Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 16, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 August 1860 — Page 2

ware, and 8 votes i'rom South Carolina, who took no part in the nomination of Mr. Douglas, and who, before either Convention adjourned endorsed the action of the Maryland Institute Convention, making in all 117 votes. " , , i , . This number has been since largely increased by the endorsement of delegate after the adjournment of the Convention, who took no part in the proceedings of either, or who, having taken part in the Douglas Convention, have since repudiated its action. Thus neither Convention has presented a candidate nominated by two-thirds of the votes of the electoral colleges. Which, therefore, is entitled to the support of the Democracy, as the embodiment of its principles, and as endorsed by the weight and influence of the party? The committee, to whom we have referred, charge that we are the disunion party, and therefore are not entitled to support. Let us consider the platforms of - 1 - jy ...... niii . 1 -tiiiik iniiiiimad . 1 1 1 j 1 .

LUC lU tVU""'1"""3! ....j " the antecedents of its candidates and supporters. PLATFORMS OF THE TWO CONVENTIONS IN REGARD TO SLAVERY. The platform of the Maryland Institute C6nvention ,' endorsed at Charleston by seventeen sovereign States, is as follows: . " First, That the government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary ; and, during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory without their rights, either of pei-son or property, being destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation. " Second, That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. " Third, That when the settlers in a Territory, having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty commences ; and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery." That of the Front-street Theater Convention, is as follows: " Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Convention assembled, hereby declare our affirmation of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 185G, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature when applied to the same subject-matter. ' Resolved, That it is in accordance with the true interpretation of the Cincinnati Platform, that during the existence of Territorial governments, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the powers of a Territorial Legislature over the subject of domestic relations, as the same has been or shall hereafter be finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, should be respected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the Federal Government." Referring to our platform, the Douglas Committee say that " nothing could be more vague and unsatisfactory than these resolutions; they deal in 'truisms' of the tamest significance, or rather, as the controversy then stood, of no significance at all. It may be well to pause here and point attention to the fact that this Douglas Committee shrink from the task of taking issue with these resolutions, and that they thus virtually admit that they contain no doctrine to condemn. Let the Douglas speakers in the North who have been ringing the charge of ''slave code," take notice of the virtual admission of their Executive Committee that the resolutions contain no such doctrine. The committee were wise in not attacking a platform which defies assault. EXPOSITION OF THE PLATFORM OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRACY. The first resolution emphatically declares that " the government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress is provisional and temporary," thereby rebutting the conclusions that such a Territory can frame any permanent institutions whatever, or can establish, during its territorial existence, any fundamental law whatever. It is an inchoate and imperfect government, instituted for a brief pi-riod the creature of Congress. This resolution in connection with the third resolution, which declares that " when the settlers in a Territory, having an adequate population, form a State constitution, the right of sovereigntycommences; and being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery," is entirely consistent with the Kansas-Nebraska act. That the government of a Territory is provisional and temxrary, that it is the creature of Congress, the history of the Territories conclusively establishes. Congress has always either reserved the veto power over the acts of a Territorial Legislature or conferred it upon the Governor of the Territory, appointed by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. But, as in the Cincinnati platfomi, the third resolution emphatically declares that when the people come to form their permanent institutions; when they come to lay down their fundamental law, which shall govern not only the people, but their legislative bodies and their judicial tribunals, then they are to decide for themselves whether slavery shall be an institution or not amongst them. Is the second resolution inconsistent with the first and third? It is in these words: that "it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its department to protect, when necessary, the lights of persons and property in the Territories, and whenever else its constitutional authority extends." Why is government instituted at all? Is it to raise armies? Is it to create navies? Is it to establish a postal system? Is it to collect revenue? Is it to build up a magnificent capital, adorned with works of art, and extensive and beautifully arranged grounds, and imposing edifices of granite and marble' Is