little SquafU-r.

Why the Democracy are Opposed to John Bell. Because, he turned traitor to Gen. Jackson and the Democracy, when the Bank of the United States undertook to crush out both by the exertion of the concentrated money power. Because, since his desertion, he has incessantly fought the Democracy, and all their measures and men.' '" Because, he still clings to every Whig heresy which distinguished that party, from its birth to its death. Because, he is in favor of the business of the country being ruled by the money power of the country, in the form of a mammoth moneyed corporation. Because, he is opposed to' the Independent Treasury, and to the Government keepiil and controling the people's money. Because, ho is in favor of a ruinous tariff, which would needlessly increase the price of what we buy, without enhancing the price of what we have to sell. Because, ho is in favor of destroying our mail system, by giving the transportation of the mails to private speculators, and thereby leaving the sparsely settled parts of the country without mails, or to be supplied by enormous drafts upon the Treasury. Because, for years he has shaped his course in Congress to obtain a nomination to the Presidency, sometimes bowing low to one party, and then to another, without regard to consistency of principle, or the interest, welfare, or honor of the country. Because, when our country was at war which was begun by a foreign enemy all his sympathies were with that enemy. Because, he has none of the elements of Democracy about him. Because, he refuses, and dare not tell us what ground he now stands upon, whether for the " higher law " of Lincoln, or that of Douglas, or for Constitutional equality. Because, he conceals his present principles, hoping to draw votes from the Lincoln party, because he is with him, and from the Douglas party for the same reason, and from the equality Democrats because he

may be with them. Because, he seeks support from those holding oppo site principles, believing that each may be deceived into the belief that he is with them, Because, by refusing to declare his principles, lie . expects to be supported upon different grounds in different parts of the country. . . Because, he has no executive talent, having made a complete failure when Secretary of War. Because, from his weakness and want of ability, if President, he would be an instrument to be used by designing politicians, who are now running him without principles. Because, he is, at heart, and dare not deny it, more in favor of Lincoln's " higher law" principles, than in favor of Democratic equalit3-. Because, as a speaker, he is confused and foggy, and as a writer, no better, and as a thinker, he thinks what he dare not trust to those whose support he asks to elect him to office. Because he lacks manly boldness, in taking and declaring his intended future course, if elected. Because, he has not confidence enough in the people to trust them to scrutinize his principles, and to permit them to judge and act upon them for themselves. -.. Because, the people ought not to trust a candidate who is above trusting them, or is afraid to do so. Because, when a candidate has something to conceal from the people, he designs to mislead and induce them to vote for him, and then to act contrary to their expectations in plain English, to cheat them. Because, his general qualifications for the Presidency are like the 'platform of principles furnished by his friends all blanks. If the people are true to themsolves, and faithful to the Constitution, ho will find his votes next fall, like his principles now, ALL BLANKS. Judge Douglas a Disorganizer The State Sentinel Disapproved of his Bolting Speech at Philadelphia, in 1859. In the latter part of 1858, Judge Douglas left home for Washington City, to take his seat in the United States Senate, and from some cause unknown to us, he took a contrary direction. He arrived at St. Louis, and made a speech. He then took a boat for New Orleans stopped at Memphis and made a speech. Ho made another speech at New Orleans, and we cannot now recollect how many stump speeches he made on this trip, while he should have been in Congress discharging his duties. He next turned up in Cuba then in New York, and from that city he proceeded to Philadelphia, where he made his celebrated bolting speech, that not a single Douglas paper now dares to publish. Judge Douglas arrived at Philadelphia about the 4th of January, 1859. We now give an extract of this bolting speech at Philadelphia. Judge Douglas said : "I claim no more credit than you of Pennsylvania. We have been fighting in a common cause. In Illinois I had the Democratic organization with me in every county in the State ; and in Illinois the enemies of popular sovereignty bolted the regular nominations and attempted to destroy the organization of the Democratic party. The example set in Illinois, of bolting the regular nominations, compelled you to rebuke proscription by following their example. Three nhfiprs.l Tf anv men are disnnspd tn pomnlnm nf partv (organization in Pennsylvania, in New York, or in any other State, let thein reflect that it is the resuit of the example set by themselves m Illinois. Great applause. Proscription has been rebuked.' The State Sentinel of the 8th of January, 1859, after quoting the above extract, made the following comments on this very extraordinary speech. The Sentinel said : "Judge Douglas proclaimed throughout Illinois, in his laU; canvass, that he stood by the Democratic organization, abided its usage, and supported its nominees. The sentiments which the above expresses, if tolerated in the party, would soon disorganize it, and is in evident contradiction with his teachings heretofore. If the future of the country is identified with the unity and triumph of the Democratic party, as Judge Douglas declares it is, fealty to that organization is the duty of every patriot.' fW When C. L. Dunham came from New York to Indiana, he told Hon. Wm. J. Brown that he had always been opposed to the Democratic party j but at he vat going to settle (or had tettled) in a Democratic portion of the Sla'.e, ( Washington county.) he was determined to turn Democrat ! Yetf this is the gentleman who is going around the country abusing Democrats for going for Breckinridge, opposing compromise and conciliation, and turning his back ujxin the men who have been his wannest personal and political friends ! In many parts of Indiana the anti-Douglas Demo-, crats spent a great deal of time and money to try to nominate Dunham for Governor as an anti-Douglas man, as Hendricks was believed to have a sneaking inclination for Douglas. Now, Dunham out-IIerods HeroJ in his opposition to Breckinridge and Lane,

