Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 10, Indianapolis, Marion County, 9 August 1860 — Page 2

.Mr. Chairman, the time will not allow me to puisne this subject further, nor to spook ot other abuses now weighing down the Government. The universal tendency among those who hold delegated power in a country whose resources arc ample is to extravagance. It is time again to inscribe on our bauncrs Economy, Retrenchment, Reform ; and for one, I will labor faithfully with those who, instead of constantly seeking for new resources of' expenditure, shall strive to curtail the already enormous cost of this Govern- . ment." v. The President sustained the grounds taken by Mr. Breckinridge, in his veto message, from which the following extract is made : ' This bill will, in effect, confer a gratuity, whilst nominally making provision for transportation of the mails of the United States. "To provide for making a donation of. such magni- : , tude, and to give to the arrangement the character. of. permanence which this bill proposes, would be to deprive commercial enterprise of the benefits of free competition, and to establish a monopoly, in violation of the soundest principles of public policy, and of doubtful compatibility with the Constitution." Not receiving the requisite two-thirds on the taking the vote on the receipt of the' veto message, the bid failed to become a law. The little opportunity afforded Mr Breckinridge, owing to the universal acquiescence of the Democratic party in the tariff of 1846, to participate in any Congressional discussion upon that subject, accounts tor the absence from his record of anything with reference thereto, except in a single and important in- , stance. In 1854 an immense lobby congregated at Washington, in the pay of the va-t interests desiring the repeal of the duty on railrotvl iron, with the selfish purpose of enriching themselves out of the immense amount of the depletion in the revenues of the country which would follow their success. . Mr. Breckinridge being opposed to special legislation in all its fb-iris. but mnw p.iri-i.MdnrV '"-. It proposed to disturb a well composed system of acquiring revenue at the mere dem md of rich capitalist, and always opposing a firm resistance to the march of the lobbyist against the integrity of legislation, took an active part in defeating the bill for that purpose, and succeeded, by his untiring energy and great influence in the House, in killing it. Il:s tnbute to the character and services of Henry Clay, upon intro hieing resolutions of respect to his ' ni 'inorv, the day af.er his death in Washington, was the most beautiful, touching, and eloquent ever delivered in the halls of Congress. When the tall, manly, ; and dignified form of the young orator arose to offer '

tne re.-oiutions, every eye was turned ii on mm; a b eathless silence pervaded the hall and the crowded auditory in the galleries, and. as he portrayed, in thoughts that breathe and words that burn," the virtues and talents of the illustrious orator and statesman of Kentucky, and mourned the nation's loss of this great mm, many an eye wis bathed in tears, and many a bosom heaved with imo ion. in response to the glowing eulogy upon the departed statesman, orator and patriot. T.ie hand of no master ever painted a more faithful, life-like portrait than is to b- found in the vivid delineation of tli3 char icter of the iin ivaled ora'or and statesman, Henry Clay, when Mr. Breckinridge said: " As a leader in a deliberative body, Mr. Clay had no equ il in" America. In him, intellect, person, eloquence ami courage united to torni a character fit to conmand. He fired with his own enthusiasm, and coarroliud by his annring will, individuals and masses. Nj reverse could crush his spirit, nor defeat reduce him to despair. Equally erect and dauntless in prosperity and adversity when successful, he moved to the accomplishment of his purposes with more resolution; when defeated, he raliied his broken bands . around him, and from his eagle eye shot along their ranks the contagion of his own courage. Destined for a leader, he everywhere asserted his destiny. In his long and eventful life lie came in contact with men of all ranks and professions, but he never felt that he was in the presence of a man superior to himself. In the assemblies of the people, at the bar, in the Senate, everywhere within the circle of his personal presence, In: assumed and maintained a position of preeminence. 'But the supremacy of Mr. Clay as a party leader was not his only and highest title to renown. That title is to be found in the purely patriotic spirit which, on great occasions, always signalized his conduct. We have had no statesman who, in periods of real and imminent public peril, has exhibited a more genuine and enlarged patriotism than Henry Clay. Whenever a question presented itself actually threatening ill j existence ot the Union, Mr. Clay, rising above the passions of the hour, always exerted Ins powers to solve it peacefully and honorably. Although more liable than most men, from his impetuous and ardent nature, to feel strongly the passions common to us all, it was his rare faculty to be able to subdue them in a great crisis, and to hold towards all sections of the Confederacy the language of concord and brotherhood. " Sir, it will be a proud pleasure to every true American heart to remember the great' occasion's when' Mr. Clay has displayed a sublime patrioti.-.m when the ill-temper engendered by the times and the miserable jealousies of the day seemed to have been driven from Lis bosom by the repulsive power of nobier feelings when every throb of his heart was given to his country, every effort of his intellect dedicated to her service. Who docs not remember the ; three jx-riods when the American system of government was exposed to its severest trials; and who does not know that when history shall relate the struggles :, which preceded and the dangers which were averted

