Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 16, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 August 1860 — Page 3

Why Breckinridge should be Supported.

Because, ho is an ablo statesman, of sound prac

tical views, and is honest and faithful to the Con'

stitution, and will conform to its letter and spirit in the

discharge of his duties. Because, he is not an oflice-secker, and lias not in

volvcd himself in the entanglements consequent upon

a ten years' chase for the Presidency.

Because, ho is one of those generous-hearted and

patriotic Kentuekians who volunteered, at the call of

his country, to hazard his life in defense of her rights

and honor. , Because, in every position to which he has been assigned by his country, he has fulfilled every duty de- " vlvcd upon him with ' an ability and fidelity-unexcelled by any of his predecessors. Because, in his personal intercourse he deports himself with a dignity and grace befitting his position, but with a mild gentleness, indicating benevolence of disposition and the characteristics of the true gentleman. , Because, the record of his past life is without a blemish or a stain, and to which his friends can point with proud satisfaction.

Because, his past career is free from changing pur

poses and stultifying inconsistencies. Because, he rides no political hobbies, but walks manfully in the straight line of duty. Because, he has had no agency in schemes of personal aggrandizement, which have had such fatal effect upon the Democratic party, and especially in the Northwest. Because, he has not two political theories, one for the North and AVest, and another for the South. Because, he is not ashamed of principles, and afraid to avow them, so as to permit his countrymen knowing what they are but frankly and clearly makes them known in a suitable and proper way, so that they may be received or rejected by the people. I

Because, he is a found, unflinching Democrat, as his ancestors, from the Revolution down, have ever been one of them having been a member of Jefferson's Cabinet, and author of the celebrated Kentucky Reso

lutions of 1798-99. Because, he is a national, and not a sectional Democrat, whose sympathies and judgment go hand in

hand in sustaining the constitutional rights of the peo-

pic in everv section of the Union. Because, like a good and true citizen, he receives and respects as law the determinations of our enlightened judiciary, and believes it the dutyof all to acquiesce in them.

Because, he is devoted to the equality of rights of

each State and of every citizen, and believes that each State should manage its own affairs in its own way, Because, he believes that citizens of each State have an equal right to settle in our Territories with such property as the Constitution of the United States recognizes, and that all such property is equally entitled to protection from aggression or destruction. Because, he believes in general laws, protecting all

kinds of property, and that one kind shall have no

pre-eminence over any other kind.

Because, he believes that Congress cannot make laws to drive property, lawfully in a Territory, out, nor any to force it to come in, but feels bound to re

spect the equal rights of all. Because, ho holds that the Territories, in all branches of their Governments, have such powers only, as Congress authorizes them to exercise, and no more. Because, he believes that the Territories have no sovereignty while they remain such, and receive their Governors, Judges, Marshals, District Attorneys, &c, from the Federal Government, and legislate under a special charter conferred by Congress, limiting the sphere of action and expressly reserving the right to

dissent from laws that may be there enacted. Because, he holds that what cannot be done directly cannot be done by indirection, and consequently that " unfriendly legislation " cannot be resorted to in order to destroy any kind of property, when it cannot be directly done.

Because, he does not believe that, in this country, there is any law higher than our Constitution, and the

laws enacted in pursuance thereof. Because, like our ancestors, at the Revolution, he

believes the rights of all to be equal, and that depriv

ing the people of any of them, is a just cause of complaint and resistance. Because, like them, he believes the Constitution is everywhere, within our borders, the same, and that no one can lawfully set up rights above it, without being guilty of flagrant wrong. Because, he is opposed to disunion in all its forms, and will inflexibly sustain our Constitution and laws, at all times and on all occasions, at any and every hazard, and by all possible means.

Because, he is opposed to slave codes by Congress, or to demanding anything more for the security of slave property than for any other, but is opposed to any aggressive law upon it, or to authorize its destruction. Because, he believes that when a Territory is preparing a Constitution preparatory to admission as a State, they may rightfully provide for permitting or rejecting slavery, and that State sovereignty commences on the adoption of the Constitution and admission as a State of the Union, and that then it will have the same rights of equality as other States. Because, he is opposed to that phase of sectionalism which claims that the fifteen slave States have not j the same rights as the remaining ones, but that they

duties untrammeled by those promises or expectations,

which years of struggling for a nomination and elec

tion, are sure to occasion, and which are known to

exist in case of some of his competitors.

