Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 14, Indianapolis, Marion County, 18 August 1860 — Page 1

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O THE CONSTITUTION, THE UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OF THE STATES! VOL. I. INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA, SATURDAY, AUGUST 18, 18G0. NO. 14.

THE OLD LINE GUARD.

is rtmr.isiiKi) T XT X - "W EEKL TTI, -A T 1 N I I A A TO L I Sr I M I A JN' A itv i:i.ii,u Ac ii i!ikm:ss. T E XX 3VI iS , $1 .00, until after Die Prcwiflcntiul In advance, in nil cases. i: lection. Advertisements inserted at the usual rales. Another Charge Against Breckinridge Eefuted. AVe publish below a communication to the Washington Constitution, which will lay at rest forever the idle and absurd story so industriously circulated by the Opposition and Douglas men, that this sound Democrat had ever favored Know Nothingisni. Will men over write and try to carry political elections by reason and an appeal to the people on great issues which must at last control the Government? Can politi cians ever be taught to abandon the petty, futile effort to turn the fate of the country on mere irrelevant, personal matters, false in themselves, and utterly worthless: JH Mil. IlIlIX'KlNltllMiE A KNOW NOTHING? 'Sir: The inquiry which heads this letter may seem strange to you, and so it is strange; still, there are persons who entertain the opinion that his sympathies were directed that way when the Know Nothing organization first appeared, and when it seemed to be carrying everything before it. .So much does this belief prevail in certain quarters, that John Savage, Esq., a countryman of mine, of some consideration here as well as'in " Old Erin," has thought proper to address a well-written letter to ex-tiovernor Wise, and which was published in the States and Union newspaper in this city latch-, in which ho undertakes to prove to that distinguished citizen that Mr. Breckinridge was in strong affiliation at least with the Know Notlnng party of 1855, and that therefore, he could ' not, consistently with his own expressed opinions and character, support him for the Presidency. In support ot the allegation thus made, he quotes from a certain speech made by the Vice President at Cynthiana, Kentucky, in April, 1805. There is a great want of fairness in the allegation and the proof by which it is sought to be sustained, which, 1 regret to say, does not comport with the frankness and honesty usually accorded to my countrymen, even by their enemies. Mr. Savage suppresses part of the paragraph, and thus makes it suggest what the speaker never designed, because he never entertained, and does not now entertain, any idea of the sort, or in the least incompatible with the largest liberty and the most perfect equality of every citizen, the native as well as adopted, under the law ! It should also be stated that the Cynthiana speech, which forms the entire basis of Mr. Savage's indictment', was never regularly reported. The editor who undertook to give a synopsis of it did not pretend that his report was made verbatim. He was not a shorthand writer, and with imperfect notes, hurriedly taken, wrote out the speech entirely from memory. The speech thus reported was never submitted to Mr. Breckinridge, nor was he aware that it had been published until long after it had appeared, as the country editor's memory had rendered it. The remark attrib uted to Mr. Breckinridge, and which is the yravaman of Mr. Savage's charge against him, ho never uttered. It is in contradiction of his whole public life. The Vice President, in his speeches in Congress and out of Congress, in public and in private, insisted upon the perfect equality of all citizens; and that the place of one's birth, or the religious sentiments he might entertain, ought not and should not make any difference with him as to his eligibility to places of honor and trust, and that he would unalterably oppose every proposition designed to prejudice these rights, whenever or wherever made. The perfect equality of all citizens of all countries and of all creeds, and the perfect equality of all the States in their constitutional franchises, were always his sentiments, and are his sentiments now. But the -quotation, from the speech, which is relied on by Mr. Savage, we will give entire as the editor prepared it, without addition or subtraction. Here it is : "It was natural for a man to prefer those of his own religious faith in voting, and he himself would vote for one of his own way of thinking in religion rather than for another, all other things being equal ; just as he would vote for a native in preference to a foreign-born citizen, other things being equal ; or for a neighbor in preference to a comparative stranger, other things being equal. But the plan of the Know Nothings ignores the Constitution, and establishes, to all intents and purposes, a religious test one which would deprive our Congress of sonic of its ablest and staiinchest Union men, and our Supreme Court of its brightest ornament Chief Justice Taney." This is the entire paragraph from the editor's report, which Mr. Savage quotes in part, for Gov. Wise,, to J rove the Know JNotliingism ot the Vice 1 resident ! do not see that it is at all unnatural to do as indica ted in the sentence quoted above. It would be unnatural to do otherwise. But that Mr. Breckinridge made any distinction ou account of the religion or the birth-place of the citizen, is manifestly untrue, when we refer to a speech delivered by him at Ilarrodsburg, Ky., on the 12th of April, 1855, just jive thiy after the Uynthiana speech. In the ilarrodsburg sjieech, he said : " The Constitution makes no difference in the en joyment of civil and religious liberty between the Catholic and Protestant ; and he is no true American who makes a distinction in religious creeds when the great charter of rights the Constitution makes none ! " Mark the language, "He is no good citizen, no true American, who makes a distinction in religious creeds," &c. Again he said: "If ever the heart sickened at. the thought of tyranny, or the neck wearied with the voke of oppression across the Western wave, there was a vast extent of country, with many an unsettled spot, many a rising city and flourishing village, that offered a last resource to expatriated virtues." Who ever uttered a nobler or lindlier sentiment than this, during the years of horror, of murder, and of outrage of every sort, during which Know Nothingism afflicted and disgraced the country? No one, not even Gov. Wise, with all his "splendid frenzy and fortitude." Again he said : " 'Tis said this secret party desires not to enact laws to exclude adopted citizens fiom office; but its members have caballed themselves together for that purpose. It was a distinction without a difference. He would unalterably oppose cverr attempt to exclude our adopted citizens from office.' What more could any man say ? What stronger grounds could any man take against the claims and pretensions of the Know Nothing order? Gov. Wise never took higher or nobler grounds himself. Even Archbishop Hughes could not; and it would be as fair to proiose to prove either of those distinguished men a Know Nothing, as the Vice President! When in Congress ho said : " I do not propose to enlarge on this subject. I regard this bill (in regard to the emigration of foreigners) as one of the fruits o the proscriptive feeling which is just now pervading tikis country. I know it is popular, and I know it is sweeping Lie a hurricane from one end of the country to the other; but it is in

