Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 9, Indianapolis, Marion County, 7 August 1860 — Page 1

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H THE CONSTITUTION, THE UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OF THE STATES! VOL. 1. INDIANAPOLIS INDIANA, TUESDAY, AUGUST 7, ISfiO. NO. 9.

THE OLD LINE GUARD. IS I'lMM.ISIIKI) Till" WEEKLY, A T- I N n 1 .4 X A V O I- i S r-1 IV D I A X A , HV KkfDI. II V IIA1CKNESS. TERMS, l.00, until utter the Prenirt en tiui Election. In advance, in all cases. Advertisements inserted at tho usual rates.

We cheerfully comply with the request of a highly esteemed friend, and give place to the following interesting and conclusive article from the Religious Herald, of May 31st. It is from the pen of a son of our old and valued acquaintance, Joseph lliden. The writer is a student at the Virginia University, and has very fine talents. We regret that we could not sooner find room for it : Prom tho Religious Herald. PAUL ON ABOLITIONISM.

New England.- The following statement has appeared in religious journals published at Boston, Chicago, New York and Pittsburg : " My strong conviction is, that unless there shall soon be a mighty outpouring of the Holy Spirit, the (lay is not distant which will witness a more extensive and appalling apostacy in New England than we have ever yet seen and that apostacy will be into Universalism. Is this the whirlwind to be reaped from sowing the wind of ultra anti-slaveryism ? Abolitionism seems to us a very direct path to apostacy." Now, it does seem to mo that this remark of the editor scarcely does full justice to Abolitionism. Let us look for a moment at the real facts of the case, and see if we cannot discover wherein lies the apostacy to Abolitionism itself ; for I contend that it is not only the

.path to apostacy, but that it is tte thing itseij. xhis might seem to be a bold assertion to make, in the face

would be absurd to talk of an undertaker or masterworkman here. And so every Greek scholar knows that it is just as absurd to say that the Greek word " despotes " means a master-workman. Now, it would seem that this case was made out without a possibility of error. There seems to be no other rational interpretation for the passage than the one which is here given. But I am aware that there are those who are not guided by reasoning and argument. Some are blinded by prejudice ; some are deceived by the bold and utterly groundless statements of pretended scholars. For the benefit of those, as well as for his own satisfaction, the writer has been at some pains to find authority for what he holds to be the truth. The result of his investigation is as follows: Says Calepin: "Doulos Latin, servus; i.e., qui sui juris non est, sed atieno domino subjicitur." The English of this is as follows : A slave ; that is, one who of his own right possesses no existence, but is subjected to another as lis master. This looks pretty plain. But hear him further. The Gallic of this word, he tells us, is serf. The French is enclave; Italian, servitore; Spanish, siervo ; Anglo-Saxon, a man-servant. Says Schrevelii: " Doulos " servus. " Suidas Lexicon Kusteri " says : "Doulos" servus. Jones' Lexicon: "Doulos" a slave, a servant ; " doule " a female slave. Damm : " Doule " Latin, anc'dla, servaa, female slave. Stephano : " Doulos " servus, correlative " despotes," opposite " eleutheros." Now, " despotes " means a master, and is the correlative term to " doulos ; " and "eleutheros" means a freeman, and is opposed to " dou

los. JJu t resnc says : " Doule annua, riow, ancilla means a female slave, a handmaid. Donnegan tells us that "doulos" means a slave, a servant. Grove: " Doulos " a slave, a servant. Pickering : " Doulos" a slave, a servant. Diddell and Scott: "Doulos" a slave, a bondman, strictly one born, so ; opposed to " andrapodon " a slave taken captive in war, from the idea of the captive falling at the feet of the conqueror ; " doulos," from " deo," to bind. This derivation of the word is put down by the lexicographer as only probable ; and in this idea he seems to be sustained by Professor Gihlersleeve, of the University of Virginia, who is decidedly tho highest authority I know, and who holds that the origin of the word is not settled. The Persian word is bendet, probably akin (o our word bondman. Now, " doulos " is not the only Greek word which means a servant or slave. On the contrary, the Greek

and his doctrine bo not blasphemed." The idea here is evidently this : " If there are servants among you Christians, arid they pretend to belong to the Lord, and at the same time do not attend to their duties as servants, and do not honor their masters, the unbelieving world around you will make light of and blaspheme the doctrine which produces such fruits." Compare Rom. 2: 24; Titus 9 : 5. Now, I contend that those who withstand tho doctrine that Paul here teaches, are not only on the road to apostacy, but have already reached it. For, look further on in this chaptor, (1 Tim. 6,) and we find Paul directing Timothy to teach and exhort the people in the doctrine of obedience of servants to masters. " These things teach