it instituted to raise $100,000,000 in order to expend it to bring annually together at the national capitol, Senators and Representatives, and then to send them home again to establish courts and build prisons? No; nothing of the kind. Such are not the objects of government; but they are the instmments of government. These are purely the appliances, by means of which government accomplishes its purpose. The object of government is to protect persons and property, and nothing else. Thus we see, in order to accomplish what seems a simple and plain purpose, resort is had to the largest and most complicated means, iu order to effect it with certainty and success. Various countries have differed about their form of government; but with all these ditferences, the purpose has ever been the same the protection of persons and property. The second resolution stands inflexibly ujion this proposition. Our government has done much, from our earliest history, to protect the lives and the property of its citizens on its public domain. Where are ourarmiesfent? To protectour Territories. Forwhat? To protect persons and property, and nothing else. The citizens of our Territories who have been environed by Indian foes, and have fought their way through Indian wars, realize the importance of this protection. Why was our navy sent to Paraguay ? It was on account of a citizen of one of the free States a citizen of Rhode Island. It was a case of offense to property; and the navy was sent there in order that our Government might do its duty in protecting that property. A Government is Uirelict to the very purpose of its institution; it is direlict to its' obligations to the individual citizen, if it fails or hesitates in acting promptly (o protect the property as well as the person of that citizen. These resolutions, taken together, do not establish slavery in the Territories, or recognize the principle of the establishment of slavery ; but they declare that the rights of property of the citizens of the several States shall be protected by the Federal arm. They declare, in substance, that it' a citizen of a Southern State shall go to our common Territories with his slaves, his property in those slaves shall be protected. They declare, in substance, that this provisional and temporary government of a Territory shall not molest or interfere with the right of a Southern man to hold his slave as property in the Territory. They declare, in substance, that if the Territorial Legislature thus interferes, it is the duty of the Federal Government to tnterpove and prevent this unauthorized, unconsti

tutional action. But there is no intimation, there can be no inference, from the three resolutions, that the

old policy, that Congress can neither establish nor pro hibit slavery, lias been UeparteU trom in tne slightest decree. It is purely a question of property ; it is nurelv a question of the protection of the rights of Southern men equally with the rights of Northern men. It is not a concession of the North ; they yield nf .iw.i. iirrl,fti Tt la fiitYirtlv an ant nf ..r,it!i1 ,114tice upon the part of the North; it is a demand of right upon the part ot the feoutn. BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE FALSELY CHARGED WITH DISUNION SENTIMENTS. The effort is made to charge disunion sentiment9 upon Breckinridge and Lane, because some individuals now supporting them have at some period of their lives giveu utterance to extreme sentiments. See with what weight and point the charge goes home to the . x ront JMreet . I heater candidates, uougtas ana Johnson. One of their staunchest and most eloquent advocates on the floor ot the Convention was L ol, Gaulden, of Georgia, who, at the Charleston sitting, advocated the re-opening of the African slave trade. We quote from the olhcial report: "Col. Gaulden said he would do all he could to reconcile his friends in Georgia to this doctrine, and denounced congressional protection as an abstraction, In the course of his remarks he referred to Virginia as "slave-trading and slave-breeding Virginia." "A delegate from Virginia objected to the designation applied to that State " Mr. Gaulden Well, I'll say slave-trading Georgia, then. 1 don t obiect to the designation 1 am a slavebreeder I face the music. Come down to my plan tation and X II show you a line lot of young niggers, and pure Africans, too. " Col. Gaulden then proceeded to advocate the re vival of the African slave trade, and believed Massachusetts herself would shortly advocate it. He did not see why he should pay 2,000 for a negro in A'irginia, when he could buy him in Africa for $50. He denounced the treaty for the suppression of the African slave trade, which, he said, was against the laws of God, and nature's God. The doctrine ot non-inter vention should be applied to that trade. It was inhuman to send back to Africa the negroes at Key West, half of whom would die and the remainder be delivered over to cannibalism." (SENTIMENTS OF H. Y. JOHNSON. But in eontrovei-sy we should go to the heart of the matter. How will Mr. Johnson ring this charge to advance his prospects for the Vice Presidency V He was a Senator in Congress in 1848, and on the "th of July of that year he made a speech to prove that Congress had no power and ought to intervene to protect slave property in the Territories. (See Appendix to Congressional Globe, 1st sess. 30th Congress, page 891.) Our space forbids extended ex tracts. Ho said: "In no event can the slave holder of the South be excluded from settling in such Territory with property of every description." " Since, therefore as I have shown, Congress has no