conflict with the fundamental principles of our Government, and I am willing to oppose my hand to it, and await the time when there shall be a reaction in the public sentiment, as I know thcru will be." Were it necessary for mv purpose, I could quote

- "pages of the. V ice President's speeches in 1855 all of the loftiest eloquence and the noblest patriotism and philanthropy. 1 ought not to omit stating that at this time he was not a candidate for any oflice. lie had retired from public life, after having represented the Ashland District for four years in Congress. lie was a volunteer to fight the Know Nothing order in Kentucky. The claims of his private allairs prompted this determination, for in declining the mission to Spain, tendered him by President Pierce without any knowledge or solicitation of himself or friends, he gave as a reason " that his private business demanded his whole attention." Instead, however, of attending to the business that urged him to refuse this proffered honor, he went home and commenced at once to fight the Know Nothings. In less than a month after he left Washington, he. made the Cvnthiana speech, at tacking and exposing the evils of the order, from which Mr. Savage violently presumes that he can be proved to be a Know Nothing. I regret that such an unjust charge should have been publicly made by anyone; but I most deeply and sincerely regret that the Vice President of the United btat.es should find Ins accuser in the person ot a countryman of mine, exiled to this land of freedom. this asylum of the oppressed everywhere, and especial ly ot t he oppressed and down-trodden Irishman ! Impressed himself with a doubt whether he had convicted the Vice President on his indictment, from his speech at Cynthiana, he introduces other evidence, which 1 respectfully submit does not help his cause. He quotes from the letter of Mr. Rowan, declining to j become, a candidate for Governor of Kentucky, in j 1855, in which he says, in substance, that his wife is a I Catholic, and consequently he would be defeated, iin- j plying that the Democratic party in the State as well as Mr. Breckinridge were opposed to the Catholics, i This inference is entirely incorrect, for the convention ! nominated the late Beverly L. Clarke, whose wife was ! also a Catholic, anil who was himself suspected of be-1 ing one, which was no doubt true, for he died a rneni-i ber of the lioman Catholic Church a few months since ; at the capital of Guatemala, whither he was sent as! minister by Mr. Buchanan in the early part of his Administration. So much for that specification ! ; But the crowning sin of all, and the strongest proof of his Know Nothingisni, is, that Humphrey Marshall . supports him for President. Mr. Marshall's support arises from no approximation of their opinions on the naturalization laws, or the perfect equality of all citi zens in their civil and religions rights. He says so himself, and he ought to be good authority. He supports him, he says, because ot his views on the Territorial policy and the perfect equality of the States in this Union, which will mark his administration if elect- ! ed, as no doubt he will be. On the Know Nothing j doctrine they are as far apart as the poles of the earth and will never approximate. .-This 1 know. lours, truly, AN IRISH CATHOLIC. Washington, August 2. 18C0. The National Democracy What is its ' : . Mission? The position of the National Democracy is so plain that a man may run and read it, and though a fool, understand it. The " anti-Slavery " or Republican party ask the people to place them in power in order to exclude " oIotc " property lium the Federal Tciltories, and thus, by penning up the population of the South within existing limits, they hope to so demoralize and undermine the social order, that it shall finally be overthrown, and negroes forced to a common (legal) level with the white citizenship the final and avowed object of that traitorous and infamous parly. The Breckinridge Democracy accept and meet this issue without hesitation, equivocation or compromise. It holds this to be a government of white men, found ed on equal rights, and therefore Southern citizens