THE WORKINGS OF THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION DOUGLAS' POINT -OF DEPARTURE FROM TRUE PRINCIPLE. '

The professional politicians are wonderfully exer

cised at the rapid changes and complete miscarriage of their plans and calculations, which the political revolution now going on in the popular mind is work

ing. We are not surprised at it. The politician by pro

fession never comprehends the operation of great

Ies. These overthrow all organizations, all

expediency which are rapidly working their destine tion as political leaders of the people. The lineaments of the present canvass are just beginning to stand out to the view of the people, and as they become bolder in every section of the country, Mr. Douglas and his followers will comprehend that in abandoning great principles' for the shifting grounds of local prejudice, they have lost all hope of obtaining from the- people the trust of either national or local power jV". Y, Herald.

and exhort." Brethren of the Southern mil nit. have ! principles. These overthrow all organizations,

we done our duty ? Have we been teaching and ex-; bargains for office, all the anticipated distributions of

horting these things ? Or have we let a fear of be- ! spoil, by acting through the masses of people who have

of so manj" wise and reverend men, whose names have

.i i .ii... , : i.:..i. i i: i u... t -

, ,. .. , , , t i .i . i language is exceedingly rich in its variety and most ter behoves that he has counted the cost in making .p 7f. tm ' i ,

such a statement. Look at the authority, antl then: . ,. v. ,. ,, , . , , ,,

Just about 1800 years ago there Mr ". r-(?S "cuu,' a,u ." ay who had just bJen sent forth to I ' oes th'.s Pecnlia,Mty jS0 i'S f llTly' tha.n1 "

e was remarkably well read in . . . . . .. r . v"

speak your mind was a young mini

preach the Gospel.

ing thought to meddle with politics, keep lis back

from declaring the whole counsel ot God e Remember, that before Columbus was born, before this continent wa3 dreamed of, even when the Jews were traveling through the wilderness, God saw fit to legislate upon this subject, and amidst the dense smoke and vollied thunders of Sinai's awful scenes, there came forth the table of stone, written by the finger of the Lord God Omnipotent, and declaring to the race of men that they- should not covet theirneighbor's house, nor his wife, nor his man-servant, nor his maidservant, nor anything that was'Zfeir neighbor's. Slavery had its religious importance for thousands of

years before New England was known. And shall we, ministers of the Most High, suffer our mouths to be stopped by a few puny politicians ? No 1 let us do our duty, and declare God's truth on this subject, as on all others, without fear of any thing that man can do unto us. But Paul goes on to say, that "if any man teach otherwise, and consent not to wholesome words, even the words of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the doctrine which is according to godliness, he is proud, knowing nothing, but doting about questions, and strifes of words whereof cometh envy, strife, railings, evil surmisings, perverse disputings of men of i

corrupt minds and destitute of the truth, supposing that gain is godliness from sueh withdraw thyself 1" There is the finest picture of modern Abolitionism in the language. Paul must have been acquainted with some Abolitionists, or else he looked forward to the abolition rant and hubbub of the 19th century.

raul Knew very well that the words which he had been writing, (namely, that servants were to honor

no part in corrupt and selfish arrangements. This is

the process that is now going on, and the people everywhere are seeking the true principles involved in the

present campaign, instead of obeying the behests of

worn out and selfish political organizations. Jt is this process which is rapidly ranging the masses under the banners of Breckinridge and of Lincoln, and leaving

to the Douglas, the Bell, the Houston and the Gernt Smith party managers and wireworkers nothing but the empty shell of party existence to bo traded for and sold out for the benefit of the creditors and resid

uary legatees. Two parties only, in the present con

test, have any real principle underlying their organ

izations. The Black Republicans have proclaimed a self-satisfied and seductive theory, that Northern so

ciety is more religious, moral and pure than that of

the South, and claim that, being more virtuous, it is more happy. On this ground they are urging the country to an "irrepressible conflict" with the South, destructive alike to the great principles of the Constitution which establish the equality of the States, and to the brotherhood, the social intercourse, and tho great material interests flowing from that equality. This the people see; and that fact has operated to diminish the popular majorities of that party in the North, and to make its banners the symbols of au aggressive war on the South. A factitious character has been given to the contest, by concentrating it for a while on the question of Territorial sovereignty one

of the constitutional questions which has not been thoroughly ventilated and decided by the people. This question rests upon certain simple, fixed and ab-

truse principles ot government, which cannot be de

DOUGLAS

From tliu Illinois SlaK: Democrat. ON THE STUMP.

