Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 8, Indianapolis, Marion County, 4 August 1860 — Page 3
SPEECH OF SEN AT OK FITCH, At the National Democratic Convention of die friends of Breckinridge and Lank, at Indianapolis, Ind., , July 81, I860.
Mr. President and Fellow Democrats :- You see before you, one of two Democrats who have sought faithfully to serve their party and their country for thirty years; but who, notwithstanding that service, I am told was read out of what purported to be the Democratic party in this State, a few days since, by one possessed of more brogue than brains. (Much laughter, and a voice, 'Hurrah for Dick Ryan.') For thirty years I have trod the broad path of Democracy. That walk is now so familiar-to me that I need no donkey by the way-side to bray to me that I may discover where I am to go.. I have learned to distinguish the forks on the road, which are so pleasing to tho eye, but which soon lead to ruin. I have looked at the ends of those roads, and I see at the end of that which Douglas has taken the dark object of the Republican worship a negro. (Applause and laughter.) Fellow Citizens: I regret the existing division of the party as much as any Democrat can, but we cannot control events. We must meet facts as they existThere is a division in our ranks. It is not a division of to-day. It is of two years standing. It is but now developing itself. It becomes ns then to ask by whom and in what way was this division created. A voice " That is what we want." Mr. Fitch And what I will give you. It is well known that Mr. Douglas, for two or three or more years past, has maintained a doctrine at war with the con stitution of our country, and which has been so declared by the highest judicial tribunal of our country A portion of the Democratic party, mostly those to be found in the Republican States, has sustained him and his doctrine, because the doctrine was anti-slavery. Such portion of the party, in Republican States, under the lead of men who prefer success, to be obtained by pandering to abolitionism, rather than defeat in support of the constitution ; sucli portion of the part)', under leaders who are willing to abandon principle, has sustained and yet sustains Judge Douglas. But the sound Democracy of seventeen States of the Union sixteen of them reliably Democratic, have repudiated him and his doctrine. (Voices " So will we," &c.) ' ". His friends claim that he is the regular nominee of a regular convention. Such regularity ! Let us look into this vaunted claim of regularity. First, perhaps, then, the New York delegation mentioned by my colleague, (Mr. Bright) may be the subject of fair criticism ; because, from its size, its members really controlled the Douglas portion of the convention, and their acts were the acts of that portion of the convention. Their acts were regular, I grant, in one respect. Whenever a new question arose they retired to consult and drink, and came back into the convention only as regularly, to go back again and drink and consult. (Much laughter.) If we were led to infer the regulartiy of the majority of the convention by them, we would presume they were from Sing Sing or Auburn, in New York, or from Jeff'ersonville, in this State. (Renewed laughter and applause.) They were political gamblers, who had found in Judge Douglas their faro-table, and in George Sandors their dealer. Their Douglasism rose and fell like the mercury in a thermometer, in proportion to the amount of spirit they had drunken. When they had taken too much, so they could not maintain a perfect equilibrium, their Douglasism was at fever heat ; but when the amount of liquor had expended some of its force, they were highly conservative and thought of violating their unholy pledges to Douglas. (Laughter.) Their zecil traveled pari passu with the scarlet on the tip of their leader, Cagger's nose. Whenever the color of that organ was gone, some wavering vote was given, when its redness had returned, Douglas was again in the ascendancy. Such a body controlled the Rump convention. Rump convention it has been very properly called. We have a precedent for it. You remember that when Cromwell desired the protectorship of England, he sent his soldiers into Parliament and by them he drove out all but his tools. They remained and organized a body obedient to his will; but an indignant public opinion has denounced them as a Rump Parliament, and in future ages you will never hear of the Douglas convention but as a Rump convention. Laughter, and a voice, " Hit him again." Look a little further into that claim of regularity. There were thirty-three States in the convention ; seventeen were represented in the nomination of Breckinridge and Lane, and sixteen of those are reliably Democratic. Now, looking at it in that light, which