shall have equal protection for their persons and property within the Federal jurisdiction, and the same chances for the expansion, prosperity and progress of Southern society as that of the North. It is, therefore, in complete and utter antagonism to the party now supporting Lincoln, not alone as regards the practical question of the Territories, but in respect to the final results to be worked out. If the former could ever succeed, it would, of course, revolutionize our system, and render Democratic institutions impossible. The success of the latter will preserve the stains quo, the existing order, equality for white men, and subor dination, or "slavery" for negroes, as they existed when the government was formed, and ever since, and always must exist, if the government is to be preserved at all. The so-called Republican partv is the instrument of British aristocracy, working for the overthrow of our institutions, blindly, no doubt, but as clearly and absolutely so as if its leaders received orders by every steamer direct from Downing street, and though its rank and file are honest and desire to be patriotic, its representative men, its stunners and Giddinges, are so debauched and besotted that they would welcome nionarchism at any moment if they could thereby abolish "slavery." But the masses have been blind to all this, to the moral treason and unspeakable infamy of this " antislavery " part)' ; for the old Jackson-Van Buren Democracy having accomplished its mission in regard to the currency, has been used for several years past by trading politicians to advance the interests of factions and cliques, and thus, instead of meeting the great issue forced on the country by the anti-slaveryites, the j Democratic organization has been employed to dodge j it altogether. And the whole struggle at Charleston I and Baltimore was to continue this state of things, to keep the " Democratic party " in the field as an instrument of the politicians tor dodging the question that was, to be neither " slavery " nor " anti-slavery," neither in favor of admitting nor excluding "slave" property from the. Territories; in short, that was to continue playing dummy, and advocating the "great principles of the Nebraska bill" for the benefit of in dividuals and cliques, without the -slightest regard to the peace ot the country or the safety ot the Union. IT;n Union. ! But the honest and patriotic portion of the old party .,. . i. .f...., in Lunt ti, .t;, l.,.f ,JnA. p,V,,oace . .1 i. ... : . ,... ites to place the partv in a true position to stand up like honest men and faithful Democrats, before the ! world, and declare that the equality of white men and j subordination of negroes was the natural order of) American society, and therefore that "slave" property should be protected as other property in the Federal ! Territories, and "Southern society should have thej same right of extension and the same chances for prog-! rcss and prosperity as that of the North. Of course thc old party hacks objected to this the timid, and 1 doubting, the traders and speculators, who believed in ! the name but had no conception of the principles of Jjemocracy the political infidels who believed in nothing but the spoils of office and the plunder of the Treasury would never consent to meet the issue tendered by thc auti-slaveryites, and therefore the old organism, so long kept together by the cohesion of thc spoils, fell to pieces. But those who had so long profited by the party machinery gathered up the remains, the rotten planks and rusty nails and damaged timbers of the old Cincinnati platform, and nominating' their representative man, the "little giant" of the West, thev again insult the intelligence of the country with the catch-word? and stereotyped phrases which. for sol many vt-ars rvvt, have been the main reliance of this class of politicians. They now stand before the people open mid admitted charlatans, neither on the one side or the other of the great question of thc day, indeed boast that they are nowhere on the great and oernhadowiti)f issue that directly involves the peace, prosperity, and even safety of thirty millions of Amer ican freemen ! I