Because, if elected, he will be free, in the organi

zation of his administration, to select the best men of

the nation for places for which they are qualified, instead of being compelled to reward all sorts of men for their efforts in securing a nomination, not voluntarily accorded for personal fitness and qualifications, as well as political merit. Because, he would make a President of whom the nation would be justly proud; who would preserve our high standing abroad, and command the respect

and confidence of our own citizens, everywhere; who would ever prefer the union and prosperity of the country to his own interests, or that of any clique formed for any purpose whatever; who could be the President of the whole country the East, West, North and South, and not of a section, or of a band of partizans; one who is worthy to walk in the footsteps of his most illustrious predecessors; one whoso page in history will be bright and unspotted, devoid of

selfish traits, and strongly marked by patriotism and

love of our glorious Union, and of the gkkat and

ENDURING I'RIXCIPLES OF l'.QUAL RIGHTS.

for supposing that tho Constitution of the United

States is changed in its principles ; but Black Repub

licanism stamps the Constitution with that instability

and infirmity. The Equality of tho States is the doc

trine of the Constitution as its framers understood it; but it is now ignored, by the Black Republican doc

trine of, A 'egro Equality. Madison, in the LXII No. of the Federalist, remarks: "To trace the mischievous effects of a mutable Government would fill a volume. In the first place, it forfeits the respect and confidence of other nations, and all the advantages connected with national character. An individual who is observed to be inconsistent to his plans, or perhaps, to carry on his affairs

I without any plan at all, is marked at once by all pru-

e n t people, as a speedy victim of his own unsteadiness and folly. His more friendly neighbors may pity him, but all will decline to connect their fortunes with his. One nation is to another, what one individual is to another."

Again, in the same No., speaking of the Senate, he says: "In this spirit it nny be remarked, that the equal vote allowed to each State, is at once a constitutional recognition of the portion of sovereignty remaining in the individual States, and an instrument

For tho Old Lino Guard. Black Republicanism, John D. Defrees, Esq., now temporarily residing at Washington, and engaged in the public printing, has been delivering himself there of a speech, to enlighten

the nation on the subject of Black Republicanism, and which has been published in the Journal of this place,

which the editor commends to the attentive perusal of

its readers. , The Journal says : " It is a brief, well considered, and admirably condensed view of the main points in the present conflict, irrepressible conflict, and in terseness, directness, and absence of all clap-trap, it has few equals. It is a good thing once in a while, to encounter a speech

that stands upon a sort of elevation, and glances along the whole field of controversy." Hallelujah ! .' ! The

of preserving that residuary sovereignty. So far the

italics are mine, but this is the language of the Jour

nal, endorsing tho speech without " clap-trap," and approving its sentiments, as the principles of the Black Republican party. Mr. Defrees, like a Mormon Latter Day Saint, divides his speech into eight propositions ; the first is as follows, to-wit: "Non-interference with slavery in the slave States ; but opposition to its extension into Territories now free." Lincoln's doctrine is, that the States must ultimately become all free, or all slave States. In reference thereto he says: ".,1 house divided against itself cannot stand." This is not only the rampant Abolition doctrine, but it is the vilest sectional threat of abolishing slavery in the States by force. It is a sentiment that denies the enualitxi of the

States, without which, this Union cannot long exist in harmony ; it does not now exist in harmony because the sentiments and practices of the Republican party is, an appeal to the prejudices of Northern fanaticism,

and sectionalism, to war unceasingly against the insti

tution of slavery, not only in the Territories, but in

the States. If this is not their doctrine, they never

could have gotten the Abolitionists to coalesce with them, as a party. That rank Abolitionist, George W. Julian, the Republican nominee for Congress in the Burnt District, so understands the doctrine of the Black Republican party, and is now battling for the success of himself and Lincoln, on Julian's own principles of avowed Abolitionism. Before the Chicago Convention, the Journal avowed its preference for Seward, as the representative man of the Black Republican party, but suggested, that some other man ought to be nominated, on the ground of availability. Sew-, ard, the representative man, says, " slavery must be ex