nomination is regular, as having tho minority or the majority of the States '? Looking still further, nineteen States voted in 1856 for the Democratic candidate for the Presidency. Of these nineteen, fifteen were duly represented in the nomination of Breckinridge and Lane, and a majority of two others were in the convention and acting. There were cast one hundred and seventyfour electoral votes for Mr. Buchanan in 1856. Of these one hundred and seventy-four, one hundred and thirteen were cast iu convention for Breckinridge and Lane ; and of the sixty-one remaining, fortyseven only were for Douglas. The rest did not participate in either convention. Let us go a little further, and look at their side. One hundred and thirteen Fremont electoral votes were cast in 1856. All but five of these were cast for Douglas. Eleven States gave their votes for Fremont, and nine of these were in the Rump convention. Well, that shows the regularity of the nominations and of the conventions. The one represented the Democracy; the other represented a combination of Douglasism and Republicanism. The one represented the principles of the Constitution ; the other represented plunder and odice. " ' But a little further, on this plea of regularity. They nominated Gov. Fitzpatrick upon the ticket with Douglas. First, they abandoned principle in doing so, for he had, in the Senate of the United States; spoken and voted against Douglas' dogma of " squatter sovereignty." He had also spoken in favor of and voted for the Senate caucus resolutions, which were directly antagonistic to Douglas' doctrine. He was too honest a man and too honorable a citizen to permit his name to remain on the ticket and in the connection in which they had placed it. He declined. Well how came Johnson there ? A dozen or fifteen jolly gentlemen assembled one evening in the dining room of the National HoteL, (where I board,) and they discovered that there was a nomination on the Douglas ticket lying around loose, and the difficulty wag to get gome one to take it up. Nobody would touch itTheir man, however, came forward and offered himself as the victim and a victim he will be. Who give the committee that power? You had not done o, neither had even the Rump convention itself.
Their party here and elsewhere, in accepting Johnson as their candidate for the office of Vice President, show just the same shameless disregard of principle as the convention did in nominating Fitzpatrick. Johnson is more opposed to them than Fitzpatrick himself.
He was sent to the convention upon a declaration of principles drawn up by himself, as you can easily ascertain, directly contradictory of the Douglas doctrineYet you Douglas men were willing to take him for Vice President. They took Douglas in the convention and they kicked his principles out of doors. This is shown not only in the nomination of Fitzpatrick and in the substitution of Johnson, but it is shown in the action of the convention itself. A reso lution was offered in that convention endorsing DougIas'Moctiine of an Inherent sovereign ' right in tho squatters in a territory, and it was voted down with scarcely the shadow of support. Not a Douglas paper have I seen publish that fact. They dare not tell the people that the convention which took him repudiated his principles with scorn. There are thousands of honest men who suppose that Judge Douglas stood upon this doctrine they suppose he was nominated to maintain that doctrine of his. A very grave error is this: a little inquiry will satisfy any one in upholding him they are only supporting a love, upon the part of some of his captains, of office and jobs. Some such men are now in my mind's eye. I have seen one or two of them in this crowd as I have passed my eyes over it. (Great applause.) You have been told, and I repeat it, that neither nomination is binding upon us, according to the rules and usages of the party. Neither set of candidates were nominated by a two-thirds vote. The conven tion was destroyed by the outrageous conduct of the Douglas men. They violated every principle of party usage, and every requirement of good faith and party obligation. They excluded, by brute force, tome twenty delegates or more, and they admitted at least that number that had no shadow of claim to seats in the convention. They admitted men to seats that had ; no more right there than the Canadians who pretend-! ed to represent Texas in the Chicago Republican con- j vention. They let men have seats who had no con-; i i . .1 . , i i. n .i .i . ! stituencics Demnu mem, anu nan oi ineui uure uui return home. There was no regular convention, after the division. As soon as the split occurred Gen. Cushing said there was no longer a national convention, and he left the Rump and went into the Breckinridge convention, and