their m-isters, were "wholesome words, even the words 1 parted from without leading to other departures from of our Lord Jesus Christ." And of course he knew I constitutional principle, which are full of danger to

, e . , r . i . c i . wieiuseives iur expressing me various mouiiicauoiis oi tho Nnrmrnros. havintr been trained in them from bis ... 1 . ,

I . . o . . . i flip, irljia pnnrainpn in flip wnm sprvjinr..

childhood. His object in preachng the Gospel was to ; teach men their duty, in order that they might be .,.,,i i, ,., ,,.,.,.:,..,.i

Daicu. lie Hon juuni: anu iuuauuhi:iii.;u lu i . ll 1 II 1 J it 1 I II

work, and though he understood very well the qeneral . , , ,

pie : los"-

For exam

" Andropodon" a slave taken captive; "dou--one born so; "douleuma" one bought with

character of his great work, and was familiar with the

great centraf truths ot the Gospel, yet there were many particular points in the application of the teachings of the Gospel to every-day life, on which he needed advice and instruction. Besides, he needed advice from an older preacher, as to how he should withstand the opposers of the Gospel, and how ho should manage those still more dangerous opponents,

vant maid ; " paidion " a young slave, lad ; " paida

rion " a young slave ; " ktema " property in slaves; " paidiske " a young female slave. Now, here were evidently words enough to clioose from, (and we have not exhausted them,) so that we are not to suppose that the word " doulos " is used because it came pretty

ner the idea, and there was no word to express it

, c t u i n ? e u V a t 'exactly, lhis supposition is too violent even for an who, professing to preach the Gospel of the Lord Je-i . . Y , . r, , . , 1 A. . ."..i.. ' . ... ... i A hnli hnriKr it hp hni nnv ni'prpninn rn l.rppt aphn .

sus Christ, should, in fact, preach "another Gospel.

The name of this young preacher was Timothy. Now it so happened that Timothy'had just such a friend and adviser as he needed in the person of the Apostle Paul. This man was not only a very great preacher and distinguished orator, (see Longinus,) but he had been preaching about from place to place among all classes of people. He had met with all sorts of infidels, heathen, pagans, Sadducees, and worshippers of the " Unknown God." He had refuted the philosophical dogmas of the Epicureans and the Stoics. He had condemned heresy and apostacy wherever he had seen it. He had been through all sorts of tribulation and affliction, and had confronted all sorts of opposition. He had, moreover, been the means of Timothy's conversion. Now, these reasons made it very proper that Paul should give Timothy the benefit of his expe

rience, and accordingly he writes a letter to the young preacher. In the midst of this letter he gives him the following directions : 1 Tim., C : 1 "Let as many servants as are under the yoke, count their own masters ; worthy of all honor, that the name of God and his doctrine be not blasphemed." Let us pause here a moment and see what this means. In the first place, what is the exact meaning of the term servants ? In the original it is "Douloi." This word is used in various

Abolitionist, if he has any pretensions to Greek schol

arship. But lest it may be supposed that the meaning of this word is different in the New Testament from what it is any where else, we may cite the following passages from the classic Greek authors, and any one who feels disposed and has the opportunity, may compare the passages. The word " doulos," or some modification or synonym of it, occurs, I believe, in the following places ; Thucydides 8:28,4:34, 2: 61, and 1: 18 ; Euripides Hecuba 865 ; Ibid Ion 556 ; Herodotus 7: 7, 1: 27, 1: 94, 174; Homer's Odyssey 22,423. "But if Paul had desired to express the idea of a hired servant in this place," says some man, " could he have found any other word to use ? " We answer, in the first place, that whether he could or not, he could not use Mi's word "doulos." AVords,

like facts, are stubborn things. After their meaning has been settled by universal use for centuries, we cannot take them up and give them an entirely new meaning, without giving any sort of intimation of the fact, that wo 'mean by the words, not what others

mean, but something totally different from anything which the words ever meant before. Now, the word "doulos" never means a hireling or a hived servant. There is not a single authenticated case in the whole range of Greek literature, where the word has that meaning. And, therefore, even if there had been as