terminated, and you and I must do it." Slavery must not merely be kept out of the Territories, but must be exterminated. Yes, exterminated, is the idea, throughout the whole Union. That is the doctrine of this representative man of the Black Republican party,

and it is the doctrine of this sectional party, who are

now urging on the " irrepressible conflict " of exter

minating slavery everywhere and it is the only adhesive clement that holds them together as a party. Let

the Black Republican party strike the "nigger" and nigger agitation out of their confession of faith, and they could not exist as a party for a single day. When the Constitution of the United States was framed, it was the work of a Confederation of slaveholding States, which united, as a Confederacy of States, for the common benefit of all the States not for the benefit of a part, at the sacrifice of the rights of the other part, but for the mutual benefit of all the States, with equal rights. The ships composing the navy, the national arms, the forts and arsenals, naval and military

stores, the public buildings, and the public revenue,

belong to the United States, and in which every State in the Union has a relative equal right, guaranteed by the Constitution, and there is no power nor right, under the Constitution, to divert any of this property or means of the United States, to any purpose whatever that violates the rights of the equality of the

States, or that restricts the rights of the citizens of

one or more States, or enlarges the rights of those of a different section of the Union, to the detriment of the rights of any one or more States. If this is not sound Constitutional doctrine, what is the Constitution worth to the States, or to the citizens of the

States, as a united confederacy of equal rights? The Constitution was not made merely to be looked at as

a bauble, in times of peace and security, but it was

must submit to an inequality througtt nnmcnclly leg-j forn)ed by each State sacrificing and yielding a por-

uhtuun. I tion ot sovereignty for thetr mutual benefit, so that the Because, he believes this form of sectionalism, ar-j nnion cf tll;s goVereign power, yielded by the States, rayed as it now is in the Northern and Western States, j shouid a power of protection to the States, and to against the South, is equally fatal to the peace and; the rights of their citizens, not only in peace, but in welfare of the country and happiness of the people, times f domestic storm and tempest, against sectional as when urged openly and frankly in Black Rcpubli-j encroachments, as well as against foreign invasion, can form. Xie f 'onstitution of the United States was made Because, in principle and effect he sees no differ-! for the States, as well as for the people. E Pluribus

ence between Mr. Reward s higher law and the j rUW) the national motto i. e.: consisting of many

"H1"11"' S"V "'B'"- w cia.mea 10 nave ates confederated. The Territories are the common been derived from God Almighty." ! rmertv of thfs confederation of Stat . ,

Because, he has such entire confidence that he b j the NavVi the Fortg the pub,;c arnMtlie mun;t;ong of

right in principles, that he confides in the intelligence of the people to understand them, and lie therefore

remains quietly at home, attending to his private af-

war, the pubb'c buildings, and the public revenue ofj

the L mted States. They all belong to this confeder

ated Union of States, and were acquired by the com-

. j . i i - . i

airs, ms.eaa o, iraveung over me , country maxing mon fund, ofthe NatioDj ; wh;ch plot'fintlHrin rr inonnlma 4r ilitt pKiairlnnfiv I. a' . - ...

" -i"-- - -y , as an equal partner, with equal rights for the citizens

: vu, , uuamess oi uuis oiowing meirown of each S(atPt CCOrding to State Equalitv.

trumpets. j the n;te(1 S(ateg GoTernment 0Ter Because, lie is opposed to slavery agitation, come; the Territories is the same as thai over the other

trora whence it may, or however disguised, and de- property of the United States, and u that of a mere cidedly against making it political issue, when there agent for the benefit of the States, as well fr the u no probability of its becoming a practical question j people of the States; which agency is coupled with a during tle life of the present generation, and he con-1 duty, and that duty is subordinate to the rights of the sents to meet only so much of it as is aimed at the! Eoualitvof the States: neither can the United Stat.

destruction of the equal rights of fifteen States. Government delegate a power respecting the TerritoEecause, lie is no demagogue, and does not seek i ries that it does not possess.

popuianiy oy resorting to Uie tricks of some, but : A change of State, or United States poller, does I L-. .L 1 . . . I 1 . . a. '

ic.urs me (wpe racnoose Detween mm ana c is com

petitors, without puffing himself or disparaging others.