by the Missouii compromise-, the tariff Compromise of 1832, and the adjustment of 1.S50, the same pages will record the genius, the eloquence and patriotism of Henry Clay '! "The life of Mr. Clay, sir, is a striking example of the. abiding fame which surely awaits the direct and candid statesman. The entire absence of equivocation or disguise in all his acts was his master key to the popular heart; tor, while the people will forgive the errors of a lio'd anil opeu nature, he sins past forgiveness who deliberately deceives them. Hence Mr. Clay, though often defl ated in his nu-asuiesof policy, always secured the respect of his opponents, without lo-ing the confidence of his friends. He never paltered in a double sense. The country was never in doubt as to Ids opinions or his put poses. In all (he contests of his time his position on great public questions was as clear as the sun in a cloudless sky. " Sir, standing by the grave of this great man, and considering these things, how contemptible does appear the mere legerdemain of politics! What a reproach is his life on that talse policy which would trifle with a great and upright people! If I were to wi i;e his epitaph I would inscribe, as the highest eulogy, on the stone which shall mark his resting place: ' Here lies a man who was in the public service for fiity years, and never attempted to deceive lib countrymen." . It may be remembered that the relations between Mr. day ai.d Mr. Breckinridge wire of the most cordial and friendly character. We have already mentioned the support given him by that statesman upon his election to the Kentucky Legislature; and we may add that Mr. Breckinridge was much with him in the Luier years and closing scenes of his life, and always cherL-hed a sincere admiration lor his talents and veneration for his virtues. During the second term for which Mr. Breckinridge was elected to Congress he was nominated by President Pierce, and confirmed by the Senate, as Minister to Spain ; but he declined the honor, preferring to comply with his representative pledge to the people who had elected him. After four years of continuous service in Congress, where he demonstrated his high qualities as a statesman, and his power as a brilliant orator, he retiicd again from public life, and resumed the practice of the law. In the language of a speech made by him in 1855, he sa:d : "During the past four years, in which he was wholly de-rored 'o public life, his private affairs and the health of his family had so suffered as to have left hira without a choice, but compelled him, by the highest obligations he could recognise, to retire from a position in which be must neglect the care he owed lo oue whom it was hi. first duty to cherish." To show Low he was esteemed, even by hit political oppom nt, we give the following extract from the Louisville Jvurnul, edited by the talented Prentice:

" We believe him to be a conscientious and honor

able as well as a most able man. We have been half-

afraid, during the canvass, to express fully our opinion of him, lest our Whig friends in his district, and else

where, might deem it untrue to the interest of our

party. Mr. Breckinridge is a pure and noble-hearted man, and a liberal-minded politician ; he has earned and won at home, and at Washington, as

high a reputation for talents as belongs to any man of

his ago in the I nited Mates. 1 lie lion. John C, Breckinridge, in a letter to his constituents, declines a re-election to Congress. lie will be much missed in that body. His great urbanity, his perfect fairness, and his powerful talents, made him one of the very foremost of its master-spirits. He has a national reputation, and nobly has ho won it," Mr. Breckinridge was chosen one of the delegates from Kentucky to the Cincinnati Convention. The circumstances under which he was nominated by that Convention for Vice President of the United States we give from John Savage's book, styled ' Our Living Representative Men." After the nomination of Buchanan for the Presidency, several names were offered for the second office among others, that of John C. Breckinridge, proposed by the Louisiana delegation, through General J. L. Lewis. Acknowledging the