power to prohibit slavery, they cannot delegate such a power to the inhabitants ot a .territory; they cannot authorize the Territorial Legislature to do that which they have no power to do. The stream cannot rise higher than its source." "The institution of slavery is guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States, and it has the same protection thrown around it, which guards our citizens against the granting of titles of nobilitv or the estab lishment of religion; therefore, Congress would be as much bound to veto an act of Territorial legislation prohibiting it, as an act violating these rights of every citizen of the Republic." To show that Mr. Johnson has not abandoned his doctrine of Congressional protection, we quote the following resolutions drafied and then reported by him to the Convention of Georgia, held on the 4th day of last June, which appointed him as a delegate to the National Convention at Baltimore: "Resolved, That we reaffirm the Cincinnati platform, with the following additional propositions: 1st. That the citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property of any kind, in the organized Territorities of the United States, and that under the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Dred Scott, which we recognize as the correct exposition of the Constitution in this particular, slave property stands on the same footing as till other descriptions of proper;, and that neither the General Government, NOR ANY TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT, can destroy or impair the ritjht to slave property in the common Territories, any more than the right to any other description of ; property; that property of all kinds, slaves as well as any other species of property, in all the Territories, stand upon the same equal and broad constitutional basts, and subject to like principles of recognition and protection mmeLht .1SLA1I hi, Judicial, and Execu tive Departments of the Government, "2d. That we will support anv man who may be nominated by the Baltimore Convention for the Pres idency, who holds the principles set forth in the fore going proposition, and who will give them his indorsement, and that we will not hold ourselves bound to support any man who may be the nominee, who entertains principles inconsistent with those set forth in the above propositions, or who denies that slave property in the Territories does not stand on an equal footing, and on the same constitutional basis of other species of property." Mr. Douglas in his letter to Hon. Wm. A. Richardson, read before the Convention, uses this emphatic language: "Intervention means disunion." Then, ac cording to Mr. Douglas, Mr, Johnson, his colleague' on the ticket with him, Li a disunionist. And, according to the second resolution ollered by Mr. Johnson before the Georgia Convention, he stands pledged not to support or vote for Mr. Douglas. CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PARTY. But in our survey of the field we must not neglect the Constitutional Union party. It is an old party, under a new guise. In 1856 they had a platform of the strictest kind, and a secret organization protected by tests and oaths. Then they waged war upon our foreign citizens and upon a certain religious creed. The same leaders now come forward repudiating platforms announce themselves as the only Union jiarty, and ask for votes without any declaration of their principles. Their platform is the " Constitution and the Union." The Republicans assert that they are for the Constitution and the Union, yet their platform gives an interpretation to the Constitution which will destroy that Constitution and break up this Union. For which we have high authority Mr. Fillmore, the candidate for the Presidency, in 1856, of the verv men who constitute the Constitutional Union party of the present day. I lie Uouglas Democrats avow they are for the Constitution and Union; yet their platform as interpreted by their standard, Mr .Douglas, tramples under foot the decision of the Supreme Court, proclaims aliichcr law, and permits the first squatters in a Territory to exclude the people of fifteen sovereign States therefrom; reducing them to a; condition ot vassalage, and dointr little less injury to the Constitution of the country than the platform of the Republicans, The true Democratic party stands on the Constitu tion and the Union, and their interpretation recogniges the perfect equality of the States, and maintains invi olate the genius ot events, necessities, and history which brought into one confederacy so many inde pendent sovereignties. t men ot these three interpretation is the interpretation of the Constitutional Union nartv? Or will thev scorn each and all. and fall back on their repudiated and odious platform of i 1856 AAefeel that an intelligent people will demand at the hands of men asking their favor a frank avowel of their principles. AVe feci that thev will recognize as a true Union tartv the organization which stands lioldlv on the Constitution of their coun try, and proclaims the just doctrine of the equality of the states. THE beptblicas paett. AVe have referred to the warnings of Mr. Fillmore against this party. The public mind has become alarmed. The misehievon effect of its doctrine has been shown in the John Brown raid, and the recent burnings and pillages in Northern Texas. Bold, unscrupulous, and vindictive leaders are its head. They have adopted the nxt scorned dogma of Garrison, that slavery is a covenant with hell and an agreement with death. Sumner proclaims the barbarism of slavery. Bnriingame the neoewity of an anti-slaTerr Bible and !