Because, he has qualifications for the office superior'

not effect change of constitutional principles, and became certain States since the adoption of the Con

stitution, have changed their State policy as to tie in

to either of his competitors, and will enter upon the) stitntioo of tUvery, that is bo reaoo and no argument

equality ought to bo no less acceptable to the large than the small States : since they are not less solicitous

to guard, by every possible expedient, against an improper consolidation of the States into one sitnple liepublic. Another advantage accruing from this ingredient in the Constitution of tho Senate is, the additional impediment it must prove against improper acts

of legislation." If this language does not refute the Black Republican doctrine of the Inequality of the States, and that the National Government is a simple Republic, it has no meaning whatever. The substance of Mr. Defrees' first proposition is, simply this : the National Government is a simple Republic, and that Black Republicanism is quasi Abolitionism, whose cardinal principle is " Negro Equality" throughout the States and Territories, and a homestead law for free niggers in the Territories. Mr. Defrees' second proposition is : to procure an efficient law for the suppression of the slave trade. There is no party that we know of, that is in favor of opening the slave trade ; there may be individuals, North as well as South, that favor such a measure ;

but the shipping interest engaged in that business, mostly belongs to residents of New England States anil New York, who no doubt vote the Black Republican ticket when at home. Mr. Defrees' third proposition is : the admission of Kansas under her present Constitution. That is a stalo issue. " Bleeding Kansas " was the Fremont Pegasus, furnished by the Black Republican party; but in the Presidential race of 1856 ho let down in his pasterns and was taken off the tracksplinted, spavined, windgalled, and ringboned, and his chief grooms, Horace Greeley and Henry Ward Beecher, have never put him in training, since the John Brown demonstration in Virginia. Mr. Defrees' fourth proposition is : a revenue law i discriminating in favor of home industry, for the support of the Government. Mr. Defrees says : " The expenses of the National I

Government must be paid. There are only two modes of doing it by direct taxation, or by imposts." This is not true. -The public revenue now accrues from the sale of the public lands, from impost duties, and from the post office department, although the postal revenue of this department does not sustain it. The Black Republican doctrine is, to look no longer to the sales of the public lands as a source of revenue for the support of the general government, because the Territories are to be controled hereafter by Abolition and Black Republican "Emigrant Aid Socie

ties" under their demagogical and sectional policy of " a liberal homestead law for actual settlers on the public lands." The cloven foot of this Janus-faced party is here manifest. The Southern States are to be excluded from all

common benefit of the public domain, the lands are to be given away, and the public treasury defrauded of the land revenue. The equality of the States are denied to our brethren of the South, and the equality of the negro, is to be the substitute, and under the pretence of a liberal homestead law, the General Government is be made an abolition almoner of the public lands to promote the sectional schemes of policy of the abolitionized Black Republican party. This is part of the wire-working of the "irrepressible conflict," and a means to hasten the "impending crisis;" this is effectually " dividing a house against itself," so that it

"cannot stand ;" this is Abolition, Seward and Lincoln sugar-coated Black Republicanism. This policy suits Greeley, Sumner, Lovejoy, Julian, Fred Douglass, and Beecher, and that moral monster of abolition notoriety, Wendell Phillips, who speaks of the Constitution, approved by the Father of his Country, "as a league with hell." But let us examine this doctrine of "A revenue

law, discriminating in favor of home industry for the support of the government." Let us see who it is that want this law to protect home industry, and what is the effect of such a law. Here we find the old and long exploded AVhig doctrine of a "Protective Tariff" revived again. The policy of the Democratic party is, that the burden of government should be equally borne by the people;

this government was not made to foster monopolies by sectional legislation, for the benefit of monied aristocracies, under the pretence of favoring home industry. The policy of the Democratic party is to buy where