i flattering manifestation of good will, Mr. Breckinridge

begged that his name would be withdrawn. On the j first ballot, however, the Vermont delegation, through i Mr. Smalley, believing that no Democrat has a right j to refuse his services when his country calls, east its ; five votes for Breckinridge. Many other States foli lowed; and of the total he received fifty-one votes ; second on the list, and only eight under the first, Gen. j Quitman. On the second ballot, Maine, New llaml shire, and Vermont led off for Breckinridge; Massa- ' chusetts followed, with eleven out of thirteen votes, i Rhode Island followed with her four; then the New I York softs gave him eighteen; Delaware, Maryland, j and Virginia voting in the same way. It became i quite obvious that he was the choice of the bodv; and : ii. r tiie remaining cnaies mica ivi oilier ; candidates, they quickly, one by one, changed their votes the several delegates making neat and appro-

priate speeches in announcing the change. lhe names of other candid ates were withdrawn, and the , whole poll went lor John C. Breckinridge; at which the Convention rose, and with waving of handker

chiefs and the loudest vocal demonstrations directed

The tried, trusty, and successful lender, in many a hard-fought battle, the Democracy at Baltimore, with a unanimity as flattering as it was just, selected Ma jor Breckinridge as their standard-bearer in the approaching presidential contest. Shrinking from no responsibilities which his country would impose upon him, he nobly accepts the post in his letter of acceptance of the nomination for the Presidency, which so forcibly elucidates the true principles upon which this Government should bo administered. Ilo truthfully remarks:

"I have not sought or desired to be placed before the country for the ofiice of President. When my name was presented to the Convention at Charleston,

it was withdrawn by a friend, m obedience to my wishes. My views had not changed when the Convention re-assembled at Baltimore; and when I heard of the differences which occurred then1, my indisposition to be connected prominently with the canvass was confirmed, and expressed to many friends." " Without discussing the occurrences which preceded the nominations, and which are, or soon will be well understood by the country, I have only to say that I approved, as just and necessary to the preservation of the national organization and the sacred right of representation, the act of the Convention over which you continued to preside; and thus approving it, and having resolved to sustain it, I feel that it does not become me to select the position I shall occupy, nor shrink from the responsibilities of the post to which I have been assigned. Accordingly, 1 accept the nomination from a sense of public duty, and, as I

think, uninfluenced in any degree by the allurements of ambition. "I avail myself of this occasion to say that the confidence in my personal and public character implied by the action of the Convention will always be gratefully, remembered; and it is but just also to my own feelings to express my gratification at the association of my name with that of my friend General Lane, a patriot and a soldier, whose great services in the field nml In council entitle him to the gratitude and confidence of his countrymen. ''The resolutions adopted by the Convention have mv cordial approval. They are fust to all parts of the

Union to all our citizens, native and naturalized and they fbini a noble policy for any administration." It has been the purpose of this brief memoir of the life of Mr. Breckinridge to present him as he is to

its attention upon the tall and graceful delegate f'om I exhibit his public character bv his public acts. Left TT 1... .1.-1.J 1 . . .11 --- -- .,! 1 :.. t- 1 " !. I .. il

ivvu ucM , ivin, ii, ri ueen to imexpecieui v nominated ' u mimaum ins emiv tears, wun a inonier ana ner

for so exalted a post. It was long before the demon- , strations subsided, so as to allow a word to be heard. I At last the commanding figure of Mr. Breckinridge i stoo l fronting the mighty triumph. It eertainlv was a time to try a young man. He spoke briefly and becomingly. The result just announced was unexpected, and his profound gratitude was without words. He gave the Convention the simple thanks of a true heart; and expressing his appreciation of their first choice, and linking his humble name with that of the

SPEECH OF SEXAT0,KBR1G1IT. At the National Democratic Convention of the fricndi

of Breckinridge and Lank,i Indianapolis, lnd.,

July 31, 18G0.

tried statesman of Pennsylvania, cordially endorsed the platform, and sat down amid the booming of can-

little ones dependent upon him, he is found steadily and valiantly fronting advetsity, and, almost entirely by hisown exertions, laying the broad foundations of his future usefulness. All the elements of a great and noble character seem blended in him truth, generosity, prudence, judgment, intrepidity, a devoted love of his country. It would seem that he was the fruit of the generations of valor, patriotism and learning from which he sprang. In the . conflicts of war and peace he has never shrank from danger or responsibility; but lias intrepidly encountered them, and al-

wavs triumphantly achieved his aim. Yet so eonsid-

non and the. vociferous applause of the multitude out-! crate and just has he been to all, that he has rarely

side, breaking in upon and almost overpowering the loud cheers within the hall. . By virtue of the ollice of Vice President Mr. Breckinridge is President of the Senate, but can take no part in its deliberations. With a commanding person, a full and melodious voice, and a quick perception, no officer has ever presided over that august bodv with more graceful dignity and impartiality's the universal sentiment.