an anti-slavery God. Seward and Lincoln the irrepresible conflict. They, with a fanaticism rapidly getting intense as that of Peter the Hermit, are fanning the flames of sectional strife soon to break out in intestine war. They are practically leading a crusade against the South. Thanks to the mercies of the Almighty, brot herly love, the memories of a glorious history, the common sacrifices of our fathers, the unparalleled progress to empire andirenown of our people, have not lost their influence. Honest and true men all through the North have determined to crush out the monster of Northern disunion and fanaticism. A paralysis has come over the energies of the inciters of servile war. The common sense of the jicople revolts at the consummation of their foul designs. Good men and true are rallying from the mountains and plaius, from the city and country, from the farm, the shop, and the busy marts of trade, to preserve and perpetuate the glorious heritage bequeathed to us by our fathers.- : : : 1 1

DOUGLAS AND REPUBLICANISM. But where is Mr. Douglas in this struggle of good men and taue, tor the perptuation of the faith of these fathers? Ho is allied with the Constitutional Union party of the South, and quasi allied with the Republican party at the North. He, like Seward, has proclaimed the higher law. At Springfield he declared that the eitizea of a Territory "does not derive power from Congress, for he has already derived it from Cod Almighty." One of his principal supporters, Mr. II. L. Seymour, in his recent speech at Rochester, New York, said: " After ALL THAT HAS KEEN SAID ON THE SUIt.JECT, THERE IS A HIGHER LAW. IlS FIAT IS GIVEN IN THE VOICE OF '1HE PEOPLE. POPULAR SOYEREIt NTY is the expression of that law." Mr. Hickman, the boldest and clearest intellect of the followers of Mr. Douglas now upbraids him for his timidity and treachery, has manfully cast olf the mask, and is now an avowed leader in the Republican ranks. His fugleman, Forney, openly advocates a coalition with the Black Republicans to defeat our candidates. AVe see presses, and leaders, and orators pulling down the Douglas and raising the Republican flag. AVe say to the Democrats of olden time and to the young Democrats of the present day, beware of the insiduous advances of the enemy. Beware of the first fatal step towards Republicanism and towards disunion. Rally to the old flag. Rally on the tried leaders. Be not sloughed off into the abolition camp with Hickman and others. AVe implore yon to weigh these facts, and we believe you will be satisfied of the tendency ot the Uouglas organization towards Kepubhcanism. Indeed the entire organization will melt and is melting away. The free-soilism of it is now being absorbed in the Republican ranks, and the true Democrats, of whom there are largn numbers, are falling back into line with the old comrades, with whom they have achieved the triumphs of the Democracy. BRECKINRIDGE AND DOUGLAS. Consider the spectacle presented to us by the Dem ocratic and the Douglas candidates for the Presidency. Mr. Breckinridge has retired to his quite home in Kentucky, there calmly and with dignity to await the verdict of the people. Mr. Douglas is traversing the country, especially in the north and cast, dosing out the panacea of "squatter sovereignty" as a remedy for all our ills, appealing to the " higher law," and endeavoring, with the magic of his words and his presence, to cajole the people to his support. In this he will miserably fail. In the exalted position of President of these United States, the people will exact something more than the qualities of a travelling mountebank. Mr. Oouglas in his recent, letter has averred that his object was to take the question of slavery out of the halls of Congress ; and yet during this whole adminsitration he has kept up the slavery agitation with a persistency and a fierceness amounting almost to insanity. It has caused him to neglect every other duty in Congress except the defense of his consistency, and the advocacy of his views in regard to slavery. He has been remarkable for his facility in dodging votes, and when he did vote, for his votes with the Republicans. AVith that party not only ui( i ne vote on tne L,ccompton ques;ion, but on most incidental questions, in total inconsistency with his former votes. With that party he coalesced, not simply in his votes on minor questions as the election of a public printer, &c, but in determining who in the Senate of the United States were representative of the sovereign State of Indiana. He has been a rebel, both to the organization and to the principles of the party. . He has voted against its platform and its candidates. To conciliate Republican votes, he has indulged in vulir flings at the South. He prefers the clams of Rhode