presided over it, and aided in the nomination of; the ticket, The nomination of either convention is not binding on us, any more than if the original con-j vention had been broken into half a dozen fragments and each had named candidates. They have presented names to us, and they leave us to choose between them. My choice is in favor of Breckinridge and Lane. . I prefer them because they, in their private career, have, shown themselves honest men and good citizens, while in public life they have shown themselves to be statesmen bevond renroach and above suspicion. I prefer them because in the military service of their j country they promptly responded to the call of patriotism, and were found where devotion was liable to be sealed with their hearts' blood. The courage of one of them is written indellibly upon his body, and writ- j ten, too, where no such certificate would ever be writ-; ten either upon the body of Douglas or Lincoln, if ; the long legs of the one, or the duck waddle ol the other could get him out of danger quick enough. (Laughter and applause.) I am opposed to Douglas because he is a political plagiarist. He has taken the political principles of others and altered them as he thought most convenient to the attainment of his ambitious ends, and then he asks to take out a caveat for his own benefit, and he uses them for his own purposes, and tries to ride into office upon them. He took hold of " popular sovereignty " when it was a very comely, full grown inan of goodly proportions, and lie made a wretched, knock-kneed, hump-backed, crooked creature of it, and called it " squatter sovereignty ! " That doctrine of popular sovereignty is the doctrine of Cass' letter to Nicholson. There he first found it, in 1848. It is the doctrine upon which we fought that canvass for Cass. It is the doctrine we have maintained to this day, and it is the doctrine we intend to maintain ; but it is also a doctrine that Mr. Douglas has repeatedly violated in the Senate, as every member that has served with him knows, and as I can prove from the record. This doctrine, in its purity, I maintained in every county and in almost every township in "The Bloody Ninth" long before Mr. Douglas was dreamed of as a candidate for the Presidency by anybody but himself. This doctrine and the kindred one of popular sovereignty he declares, no matter where or upon what occasion, in the Senate and in the Church, for aught I know certainly from the balconies of hotels, from railroad cars, in bar-saloons and in newspaper articles as " my doctrine," that underlies the Constitution. It would not, perhaps, be proper for a Senator of the United States to say of another Senator that he does not speak truth, but in claiming that doctrine, he lies under a very great mistake. (Uproarious laugh ter.) He took, as I told you, this doctrine of popular sovereignty, a full grown Democrat, and he has made a broken-backed, knock-kneed monster of it. (Applause.) When he first broached this doctrine in his Freeport speech, it was one by which he proposed to 1 accomplish a certain object indirectly, and that object j was to overthrow the Constitution of the United I States. He proposed to accomplish this indirectly, ' by "unfriendly legislation." He soon discovered that ! sort of half-way policy would not answer, and in his : Harpers' Magazine article, he came out and said that ' the Territories possessed, not only sovereignty, buti that they are secured in rights which make them superior to the States of the Union ; and also to the ! United States Supreme Court. j I am opposed to Mr. Douglas, because his connec-' tion with, and high position in our party heretofore, has brought us nothing but unmitigated and unmixed evil. Not a good measure has he ever introdued, ex-' cept it was coupled wfeh some error, which was, as he ' thought, calculated to cany out his auibitious schemes, j (Applause.) Twice before, he has divided and almost! mined our party, by his scheming for the formation of j a Douglas party to carry him to the Presidential chair, j Twice before, has he deprived us of a majority in Congress, greatly to the injury of the party, and much to1 the detriment of the best interests of the country! itself. Furthermore, he endeavored, by speech and j by his vote, to have you, the glorious Democracy of Indiana, represented by one full-blooded Republican i and a political mule. (Laughter.) Is it for this, you are asked to sustain him T I think you can elect Republicans, when you choose so to do, without his aid. If you choose to abandon your parry and its princi ples, and send Lane and that other fellow I have , forgotten his name to the Senate, too need not ask his aid to do it (Applause.) A Bystander Give us his whole history. Mr. Fifth It is nothing but history of unmitigated evil.