Upon the removal of the Senate from its old and

had, and never deserved to have, an enemy. To pro

vide anil care tor those nearest and dearest to him. ho retired to private life; to fulfil his pledges to constituents, he declined honorable and high positions. He has resisted firmly the seductions of flattery ; and when grave and more experienced men yielded to the allurements of interest, or Were influenced by the appliances of the hungry leeches of the public treasury, he was the censor, rebuking the departure from the princi

ples oi t no tamers, and catling men back lo the tunda-

time-honored Chamber to the new and beautiful ! mental doctrines of economy, sobriety, and frugality in Chamber where it holds its meetings, Vice President j the management of the affairs of the Government. In Breckinridge delivered an address, replete with noble j 'he early prime of his manhood we find him invoking and patriotic sentiments, clothed in language remark-! reverence for years and services, and holding unto

i'.-... : . ii ... i .1 i .i .i . d i ; i .i: .i. . . . - i. - , ,

icuuKe aim iiiingiiiiiioii me attempt to uring inro disrespect with the people men that had dedicated to them long years of service. Is he not a character fitted for this critical emergency of our history, when factions rend the land, and the two portions of our

able lor its purity and beauty, and closed withtho fol

lowing stirring appeal to Senators to preserve the Constitution : "And now, Senators, we leave this memorable

Chamber, bearing with us, unimpaired, the Constitu-

, tion we received from our forefathers. .Let us eherish it with grateful acknowledgments to the Divine Power who controls the destinies of empires, and whose goodness we adore. The structures rai-ed by men yield to the corroding tooth of time. These marble ; walls must moulder into ruin; but the principles of ! constitutional liberty, guarded by wisdom and virtue, unlike material elements, do not decay. Let us devotedly trust that another Senate, in' another age, shall bear to a new and larger Chamber this Constitu- ! tion, vigorous and inviolate, and that the last gencration of posterity shall witness the deliberations of the representatives of American States, still united, pros- ; perous, and free." With that modesty and diffidence which ever characterize merit, John C. Breckinridge has never sought : any of the responsible offices and "distinguished hon-

; ors winch the American people have conferred upon him, as a willing tribute lo his talents, his patriotism, ; and his integrity. He has rather avoided than courted them. In a speech which he delivered in the Hall ; of the House of Representatives at Frankfort, Ky., December 21, 1859, after his election as United States : Senator, he feelingly and beautifully returns his thanks ; for the honor conferred, pays a just tribute to the ineI rits of his competitors, and clearly and forcibly defines his view-3 upon the great and absorbing question of the equality of all the States in the Territories, purchased by the common treasure and blood of all. We quote the following: I "This election occurred in my absence. If I had been in private life it would have given me pleasure to mingle personally and interchange opinions with my fellow-citizens here. But, under existing circumstances, I thought it more respectful lo the Legislature to remain where my public duties called me. "It is probably not necessary, yet I am sure every generous spirit will pardon me for referring to some vague rumors which have reached my ears, traceable to no distinct source, and apparently owning no respectable parentage, to the effect that my election was! the result of some understanding or arrangement be-

'tween certain dis inguished gentlemen and mvself. or

mine,

more unjust and insulting to you, and to all embraced ! reor,ie.."