nnd tho who are supporting them.

William L. Yancey. A set of deluding or deluded squatterites in tho North are continually prating about " Yancey," and the " Yanceyites," as if the name were synonymous with all that is low, wicked, and contemptible. Do they know who or what Wm. L. Yancey is ? He is the Demosthenes of the South a brave, patriotic, chivalrous gentleman warmly attached to the South, but still a patriot, and every inch a man. Ho is not a disunionist. His private letter to Slaughter was but the ebullition of temporary excitement, and, after all, amounts to no more than has been said a thousand times by men of all parties, both North and South that in a certain contingency upon tho aggression"- he would be in favor of -dis union. It was written for the express purpose of dissuading Mr. Slaughter from his design of immediate disunion. Mr. Yancey has explained this matter, and declares he is not for disunion. A few days ago, Mr. Yancey made a four hours speech at Memphis, Tennessee. We have read it carefully. It is a wonderful production. All the speeches ever made by tho Illinois squatter, put together, would not contain as much eloquence, and power of argument, as this one speech of " Mr. Yancey."' :y-:-.-We have heard Douglas men as well as anti-Douglas men, who heard Yancey speak at the National Convention, pronounce him the first of living orators in America. , We give a short extract from his Memphis speech. Mr. Yancey introduced the letter of Leslie Combs to the Louisville Journal, thanking the Douglasitcs for