But the generous and patriotic men who labored so ; had a right to coerce the Democratic delegations to long and patiently to renew "with fresh life the old adopt their selfish and sectional view s, ibrmcd a line parly, and make it a bulwark against the advancing ! of demarcation between northern and southern Dehosts of anli-slnveryism, finally gave it up in despair, j mocracy, which the latter, without State degradation, and abandoning the tricksters and trimmers to the fate j could not pass, scattered the Convention to fragments, that is destined to overtake them, nominated Brock in- refused, on iltt re-assembling at Baltimore, to admit the ridge and Lane as the exponents and champions of j legitimate southern delegates who had appealed to their the new truths, but the old faith, of the advanced De- constituents for instructions, and in a packed convenniocracy. " Here, then, we are at last, with a party ' tion saved their idol at the sacrifices of their political,

that stands up fair and square before the people, and meets the issue tendered by the anti-slavcryites ; and should it fail to elect its candidates in November, it will still win a glorious victory, for it will demolish and

disperse the rotten and mercenary materials that how i unparalclled in the annals of political chicanery, seek to encumber its progress. And when the election is over, , charge on the friends of Mr. Breckinridge the conscand the political atmosphere cleared of the mists and quences of their own wanton measures. It was an vapors that now confuse and confound the people, ancient proverb, "that whoever the gods sought to there will remain only the National Democracy and j destroy they first made mad;" its illustration may be the advocates of negro equality. And when that time j found in this charge made by the supporters of Mr. comes, when equality of white men against affiliation! Douglas. Let us appeal, in this matter, to the dictates with negroes is the clear and distinct issue, who will j of common sense. What is her decision that a nomdoubt their decision, or that the " anti-slavery party " i"ce who can count, with an almost nloral certainty, will not be rejected, crushed, utterly annihilated, by on a political nucleus of one hundred and twenty-

f he hot indignation and overpowering disgust of Ainerlean freemen. Aew 1 ork Vag-ISook. The Duty of Deinocrats-to Defeat Lincoln The Intention of Douglas Men to. Elect Him. " ' " n,, "."'!".' 'eitttf ns is w aeeui jmu-oiiu llus duty is impelled by the consideration that Lin - coin is running as the sectional candidate of a sect'onal pai ty, and the election of a mere sectional '';... f l j . .l-f.-M i i . i

l resident is iraught with danger to the Union. Inc.! fit,t; ,,at. a common temple will be raised in the midst Republican party is m the field the open and avowed j 0f the Union, where its line worshippers may assemencmies ol the compromises of the Constitution its 1 ble and olfer ou an unbroken altar, the sacrifices of a leaders pledged to break down all the barriers which ! national Democratic faith. .V. V. Hay Book. that sacred instrument has thrown around the persons : - .