Island to the niggers of the South, "I have much more fondness for your clams than I have for their niggers." These things have sunk deep into the hearts ot the American Democracy; and even it he should extend his clam-baking operations to the coasts of Labrador, trying on his way the infinite rel ish of freshly-caught mackeral, halibut and cod, he will find that whilst the people are pleased with the jovial qualities of the hail, well-met fellow, they will despise and reprobate the public man. AA'ords cannot express the magnitude of the blessings which a benignant Providence has showered upon us a vast and extended area, spanning the entire continent, and reaching from the cold North down even to the tropical heat a population now large aad most rapidly increasing the enjoyment of abundant comforts and even great luxuries of lite a union of idustrial interests, varied by soil and climate a paternal and kindly government, founded on the principle for which we have ever and shall ever contend. Shall discord enter this magnificent abode ? Shall the Union be broken up? Shall poverty, anxiety, distress and internal wars take the place of wealth, content and successful enterprise ? Our countrymen, do not close your eyes to the danger of this! When the danger comes, it will come from the selfish ambition of individuals, whose talents enable them to sow the seed of strife in a party which for many gen erations has supported this glorious government, founded on political and social rights to every citizen a government distinguished alike for its benignity, its wisdom and its strength the glory of the age, and of the rights of man throughout the habitable globe. Fellow-Democrats, to the work 1 Stand ou your platform, and cling to your candidates. You are contending for the Constitution of your country, and for the union of these States. Let us fight the good fight as our fathers did. Our candidates have been baptized in blood in the wars of our country, and have, in every act of their lives, signalized their patriotism and self-sacrifice. The crisis of the times has placed them before the people. You know their principles. There is no silence as in the case of Bell and Everett. There are no shuffling disguises as in the case of Douglas and Johnson. There is no war upon tho Constitution and the Union, as in the case of Lincoln (the sympathizer with Mexico, and now the sympathizer with fanaticism) and Hamlin. But their motto and our motto is: "The Constitution and the Equality of the States: these are symbols of everlasting union. Let these be the rallying cries nr tup. pkopi.v. !" In behalf of the National Democratic Executive Committee. ISAAC L STEVENS, Chairman. O" Thanks to our friends for their liberal subscriptions and material aid. AVe have already enough of Breckinridge aud Lane Democrats on our subscription books to finish np the little squatter in this State, and the most encouraging reports are coming up from every county. 4Some valuable communications from the Northern part of the State, and also from Poy county, together with several editorials, are crowded out by other matter in to-day's paper. y The Dickinson men say that the Douglas ticket will not get fifty votes in the county of Broome, New York. The Old Line, or Breckinridge Democrats, in New York, claim to be able to poli 100,000 rotes for Brady. The Baltimore Patriot says a number of Bell men in that city are getting ready to go over into the Brf.ckinbidof. ranks.

THE OLD LINE GUARD.

A, B. CARLTON. EDITOR. THURSDAY, AUGUST 23. i t i i i i i National Democratic Ticket. FOR PRKSIDKNT, JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, OF KENTUCKY. FOR VICE PRESIDENT, JOSEPH LANE, OF- OREGON. ELECTORS FOR THE STATE AT LARGE: James Morrison, of Marion. Delana R. Eckels, of Putnam. DISTRICT ELECTORS. 1 st District Richard A. Clements, of Daviess. 2d " Dr. AVilliam F. Sherrod, of Orange. 3d " David Sheeks, of Monroe. 4th " Ethelbert C. Hibben, of Rush. 5th " Samuel Orr, of Delaware. 6th " Franklin Hardin, of Johnson. 7th " James A. Scott, of Putnam. 8th " Col. AVilliam M. Jenners, of Tippecanoe. 9th " James Bradley, of Laporte. 10th " Robert Breckinridge, jr., of Allen. 11th " John R. ColFroth, of Huntington. STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. 1st District J.B.Gardner, 2d 3d 4th 5th 6 th Levi Sparks, Geo. II. Kvle, Dr. B. F. Mullen, . Alex. AVhite, ' John R. Elder, James M. Tomlinson, Julius Nicolai, James Johnson, James M. Oliver, Thomas Wood, Thomas D. Lemon, G. F. R. AVadlcigh, Dr. E. B. Thomas, AA7. II. TALBOTT, Chairman. 