his election, proposing Union for the future, objecting to criticism for the past, and saying i " Tho Yancey-Breckinridge Disunionists have received their first rebuke mild and gentle compared to the future. They are doomed." Mr. Yancey said : LESLIE COMBS' LETTER. "I feel that, gentlemen, pretty strongly. Applause. . . I don't wonder that Leslie Combs asked tho Irishmen not to criticise the past too much. I do not much wonder when we think of that bloody and awful August when fire and fagot, bayonet and ball, poured out their blood in Louisville, amid the shrieks of their women and children. Immense applause. 1 don't wonder, after Know-Notliingism had shown its horrid vengeance against these poor foreigners there, that Combs should now say, don't let us criticise the past too -much. It is my province to bring it to your recollection. It is my province to say to the foreign population, if you forget the hour w hen your wives and children crackled in the flames of Know-Nothing-ism, you deserve to be forgotten of your God. Tremendous applause. Yet these Douglas leaders have sold you to that faction in Kentucky, and have given them 25,000 majority for anybody but an old fashioned Democrat, all of whose sin is that lie dares stand up for the constitutional right of his own section and vote against Douglas. Are you ready for that? Arc you, the old line Democracy, ready tor that fusion in which you are to be transferred by the leaders over to the Know-Nothing,' American, and Whig parties when November comes, and your own electoral ticket to be deserted, the consequence being that old Democrats, with the banner of the equal rights of the people and the equal rights of the States, aggression on nobody, will .be beaten down ; that old fashioned, honest, equal Democrats shall go down, and Whig principles shall triumph in the person of your old enemy? Are you ready for that ? Several voices, " No." I believe not ! I believe there are hundreds of men yet in these Douglas ranks .who before November next will find out where floats the Democratic standard, and where stand the Democratic leaders, and when the bugle blast of the Democracy rings forth upon the field of battle, that these men will rush to that standard and carry it onward to victory over the Americans, Whigs, and Douglas men combined. fJ3" We copy the following sensible article from the Daily Evening Dispatch, published at Leavenworth, Kansas Territory : The Herald on Breckinridge. The Herald is becoming bolder. It, dares not impeach the patriotism of John C. Breckinridge, yet it vents its spleen by charging him with being a "tool of designing men, who look forward to the destruction of the Union and the establishment of a Southern Confederacy as a glorious ultimatum." We have borne these lying charges against our party, of disloyality to the Union and ulterior revolutionary designs, conscious of our devotion, and not deeming a refutation necessary, when the truth was so apparent to all; but when the Herald, in acting out its self-assumed mission of the union and harmony of the Democracy of Kansas, sees fit to make these wholesale charges, we will no longer tamely submit to them. They come with the worse grace from a journal whose pretended editor and proprietor sought nay, solicited the opportunity of making that sheet a Breckinridge organ for and in consideration of the sum of $250. '.'; Knowing the utter rottenness of the concern, we will not brook the insult which it levels at us and our party, or allow its lies to go undenied and unrefute.l. : When the Herald accuses Breckinridge Democrats of disunion and revolution, it condemns them for oc cupying the identical position which it would have as sumed, had its mercenary demands been acceded to, and its loose conscience been taken at its bid. But, are the charges true ? What evidence has the Herald that we are in favor of disunion and regard a South. ern Confederacy as a " glorious ultimatum?" It has no evidence whatever. The Breckinridge Democracy make no threats against the Union in the event of a defeat, and entertain no ulterior designs of revolution, but in the glorious language of their patriotic leader, they " will stand by the Union as long as there is a ray of hope or a shred of the Constitution left." " The Constitution and the equality of the States," is our motto; the Union our rallying cry; and it was for the one and to preserve the other that the present issue was made. " We know no section as distinct from another;" and our battle is not one of sections or men, but the great vital principles of true Democracy. States' rights, and equal rights in the Territories, is our creed and our demand. We base our position upon the fundamental principles of true Democracy, as opposed to the heresies of Douglas; upon this grouud the issue is made, and upon it we fight the battle. Then away with these lying cliarges. The loyalty of our candidate will bear a close inspection, and the patriotism of our party is above suspicion. The elfort of the Heraltl to cast a shadow over the prospects of our candidate by reason of the Opposition victory in Kentucky, is harmless. It should recollect that the office of the Clerk of the Court of Appeals in that State is not a political one. It should also recollect that there were three Democratic candidates in the field, and that a large portion of the Douglas vote was cast for the Opposition candidate. The Herald regards this result as an indication of the issue in November, and is no doubt sincere in its belief that Breckinridge cannot carry his own State. If it re gards this as serious as it pretends, we should think it should begin to feel quite solicitous whether Douglas can carry Illinois. In conclusion, we cheerfully accord the Herald the richt to sunuort Stephen A. Douelas. without inteiferit..., . ence or oppo Uion from us. It is not our object or policy, at present, to stir up a strife between us; but we warn it to keep on its own side of the line, and not make wholesale lying chai-ges against our candidate and our partv, though it may do it indirecdy and uaintentiotially! "So, neighbor," let us have no more such talk as "disunion and a Southern Confederacy." It s all a lie, and the journal which reiterates it, does it knowing it to be the same. Advertising. As our paper will have an extensive circulation throughout the State of Indiana, we solicit advertising on the usual terms. From the assurance of our friends, we believe that our circulation will equal or exceed that of any pajer in Indiana.

The Douglas Candidate for the Vice Presi-dency--His Speech in the Senate in 1848 against Squatter Sovereignty Its Antagonism to the Doctrines of Douglas He squints, even that early, towards Disunion. Mr. Johnson was in the Senate in 1848, and on the 7th of July made a speech on the Oregon bill, from which wo make some extracts, with the remarks, that it is a pity he is not of tho same opinion still. Mr. Johnson said: In reflecting upon this subject, there occurs to my mind a fact which is full of instruction and warning. Who can close his eyes to the indications that in the Empire State ami all New England, there is ati bbvi-"" ous tendency to the formation of parties upon geographical lines? We see an enthusiastic and untiring party, rallied upon what they term the "Free Soil" policy ; and it is humiliating to know that it has received its recent impulse from professed Democrats. Who is the leader of this infernal crusade against the interests and peace of the South ? It is that arch traitor to all the professions of his public life, and the principles of the party that has cherished him who has received the highest honors in the gift of his country, and for whom, in 1840, the Southern Democracy sacrificed themselves. He turns now and scorns the hand that wreathed his brow ; and unfortunately, there are those who are willing to be his minions. Is it not natural that such a movement, in such a quarter, should produce some misgivings in the breast of the South ? Sir, in proportion to the magnitude and importance which this "Free Soil" faction shall assume, will be the degree of distrust excited at the South. ..'; He contiuued: It remains now to consider the question involved in the amendment proposed by the Senator from Missis