and the property ot the men ot the South. Its candidate is the author of the "irrepresible conflct" doctrine holding that the Union cannot exist as it now is, composed of slave and free Suites, but that one must succumb to the other either the North drive slavery from the South, or the South make slave States' of the North.. It is because of the danger they see approaching the coming events which cast their shadows before, so full of peril that the Democracy hold that the first duty of all parties is to defeat sectionalism to stay the tide of fanatic Abolitionism by the defeat of Lincoln and Hamlin. Douglasism, with all the heresies and with his rule-or-ruin policy, is far better than Lincolnism, and even Bell, although supported by the Know-Nothings as their candidate in the South, is not attended with the danger to the country, for in the North the men who filled the Know-Nothing Lodges ho filled the Know-Nothing Lodges the ultra Abolitionists of the Joshua John Brown school, and wage their n . V. . . are leagued with R. Giddings and war against the compromises of the Constitution and against the Unoin itself, for the destruction of the one. is the dissolutoin of the other. . The Douglas leaders the men who, under the cloak of Democracy for years past, first with their Wilmot. Provisio then with alliances with Free Soilers and now with Squatter Sovereignty doctrines, have done their utmost lo abolitionize the North and Northwest, advocate a different doctrine. They feel that their candidate cannot carry a single State can not get an electoral vote, while running a separate Ticket, and their only hope, in allowing hiin to remain in the field is, that an Electoral Ticket, pledged to Douglas, may draw olF votes enough for Breckinridge and Lane to prevent their election. Willi Hie entire. South as a, unit, and the two Pacific States, seventeen in all, which are certain lor Breckinridge and Lane, they will still lack twenty-five votes of an election by the people.' The vote of Pennsylvania gives this vote and two to spare, and if the vote of Pennsylvania is not given for Lincoln, he is defeated, past hope, past cure. The friends of Mr. Douglas claim that he has got strength in that State that his chance of carrying it is equal with that of Breckinridge. AVe claim that, as between Douglas and Breckinridge the Democracy stands as one for the former to five for the latter. Yet the vote divided, Douglas may carry off enough to give the State to Lincoln. The Democracy of Pennsylvania, acting through their State Central Committee, have proposed a union in terms, perfectly fair to both parties, which will secure the vote of the State. The Democratic Electoral Ticket, as formed before the disruption of the Convention at Charleston and lialtimore, is to stand as it was first made the Electors to vote for Breckinridge or Douglas, whichever candidate receives the most votes, with the proviso that if the electoral vote of the State cannot elect the candidate receiving such highest vote, then it is to be cast for any candidate, except Lincoln, that it will elect. To this agreement the candidates on the Electoral Ticket uic iu "ie im-n ifov:iii, 111 mini 11, ium n anv Ol ' them refuse, the candidate so refusing is to be super-1 ceded by a candidate who will give the required j '' This'arrangement, if carried out in good fti.h, dc - feats Lincoln mid elects a Democratic President and j Vice President. It is fair and just to all parties, and secures the great object of defeating the sectional candidates. The Plain Dealer, of this city a paper whose editors, tinder the mask of Democracy, have ever been Abolitionists in disguise men whose feeling of ran U, i parties, and corous hate against the South and against, Southern imiu uiu firtinpi, ooiiuieril f men has scarce been excelled by Joshua R. Giddings !

-one of them making open boast at the Abolition i 1V-, "i " r '"".." na.i " io meeting in Ashtabula county, called to protect John f "Jf t!JF ' f 8,0118 ot unrcma Court; and then BrownJ,-., and other fugitives from tlj punishment or ,e fi.t T enuMia'cl1 hu Tn l'"11,,"0 n,iltthey so , richly deserved, that he had, himself, been a' thbP'e Con. might dec de the qucsnegro stealer-thzt he had taken a slave from his mas-10" f l)0'tll""al nght, a territorial legis attire, act- , J ,1 ., , , .. , , . , ing under the authority of Congress, might, bv refuter and hid him in the steeple of a Church of which' -f,. ol ,, .. ., r ' p ' -'. ' he. the Editor, was at, the 1 me a Deacon, is nnt i,t ! t0 Pa?S loc?1 law tor the proper protection of

the arrangement in Pennsylvania, and in that paper ! flave tr C maetion ) or by the imposition of a of Friday he boldly avows that they WOULD ; ,aV tx on slavey f unfriendly legislation "1 vn tuRATIIER SEE PENNSYLVANIA CAST IIER! ?V,U e avery from any territory trample on an

VOTE FOR LINCOLN than the arrangement to defeat him should he carried out to a successful comjjletion! Thus does the leading Douglas organ in Ohio throw off the mask thus does it show its Abolition princi lues aim inu uuvs il .-mumv .it uiiiris jititt! suspect . , . . . , , i ples and thus does it show what others have suspect f 1 if. fn hf C.V R T .T was to ld the Douglas forces like sheep to the, shambles into the ranks of thc enemy.- CWW(0.) ' Democrat. ; Political Facts.

I they pretended that a territorial legislature might As the inevitable defeat of Mr. Douglas assumes openly deny any obligation fo obey the Constitution, the character of a foregone conclusion, his supporters: On the strength of this doctrine Mr. Douglas sought become rabid and unscrupulous; as a drowning man , the nomination of the Democratic party for the PrescaU lies at a straw floating on the surface of the water, idency of the United States. It mattered not that the they seek to resuscitate the declining fortunes of their Democracy of fifteen States of the Union regarded chief by charging the friends of Mr. Breckinridge : his doctrine as quite as hostile to their interests, quite with instigating a disorganization in the Democratic ' as insulting to their honor, quite as subversive of the ranks, and a consequent discomfiture and destruction j great Democratic principle of the equality of the of the party. But until the acts of the northern del- j States, as was the Wilmot Proviso. It mattered not egations, particularly the delegation from our own j that all his Democratic colleagues in the Senate, and Slate, at Charleston and Baltimore, are obliterated ! nine-tenths of the Democratic Hepresentatives were