; men who elected me, I pronounce these rumors to be j

wholly unfounded and false ; and for myself I pubhclv ' declare that I have not, in connection with these pro- ; ceedings, said, written, or done anything which 1 am unwilling should be known to the whole Legislature This trust was your free gilt, and when it came to mv hands, I received it unstained by the slightest taint of bargain or intrigue. I accept it, proudly, gratefully happy to be associated in the public Fervice with vour admirable delegation in the House of Representatives,

and the able and true-hearted gentlemen' who will be

Confederacy are looking threateningly into each

other's faces ? On the one side, a fierce and bitter determination to impress an ircn law upon all these States; and on the other, an equal determination lo resist unto the death this attempt at domination. There arc indeed other parties and other candidates, but the contest must ultimately be between these two. Who can doubt the devotion of John C. Breckinridge to the Constitution, and the 'union of these States ? Who can doubt that he will administer the government, if elected President, with a firm and vigorous hand, with a lofiy patriotism, with a purity and a forecast worthy the early days of the Republic ? It is right that the young man who defended age and service should succeed one of the very eminent men he defended, and that he should do so at a period of life when a mature judgment and a large experi

ence arc united with tiie highest physical strength and development. We will relate an incident which occurred during the last (lavs of that distinguished man, Henry Clay, which, while it illustrates his sagacity, the subsequent career of the youthful Breckinridge attests the truth of his prophetic remark. A gentleman who was constantly with Mr. Clay during his last illness, states that, upon going into his room one day, he found Mr. Breckinridge sitting by the bedside of the dying statesman, reading aloud to him. After Mr. Breckinridge left the room, Mr. Clay said : " That young man is serving now his first term in Congress; I perceive in him so much judgment and. talent, so many of the elements of true statesmanship, that I clearly foresee he will yearly grow in the confidence and esteem of his countrymen, and eventually receive the highest honors it is in their power to bestow." The prediction, now partly accomplished, will doubtless be completely fulfilled in November next, when the people speak their sentiments at the ballot box. In the glowing language of the eloquent and gifted

i Kentuckian, let our motto be "The Constitution and : i. ..,.,iti,- r ,iw, d.,ia. 1. 4.1. .i,..i- -i

between their triends and mine. Nothing could be .,..i.-; : . w .i. v. i n. L:. .i

Abolishing Slavery in the States the Eeal Object of the Republican Party. Admit that Abolition in the States is what all men ought to strive for, and it is clear to our mind that a large majority are not prepared fortius, and the practical question is this shall we politically attempt what will certainly involve us in defeat and failure f or shall

we not rather attempt that winch a majority are npe

Mr. President and Fellow-Citizens : I come before you to-day to discharge what I conceive to be a public duty, and I propose to do so in that frank and unreserved manner w hich, I trust, has characterized my whole political life.

I know there is a class of men who differ with me in opinion, whose chief vocation seems to be the misrepresentation of my acts as a public man, and the defamation of my character; and I have been told that some of these have, coward-like, insinuated that I would not be allowed to speak on this occasion. I have come to make that experiment, and, God willing, I will repeat it "many times and often" before this

canvass terminates. (Applause.) I do not know that

I can protect myself against mobs, but I feel physically equal to any one of my foes, and whatever I believe that I dare speak upon all proper occasions, anywhere and everywhere. (Cheers, and cries of "good.")

I enter into the contest no novice in political strug

gles. I have seen some service, and shrink not from the smoke and perils of the battle. Many who are before me now, remember that when our party was struggling for the ascendancy in this State, I was found side by side with those who stood foremost in the fight, and they know that I have always faithfully performed a fulilier's duty In the ranks of the great Democratic army. (Cries of "good," "that's so.") I shall maintain the good cause with as much fidelity in the future as in the past. With me, I trust, there will be no change or shadow of turning. I go into this fight now under the banner of those heroes and statesmen Bueckixkidge and Lane ;

(great applause ;) and in doing so I feel that I am but doing my duty to you, my fellow-citizens, and to our common country, for their success is but the success of those principles of justice and equality upon which our government should be aud must be administered. If I were to say that I enter upon this discussion

with some feelings of embarrassment, I would but speak the truth, but it is because of the multiplicity of topics

that crowd the mind and awaken thoughts demanding utterance. But, fellow-citizens, it is proper that I should say that I do not propose anything like an extended argument of the political issues, dividing the various parties who have candidates before the people for the Presidency, but rather a review of the causes that have placed the party to which I claim to belong

in its present position, and to show full and ample justification for being here to-day, the friend and advocate of the election of those true aud tried Democrats, BiiECKiNMDGE and Lane. I hope to be able to demonstrate to you, that for the first time since the system of nominations, by the people, through delegates to a National Convention was inaugurated, the Democratic party is without any regularly nominated candidates.