Voices "That is so," "Give us tho whole of it,"
" We will wait a week to hear it," &c. Mr. Fitch I have given you, in brief, not iu full my reasons for my opposition to Douglas and for my preference for Breckinridge and Lane. I prefer these latter, in part for the reasons I have given, but for another reason still, and this is a reason which rises far above mere personal considerations. I prefer them because the principles they represent are the princi ples of the Constitution I have sworn to maintain, and which I intend to maintain. They are denounced by tho Douglas men as disunionists. Breckinridge a disunionist? Coming from aline of ancestors whose services to this country are written upon more than one page of its history, he must do violence " to all his antecedents, as well as to the impulses of his own heart, before he performed one act or breathed one breath other than of the most devoted loyalty to the Union. He is truly one of God's noblest works an honest man. (Applause.) Lane a disunionist ? Let them who will make the charge go and find their answer on the bloody fields of Buena Vista, Huamantla and Atlixco. If falsehood was cantharides, every tongue that uttered that slander would be blistered so that it could not issue a distinct or decent utterance again. My colleague has spoken of the senate caucus res olutions. One of those resolutions contained a sentiment so indisputably correct that Judge Douglas dare not meet it with argument, hence he paraded his na ked declaration in opposition to it. The convention by which Breckinridge and Lane was nominated adopted it. It was voted for by every democrat in the senate, except Mr. Douglas himself, and even but few of the republican senators had tho hardihood to vote against it. It was introduced into and adopted by the Breckinridge Convention. Even " the Rump " dare not adjourn without adopting it, as they did in the Wicklilfe resolution, as it is called. Worse than that, Mr. Douglas himself adopts it as a sentiment in his letter of acceptance, as the bo.id which holds the government together. One day he is found denouncing it as having a disunion tendency, and the next day he endorses it as correct. Into such inconsistencies does a man alwavs find himself involv ed, when he, seeks to guide and govern his public acts to the fulfilment of his own selfish purposes. Into such inconsistencies does he fall when he seeks to ele vate himself from the condition of a political and pe cuniary bankrupt, by asking the people to place him in a position where he can pay both kinds of debts at the exp nse of the public treasury. I need not read that resolution. You have doubtless all seen it. It is the declaration that it is the duty of government to protect the citizen in all his rights of property. For what else is government created ? It should be created for nothing else than to protect the citizen in life, liberty, property and the pursuit of happiness. I say for what else should governments be created ? There are governments created and main tained for other purposes. The tyrannies of Austria and Napoleon are created by and maintained for the tyrants. The aristocratic government of England was created by and maintained for the aristocrat, but they are neither of them governments of equality. Hungary is not the equal in the estimation of Austria with herself. England docs not recognize Ireland as the equal of herself. The aristocrat never recognizes the people as his equal. We want no such government Yet because the Senate declared we did not want such a government, we are denounced as disunionisls. My friends, having spoken to a large crowd in Boone county, necessarily in the open air, a few days since, I do not find my voice in a condition to contitt ue at greater length. My voice, I find, is rapidly failing, so that it will be quite impossible for me to con tinue. I hope to have the pleasure of meeting you, individually or collectively, during this campaign. .You have spread your banner to the breeze, and I have girded on my armor, and intend to fight the battle to a successful issue, or I will be found buried beneath the banner in November next. It is immaterial to me 'vhotlier a compromise ticket is to be accepted or not. Such compromises have been attempted elsewhere, and they have failed. Douglas sent Richardson, a man more intimate with him than any other being, to Pennsylvania, to break up the compromise in that State, and he has done so, declaring (not Mr. Douglas, he is a little too sharp for that) that if his friendsare to shape their political course for the benefit of any man, it must be for Lincoln, and adding that he would five times rather vote for him than for Breckinridge. I left Washington, hopeful that we were to carry tho States of Indiana, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. I knew that the arrangement sought to be made would not benefit Douglas any, but I was in hopes that we would carry them, if we could carry them at all, for Breckinridge, or that we could throw the election into the House. Douglas knew well thai he could not go there. There, possibly, there would be no electionThen