from the memory of the Democracy, the poisoned ' chalice must return to, the lips of its authors, harm-i

less in its enects towards ino?e on wnom it was intend- prcme l.ourt ot the I mted btates pronounced hisdoced lo ojierate. The charge of lWnocratic disoiganiza-: trine false in fact, and in breach of the plighted faith tion by the supporters of Mr. Douglas! The momen-1 of the Democratic party. He and his friends insisttary entertainment of the base idea is supremely ridic-1 cd that he must be the nominee of the Democratic ulous. Let us examine facts. Besought, implor-1 party for the Presidency. If the pursuit of this amed at Charleston, by the conservative delegates from I bition were to divide the Democratic partv, thev tbe Democratic States, to nominate for the Presidency cared not. Let it be divided. If it were to result in some citizen on whom the whole Convention could the triumph of the Black Republicans, what was it to unite, who had not-struck at the root of any cherished 1 them ? Let the Black Republicans triumph if SteState institution, nor endeavored to establish a Terri-! phen A. Douglas is not fo succeed, torial supremacy hitherto unknown to our laws and' The adoption of the Squatter-Sovereignty, doubleunrecognized by our citizens; the Douglas faction i faced platform at Charleston, under the operation of a I

madly and arrogantly spurned liberal ofler of politi-! cal conciliation, universal in its objects, asserted the principle that delegates from nrm-Democratic States

Democratic faith

Democratic consanguinity was offered up as a polit ical hecatomb on the altar of sectional avarice and am- . bition by these nartizans who now with an effrontery j seven votes in the electoral college, shall surrender his position and sacrifice his friends to satisfy the political cravings of an opponent to whom the vote of a solitary State is uncertain, who is totally devoid of political friends in one great section of the Union, and certain of defeat under the powerful political organization of the common enemy of Democracy in the other? Air. Dmnrl.m lmj nnl n cnlitni-v nliictnrol vnl mum ' . . . . s . " . j J " . l wm.j, le tan calculate with any degree, not of cer- ! tainfv, but of probability. If, inthe coming struggle, j the Democracy should, unfortunately for our common ; country, be defeated, we trust it will, at least, be puriWho are the Disunicnists? Whenever one of two parties to a controversy resorts to misrepresentation, and false accusation as means of attack or defense, the pi oof is irresistible that he feels that he is worsted, and that his cause is bad. There is not a day that passes during which we do not see it iterated and reiterated by the so-called Democratic press in the interest of Mr. Douglas that Mr. Breckinridge and Gen. Lane are "disunionists" and "disorganizes," and that all who support the nomination of the gallant Kentuckian, and the distinguished Senator from Oregon, are abettors of disunion and treason to the Democratic party. Let ussee who are disunionists, and who are they who 1, 4 n , uc""u" "c i t0 heT Pf 7 ' ?n as Breckn ! and Lal"''' a"d the hosts oi Democrats who s. i our nominees!1 thus question the devotion to the Union and loyalify kinridge support our nonnneesf It- was agreed by the Democracy of all sections of the Union in 1854, and the agreement was reaffirmed in 1850, that Congress should not interfere with slavery in the territories establish or prohibit slavery in any territory. One section of the party believed that under this constitution the owner of a slave had as good a right to take that slave into a territory and hold him there as his property during the territorial condition, as the owner of any other property recog nized as such by the Constitution, would have to go there with that property and enjoy it in peace and se curity. JL his beiiet -was founded on the fact that the territories do not belong to ony one, two, or three of tiie states, but that they .belong to all the States in common, and are consequently given to the citiv to r.t all the States. Another section of the party contended that slavery could not exist anywhere without a special i ..,i,i:, i :l t-.i. uiumuijicu i,i v esiauiisnnig 11. jjuiu uiese sections oi the party were of opinion that Congress had no power to interfere, either to establish or prohibit the institution, and that, therefore, the best way to settle the question was to abide the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in respect to it. It was clearly a question of construction of the Constitution, and the Supremo Court was the only tribunal competent to decide it. So it was settled. So it was universally understood. In March, 1857, the Supreme Court of the United States pronounced their judgment in the case of Dred Scott a case involving directly the very point in controversy, namely, as to whether a slave could no held in slavery in a territory. That judgment was in favor of the South. It said that the slaves were property ; that the territories were open to all the citizens of the United States ; that they could settle there with their property, of any description, slaves included, and that the Federal Government is pledged to protect them in the exercise and enjoyment of that right. 'Throughout the length and breadth of the land this decision was hailed as a final settlement of an existing question, and not a word was said by a single Democrat either in opposition to the constitutional doctrine which it laid down, or the bind , . ., . , . ,IM , . "'7 f the JudS"'ent- lh as perfectly A w!nter of m7 ;t M thc pHrposc ofMr. Pace 1!!n!flf T" aagonism to his party 1. U ? ?"!'n l,c. o'T?," C sm,,'" , liuiiMs. ruling tuiiL iviiiici aim ine soring or moo i.. i ft .. . . . ., .. ' V , he took counsel from and acted with the Black Repub licans in opposing the Democratic party. In the summer of 1858, after the adjournment of Congress, he returned to his State, and commence his canvass for re-election to the United States Senate. In order to conciliate the anti-slaverv elenientof that Stale, and d"" ;."T i . . T UJ'I,U,,,V"1' "V1 1 T l - i ,i aK i i un tun . unin uuuiicU I lii n I lUHI Ut'pi lvu UVITV Southern man of his share of the public domain. He achieved his local victory ; but he placed between hiin and the masses of the Democratic party an impassable gulf. He conciliated the Freesodei s, but lie alienated every true Democrat who was pledged to , . i ., , n , . . . , stand by thc agreement of 1854. and conseouentlv ' boi,n,i in honor and good faith to abide the dec Un of Q n. v, t, t , . ,, ,. s fol s W a. to c : -...: n ... a - ...... Sovereignty doctrine. They repudiate the Constitui tion of their country bv maintaining that a Territorial I legislature may evade its provisions just as much as if opposed to him. It mattered not that the Democratic ' Administration and the solemn judgment of the Sucrafty rule, by which a factious majority wasobtained, ' in exposition to the declared will of seventeen Demo-1 cratic States: the shameful rcfual to admit the regu-'