I do not claim that Breckinridge and Lake are

the nominees of the Democratic party; and ho who

claims that Douglas and Johnson are the regular nonv

inees, according to the forms and usages of the Dem

ocratic party, claims that which is falsified by the record, (much applause) and not justified by any rule

regulating the action of that party fiom the day of

its organization to the present time. (A voice ' that's so.') The names of Douglas and Johnson were forced upon the party by a fragment of a packed National Convention. (Voices ' that's to,' ' good,' aud cheers.) I hold that there has been no regular nomination, but that the nomination of Breckinridge aud Laxe has more of the forms, more of the substance, more of the support of Democratic organization and Democratic men than Douglas and Johmon. Do you believe that the President of the United States, that the seven picked men of his cabinet, that thirty-six out of thirty-eight Democratic United States Senators, that nineteen out of twenty of the Democratic mem

bers of Congess, that the late President of the United

States, Franklin Pierce, that General Win. 0. Butler, aud Daniel S. Dickinson, and a host of other names equally honored and distinguished in the ranks of the Democratic party, are all bolters, and that Mr. j Douglas and his followers are the only true ineu!

left? If so, our condition is truly deplorable. I say the Convention that met at Charleston failed to make a nomination, according to the established usages of the party. A portion of the Southern Democratic States withdrew fiom the Convention. They withdrew upon what they regarded a fundamental

majority; but in the States where no resolutions of that kind had been passed, every delegate should bo left to exercise the dictates of his own judgment. The effect of this thimble-rigging resolution was to overturn the old and well-established rules of previous conventions, and to force an increase of the Douglas vote. It was to untie the hands of Douglas minorities, but to fasten together the hands of anti-Douglas minorities. It was a repetition of the old cheat, " heads I win, tails you lose." You see the process now by which thirteen or fourteen anti-Douglas votes in the State of New York were tied up, and niuo and a half for Douglas let

loose in Pennsylvania. The same process was applied

in various other States. Your own State had four and !, l,t" , . ,.

" ui mmie inner gentleman man

Judge Douglas, yet these four and a half were com

pelled to vote from beginning to end for a man they did not want.

Failing to make a nomination at Charleston, this

convention, in violation of all precedent, and against all usage, adjourned to Baltimore. I will not consume time recapitulating what occurred there, further than

to state that during the recess between the adjournment and the meeting again at Baltimore, several of the States whose delegates had withdrawn at Charleston, had self-created organizations, independ

ent of the old Democratic organization, or called public meetings, and appointed delegates to tako the place of those that had withdrawn. Then the question came up, whether the regular delegates that had withdrawn could again enter the convention at Baltimore. Why not ? They were as much accredited to the convention at Baltimore as at Charleston. If they were accredited to one they were accredited to the other. If the convention had a right to adjourn to Baltimore, and if these men were regular delegates at Charleston, they were regular delegates at Baltimore. The delegates who withdrew at Charleston, without a single exception, save South Carolina, appeared and claimed their scats, but the majority that had been obtained by reason of the juggling resolution to which

I have referred, voted out the regularly elected delegates, and voted in irregular delegates, who proceeded to make a nomination, after 105 delegates had withdrawn. Now, I want to call your attention to the political complexion of the States that remained in what is called the regular convention, and which voted to

nominate Douglas. Did he get the vote of a single State in thatconvention that has a Democratic vote to give in November next? (Voices, "No.") Name one of these States that will give her electoral vote to Douglas.. (A voice, "Indiana.") Indiana! when the heavens f-ill ! Th

convention that met at Baltimore became a dismembered political organization. They were unable to agree among themselves. They agreed to disagree. The regular President declared the convention a dismembered organization, and that he would entertain no proposition for a nomination. Under that state of the case, one hundred and five votes everyone of them, I believe, with the exception of five, from Democratic States proceeded with the President of the old convention, Gen. Cushing, to organize a new

convention. They gave the united vote of that organization for Breckixridge, as the candidate of the Democratic party for Presiden t,and LAXE,for Vice President. With these candidates they gave usa platform. Now, I wish to say a few words upon the principles contained in the one and the other of these platforms, for it was upon that point, I apprehend, that this convention mainly disagreed. At Charleston, seventeen States voted in favor of the platform upon which Breckinridge and Lane are standing to-day. . But that platform was voted down by the friends of Douglas. The platform upon which Mr. Douglas and Mr. Johnson are standing it is unnecessary lor me to examine at length. I will, in as few words as I can, explain what I understand to be the difference between the two parties on the platform. Without going back to the compromise measures of 1850, but comimr riirht mi tn the