the election would go to that body of which Douglas and the Republicans say I am a bogus member, but which I will continue to be a member of long enough to make Joe Lane President of the United States. Much applause. For if the House cannot elect, tlien whoever we elect Vice President on the 4th of March, will be President of the United StatesApplause. Hopeful of this result, scarcely had I reached my home, until the newspapers told me the Douglas men were fighting against that arrangement and it is broken up. It matters not, then, if the proposition is accepted here or not. We need more votes than Indiana can give. What a glorious contrast is presented by the pas public career of our candidates when compared with the candidates opposed to them. Go back to the period of the Mexican war. While Douglas was scheming and planning for the formation of a Douglas party, and looking to the attainment of his selfish ends, and while Lincoln was in Congress voting against appropriations for the support of the army in Mexico, Breckinridge and Lank were with the soldiers, leading them iu triumph either to victory or to death, not caring, as I honestly believe, which, so long as the honorand glory of theircountry were promoted. Douglas was manifesting his prominent trait, supreme self- j ishncss ; while Lincoln was showing his anti-American sectionalism and semi-treasonable programme, and Breckinridge and Lane were in the field, fighting your battles, and daily and hourly offering their lives in defense of your honor. Between such men, can you pause when choosing ? The Douglas men tell us they are going to carry every State in the Union ! Derisive laughter and a yelL They are going to carry 'all the world and the rest of mankind." Renewed laughter. Where is their strength ? I tell you, my friends, that on the Tuesday night of the next November election, voting for Douglas stops, and when the several colleges assemble during the ensuing winter at the several State capitols, not a ballot will be taken from the box with Douglas' name on it. Applause. Where k his strength ? He said he intended to do with one of the Senators from Delaware a be threatened to do with
myself and colleague crush us out. I told him to put his crushing machinery in operation. That I knew there was such machinery among the gold mines, and if ha had any, he should put it in operation at once, and if ever he should crush us, he would find some democratic gold, but I Vas much afraid ho would find even the quartz too hardV5fueh laughter and applause. He was going to crush Mr. Bayard, and so he called a Douglas Convention at Wilmington, and two men came one rung the bell, and the other lighted the lamps, and then they adjourned because of a disagreement. Much laughter. The boasts of these Douglas men remind me of the progress of tho boat on the Mississippi, when it was attempting to stem the current and bend. The captain lay to at a wood-yard, and bought a small quantity of wood of a negro that was attending there, and went to bed, thinking all was right Soon he was waked up and told that they were nearly out of wood. He run ashore, found a wood pile and a negro to attend it. He bought two or three cords of wood, just enough, as he supposed, to last him to get round the bend. They put out. Wheeze ! wheeze ! and blow! blowl to get up that current, and he went again to bed. About midnight they waked him up again. They ran the boat into shore, found a wood pile and a negro. He bought a few more cords, and put out again. The same operation was gone through with, and, as he supposed, they run into another wood pile, and they found, as they thought, another negro, and the captain getting tired of it, asked how much he would take for all the pile; said the nigger, " Gorra, massa, let you have it the same as (le res." " The rest," said the captain ; " you don't say I have been here before ?" "Ya 1 ya !" laughed out the negio "you hab been here twice afore," and so he had. He never got past the same wood pile and
the same negro, (Laughter) and Douglas won't either, j (Applause and laughter.) This that I have said may be charged to personal feeling because he voted against me. I did not care the drop of my hat for his vote, for I knew he was powerless. He has become known in the Senate of the United Senate as an agitator and a demagogue. ! (Applause.) This' brings me to another reason of my opposition j to Douglas, lie made an alliance with the Republi-: cans, the conditions of which were that they were to ! return him to the Senate, and he was to help them on j demand. The Republicans of Illinois refused to ratify the bargain, although pressed to do so by Greeley, Colfax and others; but he has faithfully performed his part of the conditions. From that day to this he has been playing into the hands of .the Republican party and seeking to destroy us. From that day to this nine of every ten of his votes have been with the Republicans, and when he has been afraid to vote with them he has been tired, sick or faint in legislative parlance, he has dodged. (Applause and laughter-) :,.'".' I cared nothing about his vote, for I