larly chosen delegate from several States, because they were knoW-n to be opposed to Mr. Douglas, and this still more shameless admission to seals of bogus delegates from those States, at Baltimore, are sufficient proof of the recklessness of the policy of Mr. -Douglas and hi adherents, and of their determination, at, all hazards, to carry their point, even though they should ruin their parly and the country. They knew that really, and in fact, they foimed but a minority of the convention ; but with their illegitimately obtained majority, they were resolved not only to force the adoption of a Squatter Sovereignly platform, but the nomination of their Squatter Sovereignty candidate. All the Democrats who resisted this faithless violation of party pledges ; this lawless resistance fo the supreme law; and this presumptuous repudiation of all the requirements of social and political decency, are now denonuccd as disunionists and disorganizes. Because they refused to swallow the unsound and anti-Democratic principles which were attempted to be forced down their throats; because they did not assent to the violation of every party law for the benefit of Mr. Douglas ; and because they would not nominate Mr. Douglas as their candidate for the Presidency with all his sins upon his head unrepented of and unatoiied for they are " dif unionists " and " disorganizes.". What doctrine of the parly have Breckinridge and Lane, or their supporters, ever repudiated ? AVJiat pledge of the party have they ever violated even in thought? When have they ever swerved one hair's breadth from the plain path of Democratic tiiith, or sought any other light than that afforded by the Constitution ? Have they been ever found in the camp of the Black Republican enemy, plotting against their party, and endeavoring to defeat it? - When were they ever heard to utter an opinion which was not uncompromisingly opposed to fcctinnalhm and eveiy other ism which endangers, even remotely, the preservation of the Union, ami the integrity of the Constitution ? Who are they who denounce-them, and accuse them of being disunionists ? The men who, having pledged themselves to abide the decision of (lie Supreme Court, now repudiate that pledge and refuse to obey the law, The, men who, in order to court Free-soil favor, lowered the flag of their party. The, men who allied themselves with the sectional Black Republicans to defeat their party, and who are now recommending a renewal ot the alliance, and for the same purpose. "V The men who have done all they could to sectionalize the Democratic party, and who, if they have the power, will surrender the government of this Confederacy into the hands of the men who regard the Constitution as a " league with hell," and who are prepared, at any moment, " lo let the Union slide." Who are the disunionists? The honest masses will answer the question.