o o x question of the admission of Kansas, I will state where I understood Judge Douglas to stand upon that question.The repeal of the Missouri Compromise line, which is the great act of Mr. Douglas'life, so far as the abstract principle is concerned, I admit was right, but the policy 1 always doubled. There was one branch of the Democratic party then as there is now that claimed that the citizens ofa Territory in a Territorial state had all the rights, all the privileges, all the immunities, and all the sovereignty

i 1 .. ...

my colleague in the Senate ; and with a loyal purpose Ior'.anu ,l"us' j T , H .w,.umI,n' , . .. rli mmnriitt tn nn TurtiifirT NhAll wr insist nn hnrmt, nil

to oeTve vour conndence. , J J.XJ J , ,,,"., , , , . ,. I the pos.-ible eggs now, or be content to await their an- ! A breathless silence pervaded the immense auditory ; peaiance dav V (lav? The latter seems to us the of representatives and citizens, as they listened with onlv rat;ona; sensible'Vourse. We care not how fast the deepest atfntion to this masterly effort. ,th Me;sr8. Birn,-v & Co. may ripen public sentiment in , his eye beaming and Ins heart Rowing -,th patnot.c ,the Kor!h fnr Emancipation; tee wilt aidthem tothe best devotion totlieConstitut.onandtheLnion Mr.Breck-,of OUI.abi;i,v. but wc wiil not n,fllse tie pood nw inndge closed w.th a soul-t.rnng appeal to the na-( witllin our -i, out of deference to that which is as tional anil conservative nu n of all creeds to unite in ye, v-,llinble. Mr. Birney's "ultimatum" mav be the overthrow of the Republican organization, whose I just w,at h(, K,.e3 fit. wc have nnt r,opnsed l0 mo;lif doctrines, if carried out will sap the very foundation or mlfIle .IA u. We only ak that he shall not inof our Government He said : fflnd 1)revt.nt the doj1);? f)f somc gool, at oncej , "The first duty of a'l who love their country is to merely because he would like to do more good, as ice overthrow the Republican party; and with this con- j shall also, whenever il thull have become practicable. j viction I tdiould be untrue to Kentucky if I did not j Xew York Tribune, July 2$th, 1854. : plead (or the union of all opposed to that dangerous '

A DOUGLASOUTEAGE. On the night of the meeting in Huntington Hall, the eiipjiorters of Breckinridge and Lane threw out a beau til ul American flag, costing $47, with the names of their candidate uixm it It was usended from the old Museum bunding, adjoining the Post Office, to Wyman's Exchange. Sometime between half-past

twelve o clock yesterday morning and daylight, the

, organization ; and lo Jail to pieces on questions ot less : magnitude thau its defeat, is to surrender toils domination, and all the fatal consequences that may ensue. .' " There is another element at the North, not large, ! but noble and true. It consists of the scattered cohorts of the old whig arty of men like Everett, ' C boate, and their associates whos" conservatism, culi ture, ami patriotism rebelled against the republican alliance. Besides, there are manr thousands in the

1 Northern States who seldom attend the polls, and'0"3? was torn down and tarried away, nothing but a I whose voices have not been beard amidst the clamors; few shreds attached lo the line fiom which it was sus- ' that surround them. To all these let us appeal; IetiPended being lett The Breckinridge men intend to ns soleinly demand a general revolt ol the virtue and ' offer a reward tor the deU-ction of the miscreants. , loyalty of the country against the pernicious princi-j Men of all parties express their indignation at the ! pies that threaten its safely; and when all the forces outrage; for whatever may have been the opinion in are arrayed in their proper ranks we shall be able to: regard to the names it bore, it was the property of its see what remains to hope or fear. j owners, and it was the flag of our country, which i " For myself I cherish a bum ant hope in the des-i thould always be respected- It is lo be hoped that j tiny of our eoimnoa country. It ia not well to doult; the guilty panics will be detected. Loiceti Corres. I that the good Providence which has protected us in ! Journal. , the past will take care of us ia the future, and out of; j these commotions will lead us to an era of tranquility i Every certain Democratic S'ate in the Union is . and pi ('-" ' -kirig out in favor of Breckinridge and Lane.