knew he was powerless, but I saw that he was an agitator, endeavoring either to rule or to ruin, and now in pursuance of this disposition and of this policy, instead of coming here to-day, or instead of going down South and drinking good honest Bourbon whisky, (laughter.) he has gone among the Yankees in New England, drinking black-strap and making free-soil speeches. A few words of thanks directed to the crowd in return for their patient listening concluded his remarks. Monroe Co., Ind., July SI, 1860, Mr. Editor: I have seen one or two numbers of the Old Line Guard, and like it very much indeed. We have a great many Breckinridge men m this county ; but they, like myself, have been still. The Democratic party is in a bad fixtliat's certain. I have stood by the administration up to the Charleston and Baltimore Conventions. When the Convention broke up without a regular nomination we have been in a quandary. I first thought I would go for Douglas for policy ; but I see its no use. I know Indiana can not be carried for him. . That's certain. The only way is compromise, like the Pennsylvania plan. I hope it will be presented at our State Convention. If so, and it is not accepted, I am done with Douglas and all his crew. If the Douglas men won't compromise, let them go. We hardly know what to :lo in regard to the State ticket Some say thev are Breckinridge and some say " Dug." But I don't care much myself; yet there ! is a great many of our Democratic friends that are ; willing for them to play mum, if they can be satisfied j that they are really for the defeat of Lincoln, and ; therefore we wish to know from them or from the Edi-! tor of the Guard, whether they are in favor of a. Compromise Electoral Ticket, or whether they are for ; war to the knife against the Breckinridge men. I see j you have got the State Ticket up. Some of your I friends don't like that; but we suppose you did it for ! policy. If thev don't give us a fair show, my advice i is to take them down. Old Liner. ! For the Old Line Guard, i Mr. Editor: The Sentinel is out in another article, : reiterating the charge that I drank eight gallons of lager beer in twelve hours, on a wager, and topped off with a bottle of brandy. He says, further, that if Ij connived, &c., " I ought in common honesty to return : tho wager I pocketed." On the occasion referred to, ' I was invited to the saloon of Mr. Rhodius,by his wife,' late in the evening. She said, " Mr. Deitz, for God's sake, come along with me in Mr. Shoefer's hack, to our saloon, and drink a couple of glasses of beer, so the j folks can see you there, and if you don't come along ' my husband will lose over seventy dollars. She said, ; 'I have mixed up one or two gallons of beer with water, in a keg.' When ,1 arrived at the saloon it was pretty ; much crowded, all waiting for the keg-of-beer drink-; ing. Mr. E. Harris and I were sitting together on ' the table, and in the space of two hours, which is all : the time I stayed, I drank not more than seven or j eight glasses. Nobody can say that I drank a drop of! brandy on that occasion. I made no bet, and put no' money in my pocket. The Sentinel account is wholly J untrue, and I would not notice it all, were it not done j for political effect. I request the Sentinel to copy this i communication. It is easy to take away a man's character, but sometimes difficult to restore it. ADAM DEITZ. A VOICE FROM GREEN COUNTY. Pleasant Ridge, August 1. Mr. Editor: Enclosed I send you one dollar for a copy of your paper. I want the paper forwarded as soon as possible. I think I will be able to get you a number of subscribers in a short time. Jackson Township, Green County, Indiana, ill give a big majority for Johx C BRECsnrKrDGE and Joseph Lane ' at the November election. I pledge you my word and honor that we give John C. BREcrrNjtroGE 100 majority over all others. Taylor Township, Green county, will go for Breckinridge, and so willall sewible Old Line Democrats,1 I remain yours, trulv, ELZA RILEY. 1
THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC COMMITTEE. The Washington Constitution publishes the following as the names of the National Democratic Committee, consisting of one member from each State, appointed at the Convention which met at the Maryland Institute, on tho 23d of June, 1860. The names of the post offices where they reside are also given : Maino Moses McDonald . . .Portland. N. Hampshire. . .Paul R. George. . . .Contocook. Vermont II. E. Stoughton .... Bellows Falls. Massachusetts .. .Isaac H. Wright. . .Boston. -Rhode Island. . . . W. B. Lawrence. . .Newport. - Connecticut Wm. W. Eaton .... Hartford. -"' New York Augustus Schell . . .New York City. New Jersey John C. Rafferty. . .N.Germantown -f Pennsylvania.. . . Thos. B. Florence. . Philadelphia. Delaware Wm. G. Whiteley. .New Castle, i Maryland C. S. Stansbury . . .Rossville. Virginia Wm. II. Clark ..... Halifax, C. H. N. Carolina Sam'l P. Hill Yanceyville. S. Carolina .... A. P. Calhoun .... .Walhalla. Georgia E. J. McGcehce . . . Perry. Florida Geo. W. Call Fernandina. Alabama T.J.Burnett Greeneville. Mississippi Joseph R. Davis . . . Canton.