how to describe those who should teach otherwise. He practised his own doctrine, too, sending Onesimus, the runaway slave, back to his master, Philemon. See how fully his description of the Abolitionist coincides with the character of those same fanatics of the present day. "Proud," says Paul. " Yes," says Henry Ward Beechcr himself, " so proud are you, that there is more sympathy for the negro even among the slaveholders themselves, than among you." " Knowing nothing," says Paul ; and sure enough they do not even know enough to be aware of the fact, the open, palpable, staring fact, that a negro is a negro, and not a blackened white man. " Doting about questions

and strifes of words ;" just exactly so. For instance, discussing the vaiious "isms," and such like. " Envy, railings, evil surmisings, perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds," &c. For example, calling for an antislavery Bible, an anti-slavery Constitution, and an anti-slavery God ; saying, as they have said, that the

Constitution of their country is "a league with Hell ;" that "sueh a God as is described in the Bible, they would put him up on a block and sell him ;" and to cap the climax, proclaiming to the world that it is now old fogyism to trust for salvation in Jesus Christ and him crucified, and that henceforth the faith of the people is to rest on " John Brown and him hanged." "From such," says Paul, "withdraw thyself;" and from such, say I, good Lord deliver us. J. C. HIDEN. Orange County, Va.

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f .. , ., . ,, .,1 ' great a dearth of words as there actually is an abuntration by comparing this passage with another, also i s . ., , , ,. ., , t" i , it t f . , c j i dance m the Greek language for the expression of

pemieu. uy idui jiiiii.seu. lu jAumaiis i ; , we uuu

the following;: "Paul, a servant to Jesus Christ,

called to bean apostle," &c. Now, (he word "doulos" used in this place to mean servant, is the singular number of precisely the same words which is used in the quotation from Timothy. If we can find out its meaning here, we can know yhat meaning to give to it there. Now, what does Paul mean by the term servant in this first chapter of Romans? The term seems capable of bearing but two interpretations. It either means a hireling, or it means that the person to whom the term applies is the property of the master. Now, it cannot mean a hireling here. Paul did not mean to say that he, was a hireling. Why, we know what an account Jesus himself gives of the hireling. Ho tells us (John 10: 13) that -"the hireling fleethj because ho is an hireling, and careth not for the !

sheep." This waa not the character of Paul. His ' heart's desire and prayer to God for Israel was, that they might be saved. Besides, the word translated hireling, in John 10: 13, is totally different from the word servant in Rom. 1:1, and in 1 Tim., 6 : 1. In j the first case it is the word "misthotos," or one who is (

paid tor services rendered ; m the other two cases, as we have seen, it is "doulos." But we can easily settle this question in a positive

manner, dt snowing irom rain s otner wniings, in j i,;,Mi ..mnt Clred mlatWr!." T.iiL-n is? 1

this idea, still Paul could not have used this word for

it, without giving us some intimation of the liberty he was taking. But iust see how very ridiculous this

Abolition idea of hireling becomes when we compare

it with other passages in the Bible, where the same or cognate idea is to be expressed. I have found the expression " hired servant" in nine different passages of our version of the Bible. Exodus 12 : 45 "A

hired servant shall not eat thereof," &c. Here the Greek word of the Septuagint is not " doulos," but

" misthotos one who is paid tor services rendered,

Lev. 22 : 10, " misthotos " is the word. In Lev. 25: 6,

the term " hired servant occurs under such circum

stances as to bring out the difference on which we are

insisting. Our version has it, "And tho Sabbath of

the land shall be meat for you ; for thee, and for thy servant, and for thy maid, and for thy hired servant,"

&c. In the septuagint, the Greek worn used here

for servant is " pais ; for maid-servant, or maid, "pai

diske ; but for hired servant, the same old word, "mis

thotos." Lev. 25: 40, our version has hired servant

Septuagint, "misthotos." Lev. 25: 53, our version has hired servant Septuagint, "misthotos." Dent

15: 18, our version, hired servant Septuagint, " mis- . 1 f. A C t - I ' 1 I .