The Bogus Nomination. The newspaper organs of the Douglas faction, ami . some of their orators, have the temerity to assert, that Mr. Douglas' is the regular Democratic party. Even he himself, has been bold enough to make that claim in hisiettcr of acceptance. This conduct exhibits a contempt for the public intelligence, so insulting to the voters, that we are much mistaken if it does not react upon its authors with a power which will utterly crush them. The Democratic masses of the Union are devoted to regular nominations; and at such a time as this, when the interest, the honor, and perhaps the existence, of the Union depend on gaining a decisive victory oyer the enemies ot the Constitution, harmony is lvn-p. nil t.liinpcs flfKtmV,l.i- . To m&uva harmony it was necessary to adhere strictly and faithfully to the established rules of the party, If Mr. Douglas and his friends had shown a disposition to abide by those rules, and if the fair operation of them had given him the nomination of the National Convention, there would have been no serious division amongst us. It, is true that no nomination could have made Mr. Douglas a fit candidate : no Convention could have given him either the personal qualities or the political orthodoxy which a Democratic candidate in such a crisis ought to have; but the parly would have shouldered the weight and done its best. It is perfectly certain that Messrs. Breckinridge and Lane would have been the two last men in the nation to be set up against candidates regularly nominated by their own party. A mere glance at the facts and figures will suffice to show that Mr. Douglas pressed himself upon the parly without the slightest reason to believe that he could be fairly nominated that he and his friends must havo intended to break the strength of the party and defeat the man of its choice that he did totally and signally fail to get a nomination having any semblance of regularity and that he has thereupon set himself up as a candidate against the party, and is now warring upon it, not with any reasonable hope of being elected, nor even with the prospect of a respectable vote, but for the sole benefit of the opposition, thus making that portion of the Democracy which adheres to him a mere bob-tail to the Black Republican kite. If there be any rule which the Democratic party has adhered to with unflinching tenacity, it is that which requires two-thirds of the delegates tVom all parts' of the Union to make a nomination. It has made us and kept us a national, instead of a sectional party : it. is founded in wisdom, it is consecrated by time, and hallowed by its association with many glorious victories, which but for it would have been turned into mortifying defeats. The man who opposes the "two-thirds rule" is a mere factionist. The Democrat, who would abolish or break it is a traitor to the principles he professes. : Did Mr. Douglas get a majority of all the votes at Baltimore V The plainest rules of simplest arithmetic will show that he did not. The Convention was composed of 600 delegates, entitled to 303 votes. Even the Douglas newspapers will hardly deny that to give any candidate two-thirds of this number would require 202 votes to be cast for him. How many votes did their candidate get? No one has yet been reckless enough to assert directly that he got more than 181; and even that number was made up, in a large measure, by excluding the true representatives of the people from several States and admitting bogus delegates in their places. At thc time when the rump of the Convention at the Front Street Theatre declared him nominated there were only 1 94 delegates present, counting bogus delegates and all. The resolution they adopted does not declare that he had two-thirds of the whole convention, but only "two-thirds of the votes cast." The idea of claiming two-thirds of the representatives from all the States is an afterthought which did not occur to the managers at the time. Some of the Douglas men claim that he had .the majority of the whole Convention at Charleston, and therefore he should have got two-thirds, if he did not. We deny that. There never was even a bare majority of thc delegates, or of the States, in his favor, or in favor of his platform, or in favor of any of the factious measures which were introduced for the purpose of giving him the advantage. The majority which was counted as if cast in his favor, was produced by tricks which would disgrace any ward politician if practiced upon a primary meeting. We pass, for the present, the treachery of the New York delegation. But that treachery placed the convention, in a certain degree, under the control of the Dotiglasites, and they used it in a manner which forfeits forever all their elaim to public confidence. They managed so to count the votes that a clear majority was overruled by a minority. To' make a fair and honest majority there should have bten a vote by each as a unit, or eUe each individual vote should liave been counted by itself. But the thing was so arranged that both were adopted the unit rule, wherever it would give Douglas the advantage, and the opposite principle in all cases where the unit rule would count against hiin. Vmtttitution. CJT It has been suggested that Douglas poles ought , to selected from ttipprry elm trees.