Louisiana. ...... F. H. Hatch . . . . .New Orleans. . .PineBlmT. . .Boston. Arkansas R. W. Johnson . Texas ...II. R. Runnells . Missouri. Hunter Ohio W. S. V. Prentiss. .Columbus. Michigan Cornel's O. Flynn . . Detroit. Wisconsin. Dr. O. Everts Hudson. , Iowa Herman H. Heth. .Dubuque Minnesota b ranklm Steele . California D. S. Gregory . . . Oregon Lansing Stout. . . Indiana Win. H. Talbot. . Illinois... H, S. Fitch . Kentucky Henry C. Harris. Tennessee John C. Burch.. . . St. Paul's. ' ; . . Santa Cruz. ..Portland. . . Indianapolis. . . Chicago. . . Covington. . .Nashville. M. W. Clusky, Washington, D. C, Samuel P. Hill, Yanceyville, N. C, and Franklin Steele, Si. Paul's, Minn., Secretaries. Tt will be noticed by the official publication of the Resident Secretaries that Henry C. Harris is the committee man from the State of Kentucky. The Douglas Democracy have the same gentleman on their committee, with the addition of the two letters O and N to his name. We learn both are intended for one and the same man. Mr. Harris has been uniformly opposed to the nomination of Judge Douglas, and since the candidacy of the latter has made a speech against his election. ISST John L. Robinson never made a truer remark than when he said that " the Cincinnati Enquirer is not a reliable Democratic newspaper." For example, the Enquirer says that Douglas will be elected by as large an electoral vote as Pierce was in 18521 And . that Breckinridge will get only 1,000 votes in Indiana ! This is as near the truth as we could expect from a Black Republican newspaper sailing under the colors of Democracy. What more could we expect from a paper which rejoices in the supposed defeat of the Democratic party in Oregon ? IJiT Is it entirely fair in a public journal to ridicule the mis-pronunciation of one word a mere slip of the tongue in a speech by a United States Senator? This would do for the official critic of a boys' debating society ; but ought to be beneath the dignity of the Douglas State organ. (" The Breckinridge men of Putnam county have nominated the following candidates for the Legislature : Senator, James G. Martin ; Representatives, Dr. Hiram R. Pitchlynn and Patrick Haney. PROSPECTUS. The Old Line Guard will be published three times a week, on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays, of each week, until after the Presidential Election, by Elder & Harkness, Indianapolis, Indiana. A. B. Carlton, Esq., Editor. It will advocate the election of those true, tried, and patriotic Statesmen, JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, of " Old Kentucky," AND GENERAL JOE LANE, of Oregon, for the Presidency and Vice Presidency. A period has arrived in the history of the old, time-honored Democratic Party, when it becomes the solemn duty of those who love principle more than men, to take counsel of their judgments, rather than personal preferences and prejudices, and stand forth calmly, firmly, and fearlessly in defence of the right. We feel that we are doing this in nailing to our mast-head the colors of Breckinridge and Lane, with the platform of principles they have declared in their letters of acceptance, and using all honorable means to insure their election. In the language of our candidate for President, let us stand by the " Constitution, and the Equality of the States ! These are symbols of everlasting Union. Let these be the rallying cry of the people. " All persons friendly to the election of Breckinridge and Lane, are requested to interest themselves in extending the circulation of the Guard, as the most effective means of aiding in their election. It will keep its readers posted in all the political news of the day, and its aim is to disseminate correct information and dispel error. Let the Guard have a large circulation it will be a valuable aid in the canvass. TEK MS. One copy, until after the Presidential Election, One Dollar. Eleven copies, for Ten Dollars. Tbe money must accompany the subscription, in all cases. Back numbers are sent to new subscribers, in all cases, when we have them. Address, ELDER & IIARKN" India