tnotos. .Lieut, tv. 14, our version, nireu servant Septuagint, " misthou." Mark 1: 20, our version

what sense he considered himself tho servant ot Jesus

Christ. Let us turn to 1 Cor., 6 : ID, 20, and we find Paul telling the servants of Jesus Christ that they are not their own. And why ? Is it because their time is hired f No, but it is because they are bought with a price. Paul then means to say that he is a servant who is not his own, but is bought with a price ; and

wnen expressing the relation in which ne, a servant oi , ling Septuagint, "therapon." Job 14 : 16, our ver- . Jesus Christ, stands to Christ, who bought him with a s;oni hireling Septuagint, "misthotos." Isaiah 16: price, he uses the word "doulos." This would seem : Ui our vorsibn, hireling Septuagint "misthotos." to be a marvellously plain case to require any proof at: ia, 2l : 16, our version, hireling Septuagint "mis-

all, were it not tor the tact that abolition writers have, thotos." Malachi. 3: 5. our veision. liii elimr Sen-

our version, hired servant Greek Testament, " mis

thotos." Now let us sec if any better foundation can be found for Abolitionism, if we give them the word hirelinq in

stead of hired servant. This word is found eight times

in the Bible. Job 7: l,our version has

Septuagint, "misthotos." Job 7 ; 2, our version, hire-

tried to make it appear, to abolitionized ignorance ; that the word " doulos" meant only a hireling, or a , hired servant This is certainly either perverting the I right ways of the Lord, or else it is darkening counsel i by words without knowledge. But, after having settled the meaning of this term, let us look into the

meaning of the rest ot this

tuagint "misthotos." John 10: 12, our version, hire

lingGreek Testament, "misthotos." John 10: 13, our version, hireling Greek Testament, "misthotos." Now, here are some seventeen or eighteen cases, in which the word hireling (or the term hired servant) is used in our English version, and not once do we

rose oi uus -.eie. i he apostle savsi ,- w.-.,- ii,ini.,," t,. n,,..,.- i Ppiu- ;

that these servants are to give all honor to their mas- doC3 sePm tliat t,c learning of Abolitionism must 'be

v-ij. nuir niv uio-i.tio Ji'v nic " ""PV CXCeCdin'

the employers ot the servants .' Are they the undei takers, and the others the laborers for pay, as the nb-

outiou scholars would have us believer 1 his would

be incompatible with our settled meaning of the word doulos ;" for it is evident that the words are correlative, and that, if" doulos" means servant, in the sense of slave, and 110 hireling, then the word "despotes," or master, would not supply the proper correlative

idea, if it merely meant an undertaker. This interpretation would give Paula-, valid a claim to nonsensical writing, as some of the abolition commentators

on hiui have established for themselves. But lest there should be any mistake in our reasoning, let us again consult the original, to got the true force and intent of the word. The Greek word "despotes " is used here. This is the very same as our word despot. The only difference is in the terminaUon. Now, we should hardly suppose that Abolitionism itself could believe that the English word despot meant simply a master-workmin or undertaker. What do we mean when we speak of a despotic government? Even body knows that we mean a govern-1 nient in which the will of oiic man is the law. It

ng stupid, if it cannot see that the word "dou

los" means a slave, and not a hireling. But let 11s examine one more extract from Liddefl & Scott's Lexicon. Under the word "despotes," which is translated master, in 1 Tim. 6 : 1, we find the following: "A master, lord, strictly fit respect of slaves ; so that the address of a slave to his master was, 'o despot anax f hence a despot, absolute ruler, whoe subjects are slaves." The reader may find further light by consulting Herodotus 1 : 11. Ill: 3: 89 Thucydides 6; 77 Eurip. Hvpp. 88 Xenopton Anab. 8 : 2, 18 ; 7; 4,10. Now, I hold that Abolitionism leads to apostacy, because it makes abolition commentators pci-vert the right ways of the Lord, and attempt to deceive the unsuspecting and ignorant, by making them believe that when Paul writes on the relative duties of master and slave, he does not mean master and slave, but he means something else, which something else the icorrfs never did or could mean. But we promised to show not only that Abolitionism led to apostacy, but that it was apostacy itself. Now, we can do this, if Paul is authority. What is his roasoa for exhorting servant" to honor their mast "in ? Whv, "that the name of God

LETTER FROM HON. THOMAS B. . FLORENCE.

The subjoined patriotic letter from the Hon. Thom

as B. Florence was read at the recent great Bkeckinkidge and Lane demonstration in New York : Washington, July 17, 1860. Gentlemen: Our patriotic lathers have entrusted with us a priceless boon the preservation of the Constitution and the Union. No one can contemplate the grandeur of their effort to establish a free government without emotions of gratitude. Their fame and great deeds are engraven upon the tablet of our memory, never to be obliterated. But a little over eighty years of its existence have passed, and this grand fabric of republican States is rocking to its base. It seems proper now to look back and ask ourselves, are we the faithful Custodians of the great trust confided to us? Our revolutionary sires fell in the cause of equality of rights, and most gloriously and unselfishly was the sacrifice made.