7th 8th 9t!i 10th 11th DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET FOB GOVERNOR, THOMAS A. HENDRICKS, of Shelby. for lieutenant governor, DAVID TURPIE, of White. FOB SECRETARY OF STATE, AVILLIAM II. SCHLATER, of AVayne. for auditor of state, JOSEPH RISTINE, of Fountain. for treasurer of state, NATHANIEL F. CUNNINGHAM, of Vigo. FOR ATTORNET GENERAL, OSCAR B. IIORD, of Decatur. FOR SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION. : SAMUEL L. RUGG, of Allen. FOR CLERK OF SUPREME COURT, CORNELIUS O'BRIEN, of Dearborn. FOR REPORTER OF SUPREME COURT, M. C. KERR, of Floyd. Congressional Mass Meetings OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRACY, FAVORABLE TO THE ELECTION OF BKEOKINEIDGE AND LANE Hon: JESSE D. BRIGHT, Hon. GRAHAM N. FITCH, Hon. W. H. ENGLISH, Hon. JAMES MORRISON, Hon. DELANA R. ECKELS, And the Electors for the District in which the meetings are held, will address their fellow citizens at 'the following limes and places, commencing at one o'clock P. M.: Anderson, Monday, Sept. 17. Wabash, Wednesday, Sept. 19. Fort Wayne, Thursday, Sept. 20. Laporte, Friday, Sept. 21. Lafayette, Saturday, Sept. 22. Greencastle, Monday, Sept. 24. Vincennes, Tuesday, Sept. 25. New Albany, Wednesday, Sept. 26. Seymour, Thursday, Sept. 27. Napoleon, Friday, Sept. 28. Franklin, Saturday, Sept. 29. Centreville, Monday, Oct. 1. Connersville, Tuesday, Oct. 2. Brook ville, Wednesday, Oct. 3. Distinguished speakers from other States have been invited, and it is confidently ex pected will attend, of which due notice will be given hereafter. Publio Speaking. Hon. GRAHAM N. FITCH, and Du. AA'. F. SHERROD, Will address their fellow-citizens on the political topics of the day, at the following times and places, commencing at J o'clock P. M., on each day. At Danville, Hendricks Co., on Thursday, Aug. 30. Columbus, Bartholomew Co., on Friday, Aug. 31. Brownstown, Jackson Co., on Saturday, Sept 1. Paoli, Orange Co., on Monday, Sept. 3. AVashington, Daviess Co., on Tuesday, Sept 4. ML Vernon, Posey Co., on Thursday, Sept 6. Evansville, Vanderburg Co., on Friday, Sept 7. Booneville, AArarrick Co., on Saturday, Sept 8. Public Speaking. HON. J. R. COFFROTH, and DR. B. F. MULLEN. AA'ill address their fellow-citizens on the political topics of the day, at the following times and places : Covington, Fountain Co., on Thursday, Aug: 30. Frankfort, Clinton Co., on Friday, Aug. 31. Delphi, Carroll Co., on Saturday, Sept 1. Peru, Miami Co., on Monday, Sept 3. ' Kokomo, Howard Co., on Tuesday, Sept 4. Tipton, Tipton Co., on AA'cdnesday, Sept. 5. Commencing at 1 'o'clock on each day. The friends of Breckinridge and Lank are requested to turn out Cass County I A Nationnal Democratic meeting of the friends of Bretktnridoe and Lane, will be held at Fletcher' Lake, in Cass county, on AA'ednesday, August 29, 1860, at 1 o'clock, r. M. Senator Fifeh, Hon. John R. CofTrotb, elector for the 1 1 th Congressional district, and others, will certainly be present and addreM the people.

Union Electoral Ticket Eejected. As we announced in our last number, the' Douglas State Central Committee of this Slate have rejected our proposition for a compromise electoral ticket. There are thousands of conservative Democrats of Indiana who have been anxiously looking forward to the disposition of this proposition, as the turning point in deciding for whom they will cast their votes. The masses of the Democracy considered the projiosition fair and just, and desired that it should be accepted. Not so, however, with the Douglas leaders. Such obstinacy might have been expected from the " original Douglas men," who care not for, the success of the Democratic party, but only the success of Douglas, or

ratner, tne aereat oi tne democracy. It is astonishing, however, that certain gentlemen hitherto known as " Administration men," who have had " a death-bed-repentanee," and have lately gone over to Douglas, have used their influence to have the proposition rejected, assigning as a reason, that the adoption of the compromise would drive away from the party, the " original Douglas men," who threaten, in that event, to vote directly for Lincoln. The truth is, that Dick Ryan, Gordon Tanner, and a few others of the "originals," have the "secondary" gentlemen completely under their control and influence, holding a rod of terror over them, and they are afraid that Dick will read them out of the Democratic party. The rejection of our proposition by the Douglas men, shows a determination on their part to defeat the Democratic party m this State. Iu such a state of affairs, there is but one course for every conservative Democrat to take, consistently with his own honor and self-respect, and that is, to vote according to the dictates of his own conscience and judgment. If this is done, Breckinridge and Lane will carry sixty thousand votes in this State, which, though not enough to elect, will be a just rebuke to the Republican wing of the democratic party, headed by Stephen Arnold DouclAs, and