you can buy cheapest, and sell where you cau sell

dearest. The legitimate object of a tariff of impost duties, is for the purposes of revenue, and not for the purpose of creating monopolies. This doctrine of a revenue law, discriminating in favor ot "home industry," means nothing less than compelling the consumer to buy articles of American manufacture, at the manufacturer's prices; or if the consumer shall buy an article of foreign manufacture, he skill pay the discriminating duties of this protective tariff policy, as revenue forthe supportofthe government, so that, by this operation, the American manufacturer, when he sells his goods, wares and merchandize of his own manufacture, makes a clear profit off of the consumer of the amount of this discriminating duty. ' The reason of this discrimination is," (says Mr. De- j

frees) " tliat it operates as an encouragement to our own people to engage in manufacturing, thereby retaining among ourselves the money which would other

wise be sent out of the country in payment of foreign goods." Here you see Black Republican sectionalism again showing itself. A tariff for revenue, and no tariff monopolies to any section, is Democratic doctrine. The New England States are emphatically manufacturing States the Western and Southern States are agricultural, planting and producing States. The W est and South buy most of their manufactured articles. The New England States have become rich by their commerce and manufacture. The South and the West have been and still are their principal !

customers they are consumers; they have sustained

New England commerce, New England manufactories,

and these manufacturing and commercial States have acquired exorbitant wealth, in this business, yet they are not satisfied their wealth has made them insolent they are no longer satisfied with the profits arising

from tho rewards of steady industry, but the Black

Republican party must pander to their demands, not

only of controlling the Territories, and giving away

tho public lands to Abolitionists and free niggers of

these manufacturing States, but also denying the

equality of the States, and substituting in its stead tho equality of the negro. But, a high, discriminating and protective tariff is also demanded, to make up the loss to thq National Treasury for. giving . away the public

lands, and also, to increase the wealth of these sectional States, and their means of controlling the National Government.

As an instance how this protective tariff operates in

filling the pockets ofthe American manufacturer with the cash of the American consumer suppose an arti

cle of merchandise, manufactured in England, France, Germany or elsowhero out of the United States, costs the importer $4 00, and is subject to an impost

duty of $1 00. If the American manufacturer cannot manufacture as good an article, the public ought not to pay for his want of skill, nor be compelled to use in

ferior goods, and if his manufactures are us good as the foreign article, then the protective tariff enables him to compel the American consumer to pay him the ex. tra $1 00 profit, secured to him by this tariff policy of

protection. This Black Republican doctrine com

pels the American consumer to pay this twenty-five per cent, in the shape of discriminating duties on the foreign article, and this twenty-five per cent., thus extorted from the South and West, is to go into the National Treasury to sustain a Black Republican Administration, to be administered on abolition and sectional principles; and the twenty-five per cent, profit on American manufactured merchandise goes directly into the pockets of the American manufacturer himself paudering to the tariff monopolist to the manufacturing millionaire to the advocacy of negro equality and the destruction of the equality of the States depriving a portion of the Union of their constitutional rights in the Territories, and prostituting, from the

public revenue, in mock and sectional charity, the public lands, the common property of all the States,

is part of the Abolition and sectional machinery for iu

stalling Black Republicanism in power. This is effectually "dividing the house against itself," so it "can

not stand." These are nothing but insidious aids to the "irrepressible conflict." Mr. D.'s fifth proposition is : "A reform in the abuses, and a reduction in the expenditures of the General Government." lie says : "It has been the experience of the world that men long in power be

come corrupt and extravagant. History bears proof

of this on every page." It may also be remarked that it has been the experience of the world, that men long

out of power become great adepts in the art of falsify

ing. History also bears proof of this not, however,

on every page, but sufficiently so to establish its truth,

There is a material difference in political vision be

tween the Ins and the Outs. History also tells us that

it is the stereotyped cry of those out of power to bawl

out for "a reform in the abuses, and a reduction in the expenditures of the General Government." The Constitution provides that no money shall be drawn

from the Treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law. The public revenue cannot be

expended, unless it is first appropriated by an act of

Congress, and most certainly the majority of the members of the House of Representatives of the present Congress are not favorable to the present Administration. If abuses in the public expenditure have

been made, is not tho opposition majority of the present House of Representatives responsible to the country for making the appropriations? If the public rev

enue is deficient, and the National Treasury bankrupt, with what justice can the public lands be given

away in charity to free niggers and Abolitionists, to

foster the schemes of the party, rolling on the "irre

pressible conflict?" Mr. D.'s sixth proposition is "A liberal Homestead Law foractual settlerson the public lands." He says: "The rapid settlement ofthe vast domain west of us will augment the aggregate wealth of the nation. If a free home of 1 GO acres of land were secured to every settler, (free negroes included,) it would contribute greatly to the result" At that rate

it will only require four John Browns, or two free niggers and two Abolition women, of the Emigrant