"They fell devoted but undying The very gales their names are sighing. The waters murmur of their name ; The woods are peopled of their fame; The meanest rill, the mightiest river, Rolls mingling with their fame forever :" and j'ct we are now, on all sides, " round and about

us," met with the abandonment of the principles qf i

equality, the iundamental basis of our tree institutions, upon the unqualified observance of which only can they be perpetual. In this gloom, when the hopes of the nation are well nigh prostrated, and the expectation of averting the dire catastrophe of a disruption ofoivr Confederacy

of "equal States," is almost given up in despair, it is indeed gratifying to find men fearlessly standing up for the right, demanding a full recognition of equality of rights of all the States of the Union, and battling boldly for its and their maintenance. Our Union must be preserved. It can only be by maintaining, in all their force, the requirements of the American Constitution. This you propose to do under the flag of Breckinridge and Lane. It is a glorious purpose and aim, in which I bid you God speed. Other engagements will prevent my being present with you to-morrow night. I trust your efforts in the causa of right, justice and "equity," which is "equali-i ty," may be crowned with success. , j Truly, your friend, THOMAS B. FLORENCE. Hon. Gideon J. Tucker, and others,Committee, &c.,&c j

the Government and to the Union. The old and now

defunct Democratic party had acted in the past without reference to these principles, leaving their discussion and settlement upon a peimanent basis to the future. That discussion is now going on, and the time has come for its decision. Although the question has been presented before now, in the shape of Wilinot provisos and similar propositions, and always with a formidable and widely agitating character, it was not until Mr. Douglas brought forward that Pandora's box,

the Kansas-Nebraska bill, that the real discussion was opened. When that bill was brought up in 1854, the far-seeing and sagacious among the leaders of the Democratic

party perceived how necessary it was that the great principle involved should be formulated and expressed without reference to political partisanship or personal preferences. The policy that then animated parties

is thus stated by senator .Benjamin, in his speech 111 the Senate on the 22d of May last: "The Republicans professed the principle that the Congress of the United States had the power to govern the Territories, and that there was to be found in the Constitution of the United States no prohibition against exercising that power so as to exclude slavery; and they therefore went for excluding slavery from the Territories by the power of Congress, which had an admitted power to govern them. The Southern

members of the Democratic party, with some of the ! mpvnbpra fWim flip XV.fli amunil witti flip If pnnblipnn !

party that the Congress of the United States had the

undoubted power to govern the lerntones ; but they held that there was a limitation to that power to be found in the Constitution of the. United States, which

limitation prevented the Congress of the United States ! from exercising the power to exclude slavery, but, on the contrary, imposed it as a duty ujion Congress to I protect property in slaves, just as all other property.

lhe third school held that the sole power ot Uongress was to institute an organic act, as they termed it ; that the sole power was to give, as it were, a Constitution to the Territories, by which the'"' people might be brought together in organized form, and that when the people were thus brought together in an organized form, in a legislative capacity, they possessed inherent sovereignty, just as a State, and had a right to do in relation to slavery just as they pleased." All of these views were more or less biassed from the true principle by local interests and party aspira- i

tions, and in order to save the Democratic party from j the inevitable dissolution which would follow an adhe- ! sion to local aspirations, instead of great national in-; terests and constitutional principle, they all agreed to ; abide bv the decision of the Supreme Court, the only '

passionless and disinterested interpreter of the Constitution. To this wise agreement Senator Douglas was a party. The decision of the court came in 1857, in the celebrated Died Scott decision. The Black Republicans undertook to get rid of that decision, by denouncing the court, and Mr. Seward, again and

again, in the Senate and out of it, insinuated and charged that there had been a bargain between the Chief Justice and the President of the United States. That utterly groundless charge has recoiled on him everywhere, because it is confidently believed that in his accusations against the highest and purest in the land, he judges them by principles of action which

would have guided him had he been in their place. The principle established in the Dred Scott decision

is well known. When Mr. Douglas went into the con-j test for the Senator-ship of the State of Illinois, he had ! not the courage to fight a local battle on great nation-.; al principles in opposition to the evanescent prejudices ; of the day. He shrank from his obligation and duty I as a national statesman, and when Mr. Lincoln, in' 1858, forced him on the question, he replied asfol-i lows : !