we will thus preserve a National Democratic party in Indiana a Macedonian phalanx, around which to rally our forces in future. All overtures of peace and fraternity having been indignantly spurned and rejected by the Douglas men, we should treat in like manner all suggestions of voting for Judge Douglas for policy. They bid us defiance, they have thrown down the gauntlet. We take it up, and we say " Lay on, Macduff, " And d d be he who first cries hold, enough." If the result shall be the defeat of the Presidential and State tickets, we shall have the satisfaction of knowing that the blame will rest on the Douglas men. I here are ttKE'KiNnm;E uomncrats in pvunr ... county in this State ; in some counties a large majority of the votes are for Bueckinuidgk and Lane. AVhcrever we find an old Democrat of the Jackson stripe, who has never bowed before the storm of Know Nothingisnij Abolitionism, or Maine-Lawism, we almost invariably find him firm as a rock for Breckinridge and Lane. Such men are not to be seduced, by the false plea of a regular nomination, nor will they give heed to the catch-words of "voting for Douglas for policy" coming from the men who have rejected the only line of policy that would certainly ensure Democratic success in our State. It is idle to talk about a " regular nomination." These words had a potency in the good old days of the Democratic party, when conventions were carried on fairly, by a band of brothers, bent upon union, harmony, and vie. lory. But they have no power when used in relation to the pretended nomination of that man who is re. garded as the arch-mischief-maker of the Democratic party, and whom all the means and appliances of money, falsehood, fraud, corruption, and the keen scent of public plunder were resorted to, he yet lacked 20 J votes ot a regular nomination. Breckinridge Will Not Decline. The squatter sovereigns and their mendicant pimps have been industriously employed for some days past in circulating the base falsehood that Breckinridge had declined, or soon would. A few days since we scouted the idea. To-day we are enabled to put a final extinguisher upon the roorback. This morning's St. Louis Bulletin says : " AA'e have just seen a letter written at Lexington, Kentucky, on the 1 7th inst, by a gentleman of high character, and an intimate friend of Mr. Breckin ridge, from which we are permitted to take this extract: 'All the rumors which you see in the Douglas papers, about Breckinridge declining, are SHEER LIES, lie has had no consultation with his friends about it. He has no other idea but of running to the end.' " In additition to the foregoing, we clip the following from the Nashville Union and American of the 17th: " The editors of the Union and American fortunate ly received to-day a letter from Mr. Breckinridge, dated the 14th inst., in which he speaks in the most hopeful manner of our prospects in Kentucky. Tho AVashingtou rumor-monger could not have possibly heard from Mr. Breckinridge at a later day than this. The whole story is but a 'weak invention of the enemy. "A Consistent Politician." The Sentinel of Tuesday republishes an article from the Sullivan Democrat, commenting on an editorial in the Bloomington Netcs Letter, of May 3d, 1856, edited by the present editor of the Old Line Guard, highly eulogistic of lion. Jessee D. Bright, and Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, expressing a preference for Mr. Bright for the Presidency, but on account of bis having authorized a statement that lie did not want his name to go before the National Convention, then advocating the claims of Mr. Douglas for the Presidency. The Sullivan Democrat affects to find an inconsist ency in our course. W e think, on the contrary, that we are perfectly consistent Our confidence in Mr. Bright is unabated, because he has always acted with in the Democratic organization, and advocates National Democratic principles ; while on the other hand Mr. Douglas has for two or three years been fighig the Democratic party has falsified his pledge refuses to abide by the decision of the Supreme Court in a word, has turned traitor to that party which formerly admired and confided in him. AA'hen the Dred Scott case was decided in 1857, we regarded it as the Democratic creed upon the subject of slavery in the Territories, because we knew that Mr. Douglas and the whole Democratic party had agreed to submit the question as to the time tchen Territory might exclude slavery, to that tribunal Mr. Douglas has violated his pledge. " He has denied the faith, and is worse than an infidel." CJ" In to-day's paper we publish number oi appointments for public speaking. We call the special attention of our friends at each locality, to have all necessary preparations mad a place for speaking procured, he.