Aid Society, to occupy every square mile ofthe whole

public domain. This would bo a gift of $800 worth of land, by tho General Government, to every four

Abolitionists or free niggers that the RIack Republi

can party can fit out for occupying the Territories.

This policy, if carried out, in connection with the principles of squatter sovereignty, is the grand scheme for

abolitionizing and controlling all tho Territories, and forcing on thocountry the " irrepressible conflict," and

establishing Abolition rule and negro equality.

Mr. D.'s seventh proposition is : " The improvement of rivers and harbors of national interest," On this

subject Mr. D.'s remarks are brief, but the " irrepres-

sibie Nigger the nightmare of his national dreams seem, in his vision, to be also in the rivers and harbors of national interest He says : "Ever since the Dem

ocratic party commenced the agitation of the slavery

question, the improvements of rivers and harbors has

been neglected." Wondrous discovery ! I suppose

Mr. D. thinks the John Brown raid was a "Democratic agitation of the slavery qucstion,""and hence, affected

the rivers and harbors ; and that the "personal liberty bills," as they are called enacted by Massachusetts and other States, to nullify the acts of Congress and defeat the constitutional provision respecting fugitives from labor is also another " Democratic agitation of the slavery question," and has affected the rivers and harbors. The right conferred upon niggers in the New England States, and also in New York and Ohio, of voting for members of Congress and President ofthe United States, is also, I suppose, another " Democratic

agitation of the slavery question," and affects the riv

ers and harbors. The seventy white women in the

State of Massachusetts who were married, within the

last twelve months, to nigger husbands, is also, I suppose, another "Democratic agitation of the slavery

question," affecting the neater rights of Black Republi

canism and negroes. The underground railroads, for stealing and running off tho niggers of the South, and

in which the Abolitionists and Black Republicans are

joint stockholders, I suppose is also another "Demo

cratic agitation of the slavery question," affecting the

rivers ami harbors. 1 The "higher law" of William IL Seward & Cc, and which is to be the law, and rule of action of Black

Republican Administration, instead of the Constitu

tion of the United States, I suppose u another " Dem

ocratic agitation of the slavery question," affecting

rivers and harbors. The Lincouian Eiark Republi

can, nigger-Unef sentiment, that "a bouse divided

against itself cannot stand," I suppose is another'

"Democratic agitation ofthe slavery question," affecting rivers and harbors. Speaking of the South, Mr. D. says : " Engaged in very little commerco themselves, they do not seem to wish to make that little more secure." One of the prominent principles of the old Whig party was, a grand system of Internal Improvements, to be planned and carried out by the National Government. This was opposed by the Democratic party, and that position has-been sanctioned by the people for more than twenty years, and the experience of the States since, in incurring millions of public debt for internal improvements, to be paid by taxation, under the weight of which every State in this Union has a living exam-

address, than any theory of a defunct party, or a political visionary. Mr. D.'s eighth and last proposition is "The speedy construction, by Government aid, of a Railroad to the Pacific." A Railroad to tho Pacific is desired by the people of the United States, in almost every section of the Union, without distinction of party. Thomas II. Benton was the first to advocate it, and it is a kindred meanness to nigger-thieving, for Black Republicans to steal his thunder. All parties admit its practicability, its utility, aud importance to the country, but the Government of tho United States ought not to undertake it, for reasons already manifest but the Government can, and ought, to aid individual enterprise ; and the principal obstacle is, in agreeing on the route, and settling the details of the measure, the amount and manner of Government aid. Mr. D. thinks this work must be done with the utmost expedition, so as to attach uthe mighty empire, so rapidly extending itself along the shores of the Pacific, to u,or the day may come when it will set up for itself.' "Nothing will contribute so much to prevent such a result as the speedy construction of this railroad." What a commentary is this upon the principles of Black Republicanism! " The mighty empire" of the Pacific V " must be attached to us, or the day may come when it tcill set up for itself ." Let the Black Republican traitors to their country's peace, take their own advice to themselves in a modified form ; that "the mighty empire of the South must be attached to us, or the day is at hand when it will set up for itself" and nothing