With the exception of General Scott, who made one or two political speeches in Ohio, in 1852, and which were condemned by the Democracy, Judge Douglas is the first American statesman, a candidate for the Presidency, who has so far forgotten the dignity pertaining to that high position, as to take tho stump in advocacy of his own pretensions for the suffrages of the American people. It has heretofore been the custom, as soon as the nomination has been conferred, for the nominee to retire from the political arena, and patiently await the decision of the people, entrusting the canvass to his political friends. But from lack of confidence in his supporters, or some other equally potent reasou, Mr. Douglas prefers to descend himself into the contest, and wage a warfare in his own behalf. On his first appearance, after leaving Washington, on his present tour, he took occasion to declare that I e I ad rm more political speeches to make, and the American people took it for granted that he would certainly, thus committed, " follow 1 he footsteps of his illust rious pre. deccssors." But in this they have buen most wofullv disappointed, no doubt Scarcely had the sounds dieil away from his lips ere the wires shot forth through all the country his political diatribes, in defence of his great principle "that great principle which underlies all our institutions" and which' he has " proclaimed from a thousand stumps in Illinois," and elsewhere. Indeed, his whole journey, from Washington, via Boston to Buffalo, seems but to have been marked out for a political campaign in his own behalf. Although there seems to have been no such thing as " compromise " or " concession " enunciated in any of his efforts, still, all along the "line of his inarch," we are gratified to perceive that the Democratic people are moving in favor of " harmony, concession, everything for the cause, nothing for men." The signs of the times in Pennsylvania and New York, indicate, in spite of his own efforts and that of his national committee at AVashington, that the once invincible Democracy of those noble States are likely to secure a union, which, however little it may favor his peculiar views, will result in a glorious victory and place in the Presidential chair, tho disinterested patriot and glorious American statesman, John C. Breckinridge. How different the course which Mr. Douglas seems to have marked out for himself, from that pursued by the hero of New Orleans. In October, 1825, the Legislature of Tennessee placed before the American people the name of Gen. Jackson as a candidate for

the Presidency. As soon as the fact was communicated to him, he at onco. not only resigned his seat in the United Suites Senate, but retired to the secluded shades of the Hermitage, and there in dignity and peace awaited that voice which ultimately called him with so much unanimity to the. Presidential chair. In tendering his resignation of Senatorial houors he thus addressed the Legislature : " Having been advised of a resolution of your honorable body, presenting again my name to the American people for the office of Chief Magistrate of this Union, lcould no longer hesitate on the course I should pursue; I determined, forthwith, to ask your indulgence to be excused from any further service in the councils of the nation." Agaiu; in closing his address, the old hero, thus spoke, and we most earnestly direct the attention of Senatorial Presidential aspirants to his words: "My name having been before the nation for the office of Chief Magistrate during the time I served as your Senator, placed me in a situation truly delicate but delicate as it was, my friends do not and my ene mies cannot, charge me with descending from the independent ground then occupied, with degrading the trust reposed on me, by intriguing for the Presidential chair. As, by a resolution of your body, you have thought propcragain to present my name to the American people, I must entreat to be excused from any further service in the Senate ; and to suggest, in conclusion, that it is due to myself to practice upon the maxims recommended to others ; and hence, feel constrained to retire, from a situation where temptation may exist, and suspicions arise, of the exercise of an influence tending to my own aggrandizement " Accept, &c., &e. "Andrew Jacksox."

GEN. LANE'S MOVEMENTS.

" It matters not what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract question whether

slavery may or may not go into a Territory under the !

Constitution ; the people have the lawful means to introduce or exclude it as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere unless it is supported by local police regulations. Those police regulations can only be established by the local Legislature ; and if the people are opposed to slavery they will elect Representatives to that body who will, by unfriendly legislation, effectually prevent the introduction of it into their midst. If, 011 the contrary, they are for it, their legislation will favor its ex-