principle ot the Democratic creed. Afier fify-one of j that belonged to the citizens of States. There was the 303 votes had withdrawn from that con ven-j another branch of the party that denied that sovtion, a resolution was offered declaring that no man creignty commenced until the Territories Were organshould be the nominee of the Democratic party for j ized into State governments. This issue was made the ofiice of President and Vice President who did j between Judge Douglas and his adherents, and those not receive two-thirds of all the votes elected to; who are to-day advocating the cause of Breckinridge said convention; not two-thirds of all the delegates 'j and Lane. But, for the purpose of settling that quesvoting ; but two-thirds of the entire electoral vote, ! tion in a manner that would give peace and quietude which would have been two hundred and two. J to the country for the purpose of removing it enAfter fifty-one delegates out of three hundred tirelv from the Congress of the United States, and

and three had withdrawn, the convention proceed-j placing it w-herc the Constitution places all such ques-

ed to ballot. At no time did Mr. Douglas receive ! tions it was agreed that the decisions made by the courts more than 152 J voles. No man will pretend he was of the country should be binding upon the action of the nominated at Charleston. (Applause.) I will not Democratic party. occupy time by proceeding to analyze the votes given ' Has that question been directly decided by the highin that convention, but I will say that at no time ; estjudicia! tribunal known toour Constitution? There is either in Charleston or Baltimore, did Judge Douglas some diversity of opinion on that point, but there is no receive a majority of the legally or properly elected man who is a lawyer, and has examined the Dred delegates to the National Convention. The vote he Scott decision, but will admit that the principle I did receive was partly obtained by overthrowing the ' have referred to wa3 decided clearly and distinctly, rule of voting which had prevailed in all previous i The Supreme Court of the United States decided Democratic National Conventions. Heretofore it was! that under the Constitution of the United States neilcft to each delegation to determine whether or not ' ther Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can impair their.vote should be cast as a unit, but this stood in the the right of any citizen of the United States to any way of Mr. Douglas, and rule or rum being the watch-; property that is recognized as such by the Constituword of his friends, the old usages of the party had ! tion, and however much we may be opposed to the to be trampled under foot In several Slates, for' institution of slavery however much we may sympainstance, the State of New York, that has thirty-five J thize with those in bondage, while the Constitution re-

votes to give, the state lonvention passed res-: mains as it is, and while the bupreme Court of the L.

lutions declaring that a majority of the delegates ; States, by our fundamental law, is made the judge of should control the vote of the Suite. When that del-; rights arising under that Constitution, we must be egation met together, numbering seventy, there was governed by this decision. There is no man who a majority of only seven in favor of Judge Doug- loves law and order ; who desires peace and quietude; las. In that way the thirty-five votes of the State , who would perpetuate this glorious government, but will were given to him, when in truth there were some ' admit that, however much in principle he may be optwelvc or thirteen who preferred another. By this posed to the decision of the Supreme Court, ho is process twelve or thirteen anti-Douglas votes were j bound, nevertheless, to obey and stand by its judgtied up in the Stite of New York. j mcnt In the Stale of Pennsylvania, the next largest State I The Democratic party, in the platform of principles in the Union, where they have twenty-ocven electoral' that they have laid down, have declared nothing more votes, the friends of Mr. Douglas who were in a mi-j nothing less than a determination to stand by the notify, prevailed upon the majority not to pass aayi finding of the highest judicial tribunal of the United

i resolution of instruction; to let her delegation goto States, so long as that finding remains unreversed. (Charleston peifectly free and untrammelled; that Mr. Douglas, in substance, takes the ground that there

when they got there, no objection would beane to' is an appeal from the decisions of the Supreme Court allowing a majority to rule. When the National Con-! of the United States to political assemblies. vention met, what was the result? The Douglas men j Ftliow-ciiizens, I say to you, in all candor, that I smuggled and juggled a resolution through, declaring; think a more revolutionary and demagogical sentithat in diow State that bad parsed resolutions of in-! ment than this could not be promulgated. tructkm, the minority should be governed by the' If we would have law and order, peace and con-