"will contribute so much to prevent such a result," as the defeat of the Black Republican party. Mr. D., in conclusion, (baring his Lincouian eulogy) speaks of his eight propositions, as " the measures proposed to be established by the advent of the Republican party to power," and seems triumphantly to ask the question, " What is there in any of them to which a reasonable objection can be made ?" If I have failed to show any reasonable objection to the doctrines and principles of this Constitution-defying, and sectional, " higher law" party, of negro equality persuasion, it is my misfortune ; but my misfortune in failing to partially effect what I have attempted, can never satisfy the people of this Union that a party who have been driven, by the force of their own principles and doctrines of negro equality, to select their candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency from the extreme Northwest and Northeast of the ; Union, in order to force upon the country their sectional and fanatical measures of Governmental power and policy, would, if elected, administer the National affairs of this Union in their constitutional integrity, and in proper subordination to the equality of the States. Seward, tho representative man, with a record, is the primary planet of the Black Republicans ; he was the first choice in the hearts of the Chicago Convention, but he was eclipsed by Lincoln, his satellite, on the ground of availability because Lincoln's record was obscure. The masses of the people were too well acquainted with Seward, and his " higher law" principles of sectional fanaticism and Negro Equality; the managers at the Chicago Convention knew that the indignation of the honest masses would spurn Seward and reject him with scorn, as a sectional, fanatical agitator, that denied the constitutional obligation of his Senatorial oath, and while sitting in Senatorial authority, in the councils of the Nation, professed obedience to a " higher law," m opposition to the Constitution of his country. . Seward is the living embodiment of the Black Republican party. He is the Abolition meteor, with a Black Republican tail, trailing the "irrepressible conflict" athwart tho political horizon. Lincoln is the ignis fatuus, arising out of the Seward swamp the Jack-with-a-lantern, of the Black Republican Wide Awakes. They are both Abolition lights, of kindred phenomena, with this distinction : the one is the blazing meteor of Abolitionized Black Republicanism, in the ascendant; the other is the Jack-with-a-lantern, of the Black Republican Wido Awakes, bouging about in the Seward swamp. If

CJ Since the rejection of the Compromise, the Old Line Democrats of Indiana, are rousing like an awakened Sampson, and are breaking the withes(?) which demagogues have sought to bind them, like flax in the flame. They know that no regular nomination was made; and it is beyond the power of a few demagogues, who are striving for the U. S. Senatorsbip, to make them worship false gods. They are determined to stand " erect and free, Uuawed by politician's rod To bow the knee I"

Boll on the Ball? Many of our speakers are now in the field; and soon we will have an additional force, not only from this State, but elsewhere. Hon. Daniel S. Dickinson will speak at several points in Indiana. f& The Cass County National Democratic Club will hold their first meeting At Looanspokt, On Saturday, Sept 8, 1860, at 1 o'clock, P. M. Hon. John R. Coffroth (candidate for Elector) will address the Club.

(7 Great satisfaction is expressed by the friends of Douglas at the fusion in New York, and they are claiming that Douglas will carry that State. If so, the election may be thrown into the House, where the choice may be between Breckinridgb and Lincoln, and possibly BelL Douglas won't be in the ring. Communication. Friend Carlton: I find in the Congressional Globe that Douglas voted with the Black Republicans in every instance, in the discussion relative to Bright and Fitch, after Gov. Willard outgeneraled that party in the Legislature for their re-election to the short and long terms. Now the Governor supports his enemy, and a man who would have sacrificed the party in that particular instance, if possible. This is Consistency.

(9 We call our readers special attention to the address of our National Executive Committee, pubhVhed in to-day's paper. Let every Democrat read it carefully, and get the facts firmly impressed on the memory, and there will be no difficulty in exploding Douglasism ky-high.