65T The Joliet Signal puts the following pertinent questions at the Republican party : We would ask when and how Abraham Lincoln won the title of "honest ?" Was it whence favored repu

diating our just debts I as it when he jumped out tension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the

of the State House, when he was a member ot the Le-i Supreme Court mav be on that abstract question, still 1 gislaturc, to prevent a vote being taken to compel a 1 the right of the people to make a slave Territory or a j bank to redeem its bills ? Was it when he, in effect, free Territory is perfect and complete under the Neduring the Mexican War, turned traitor to his own braska bill. I hope Mr. Lincoln deems my answer country, and lent " aid and comfort" to the enemy ? , satisfactory ou that point", ! Or wn ir. whpn np ntpred intil in unlinl v wnliinA. ' i

tion with the notorious Abolitionists. Codding, Love-' IIe.rc V wl,iere .M.r- Isliw departed from the true . . . . . . rnnSTltlUinnnl nnni-ntlA .hinilAnoH ha Btin.l a . 1

joy and tarnsworth, tor the purpose ot getting elected 7. , 1 Y ' -""""- " to office ? .1 . stat.e.snian, and took up the subordinate and al

ienor posmou ot n local partisan and political demaTi:. u- . . - ...

uuj;uc. -xms is me secret 01 ins success witu mere

Let the worshippers and adorers of "houit old:

. 1 f, . 1 . . ... . . e .0 v.. ji iija ounces niiu mcic Abe, answer these questions, and we will ask them a politicians, and of his weakness as a candidate few more " of th mine sort 1 '.

, ior national position. Ohort-sightea party managers ! and corrupt professional spoilsmen, like the Albanv O" This is told of the eccentric John Randolph. 1 Regency and shoulder-hitting Tammanv sachems, feft In mie of his spells of repentance and sickness, he was that to them the local elections were of more importvisited by a minister, who, at his request, prayed for ance than the Presidency, and they could not see that and with him. The minister began in this wise: ' Lord, j a Presidential contest, conducted on great principles, our friend is sick. Thou knowest how generous he ' always controls subsequent local elections. They forwas to the poor; and what eminent service he has ren-' got that every man is. first of all, an American, and dered to his country, and how he is among the hon-i after that a ew Yorker, or a Virginian in a word, ored and great men of the earth.4 Stop, stop,' said ' that the national feeling underlies and controls that f the impatient Randolph ' no more of ich stuff, else j State pride. This error has led them and their lead ', the Lord wiU damn us both." ; Mr. Douglav into the innumerable contradictions "

After spending three days in this city, during which time he was visited by hundreds of persons, both of this citv and from the country, and visiting himself the birth-place of his father, and other places of interest, Gen. Lane left this city yesterday morning for Chapel Hill, highly delighted (as we learn from Mr. Cant well, the chairman of the committee of reception, who escorted him to the depot) with the city of Raleigh, its citizens and the marked attention he had received from his friends. Raleigh and its precincts have a fascination for Gen. Lane, which, perhaps, they have for very few persons. Here was the abode of his family, here was the home of his father, and here are the graves of his ancestry. Once a large family, all living within the precincts of Raleigh, they have scattered and fallen away until but few remain to perpetuate the memory of the parent stem. The General took a great interest 111 ferreting out those who held in their veins any of the blood of his ancestors, and when he had found one he seemed to regard him as a brother or a son. We are glad to learn from Mr. Cantwell that his visit here, was in every respect, a most pleasant one. We have long admired the character of Gen. Lane, as it has been given to the public by his biographers, but we are free to confess that it was impossible for us to place anything like a- proper estimate upon his moral and political worth to his country, until we had seen him and spent with him, (as we did) hours at a time. He is not only a patriot, a statesman and soldier, but he jiossesses an amiability of manner and disposition, and a nobleness of bearing that charms while it awes, and that makes the visitor in his presence feel that there is something almost superhuman about the man that stands before him. No man that has ever come among us has made more friends, more lasting friends than did Gen. Lane. Although studiously avoiding any public demonstration, preferring to be the quiet and unassuming visitor to the home of his ancestry, ratherthan to receive the homage due a patriot and a soldier, yet he was not allowed to withdi-aw himself from the public. Whenever at his rooms, crowds besieged him day and night so long as he remained in our midst The General did us the honor to visit our sanctum, during his stay here, spending an hour or two with our friends who were dropping in from time to time. He converses freely and readily upon any topic. He is a man of large experience and observation, and studies everything that presents itself to his mind. He is, therefore, thoroughly acquainted with almost any topic to which he might be drawn in conversation. As we stated at the outset, he goes beDee to Chapel Hill. Thence he will go West. He will be in Salisbury in the course of two or three days. Wherever he may go he will create an enthusiasm fox him that U w'len and deepen and swell until the people have .: -ot.r i :.e patriot soldier, the " Marion of the Mxi- ' Raleigh. N. C. Dem. Prmt. I