sippi (Mr. Davis.) That question is, whether it is the duty of Congress to guarantee to the slaveholder, who shall remove with his slaves into the Territory of the United States, the undisputed enjoyment of his property in them, so long as it continues to be a Territory. Or, in order words, whether the inhabitants of a Territory, during their Territorial condition, have the right to prohibit slavery therein. For the purposes of this question it matters not where the power of legislation for the Territory resides whether exclusively in Congress, or jointly in Congress and the inhabitants of the Territory; the power is precisely the same no greater in the one than the other. In no event can the slaveholder of the South be excluded from settling in such Territory. But suppose that Congress have the right to establish a Territorial Government only, and that, then, all further government control ceases: can the Territorial Legislature pass an act prohibiting slavery? Surely not. For the moment you admit the right to organize a Territorial Government to exist in Congress, you admit, necessarily, the subordination of the people of tho Territory their dependence on this Government for an organic law to give them political existence. It is idle, however, to discuss this question in this form. For if Congress possess the power to organize temporary governments, it must then possess the power to legislate for tho Territories. If they may per form the greater, they may perform the less; the major includes the. minor proposition. Hence, Congress has, in all cases since the foundation of our Government, reserved a veto upon the legislation of the Territorial Government; it is absolutely necessary, in order to restrain them from violation of the Constitution, and infringements of the rights of the States, as joint owners of the public lands. If, therefore, an act of the Territorial Government prohibiting slavery, should be sent up to Congress for approval, they should be bound to withhold it, upon the ground of its being an act which Congress themselves could not pass. But suppose the right of legislation for the Territory be in its inhabitants, can they prohibit slavery ?- Surely not ; and for reasons similar to those which . show that Congress will not. ..-' The institution of slavery is guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States, and it has the same protection thrown around it which guards citizens against the granting of titles of nobility, the estalishment of religion ; therefore Congress would be as much bound to veto an act of a Territorial Legislature prohibiting it, as an act violating these rights of every citizen of the Republic. And suppose, Mr. President, you have the right to prohibit slavery in the Territories of the United States, what high political consideration requires you to exercise it? All must see that it cannot be effected without producing a popular concussion, and will probably dissolve the Union. : .-'..'.". . .: '". Sir, these things would seem to warn the South that the day is not far distant when she will be forced to stand firm on her constitutional rights. The whole history of public feelings and opinions in free States, whether we look at the action of popular assemblies or proceedings of their last legislatures, or to the course of their Representatives in Congress, mournfully warns the South that she must stand upon her constitutional rights. I trust that when this crisis conies she is prepared to do it. liut 1 repeat, the inference Irom all the visible indications around us evidently is that the time has arrived when the South has no alternative but to stand upon her constitutional rights. Let the adherents of Douglas and Johnson who arc prating so much about disunion, concealing from view his subsequent rabid disunionism, reconcile their as saults upon the National Democracy as a disunion party, with their support of1 Mr. Johnson. We will give them the additional task of reconciling the association of Ex-Governor Johnson, on the same ticket with Mr. Douglas, in view of his early abhorrence of the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty as espoused in his speech. North Carolina Legislature. ' The Raleigh Standard reckons up the Democratic majority in the Legislature as follows: " Some of the papers of the State are stating the Democratic majority, on joint ballot, in the last Legislature at 44, some at 50, some at 54, and some at 58. According to our list, which we think correct, we find, on reference to our files, the majority to have been 58. According to our table of loss and gain, it will be seen thatwe have lost 17 in the Commons and gained 5 ; and in the Senate we have lost 5 and gained 4 making our nett loss 12 in the Commons and 1 in the Senate, or 1 3 in all.. This makes a difference of 26 on joint ballot, which taken from 58 leaves our majority!. We presume our oppositionists will find this majority sufficient for all 1 practical purposes.' " . The candidates for Governor, both the Opposition and the Democratic, finding the current so strongly in favor of Breckinridge and Lane, avowed them selves advocates'of their election, and the Douglas men had no chance but to vote for a candidate, who would vote for Breckinridge. On the Legislative Ticket, however, they coalesced with the Know-NotY-ings, and in the counties where two were to be elected, the Douglas men nominated one while the KnowNothings took the other, and both factions voted for them. The result, notwithstanding this unholy coalition, is a Democratic majority of thirty-two onjoint ballot, and a popular majority, on the legislative tickets, of 10,000 or 1 2,000 in the State over the combined Douglas and Know-Nothing parties. Bell and Everett Club. A meeting of the Bell and Everett Club of Indianapolis, will be held this (Saturday) evening, in the Court House, at 8 oMock. Let every friend of the cause be present, as important business will come before tlie club. W. NICHOLS, Secretary.