Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 7, Indianapolis, Marion County, 2 August 1860 — Page 1

rm rr H A. THE CONSTITUTION, THE UNION, AND THE EQUALITY OF THE STATES!

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THE OLD LINE GUARD. TS PUBLISHED TRI -WEEKLY, It Y EIDKII A; HAKKIVESS. TEH 3Vt , SI.OO, until nficr the Presidential Election. In advance, in all cases. Advertisements inserted at the usual rates. MR. STEVENS' MINORITY REPORT. At the request of several of our subscribers, we publish the admirable report of the minority of the Committee on Credentials appointed by the late Baltimore Convention. It contains such a fund of arguments and facts; that we are constrained to believe that it will be found one of the most effective documents that can be placed in the hands of those of our friends who intend going into the fight for Breckinridge and Lank : Mr. Stevens, of Oregon I rise, Mr. President, to present the report of a minority of the Committee on Credentials, and I will proceed to read it. THE MINORITY REPORT. To the President of the Democratic National Convention : Sin : We, the undersigned, members of the Comm'tlee on Credentials, feci constrained to dissent from many of the views and a large portion of the action of the majority ot the Committee in respect to uie rignts rf rli.lotriites fn se;ir,s re 'erred to them bv the Conven tion, and to respectfully recommend the adoption of the following resolutions : 1. Resolved, That B. F. Hallett is entitled to a seat in this Convention, as a delegate from the 5th Congressional District of the State of Massachusetts. 2. Resolved, That Johnson B. Gardee is entitled to a seat in the Convention as a delegate from the 6th Congressional District of the State of Missouri. 3. Resolved, That James A. Bayard and William G. Whiteley are entitled to seats in this Convention as delegates from the State of Delaware. 4. Resolved, That the delegation headed by 11. W. Johnson are entitled to seats in this Convention as delegates from the State of Arkansas. 5. Resolved, That the delegation of which Guy M. Bryan is chairman, are entitled to seats in this Convention from the State of Texas. G. Resolved, That the delegation of which John Tarleton is chairman are entitlod to seats in this Convention as delegates from the State of Louisiana. 7. Resolved, That the delegation of which L. P. Walker is chairman are entitled to seats in this Convention as delegates from the State of Alabama. 8. Resolved, That the delegation of which Henry L. Benning is chairman, are entitled to seats in this Convention as delegates from the State of Georgia. 9. Resolved, That the delegates from the State of Florida accredited to the Charleston Convention are invited to take seats in this Convention and cast the vote of the State of Florida. The principles involved in these resolutions, and the facts on which they rest, are of such gravity and moment that we deem it due to the Convention and to ourselves to set them forth with care and particularity. We differ radically from the majority of the committee, both in much of the action we recommended to the Convention, and the principles which should control such action. It is a question not simply of integrity, but the existence of the Democratic party in several States of the Union. It is a question whether the Democratic party in said States shall be ostracized and branded as unworthy of affiliation with the national organization. It is a question whether persons irregularly called, or withdrawing from the regular Convention, shall have the sanction of the National Convention, to raise ganizations. It is a question, whether the Convention itself shall repudiate its own deliberate action at Charleston. We do not magnify the importance of these questions when we assert that upon their proper solution depends the fact as to whether there shall be a National Democratic party or not. The task will not be difficult to show that the action recommended by the majority of the Committee is grossly inconsistent, and should be reprobated and condemned by this Convention. But to the task, without further preamble. Reserving to the closing portion of this report the car : ses of contested seats in the Massachusetts and Missouri delegations, we come at once to the cases of the delegates who withdrew from the Charleston Convention. This Convention, on the eve of its adjournment at Charleston, and in the great cause of the restoration of harmony to our distracted party, "respectfully recommended to the Democratic party of the several States to make provisions for supplying all vacancies in their respective delegations to this convention when it sliall re-assemble." We call particular attention to the wording of the resolution. Certain delegates had withdrawn. They had pla1 il, . ; . t,n .i .-.. ! Iwi! f iv! t lul p:i ml CCU 111 tllC uumrilliuil Hie itnsuiiout ii.v. ,,.... ....... They still, however, were the representatives of the Democratic party of their several States. Their withdrawal was not a resignation. It was not so considered bv the convention. The vacancies referred to had , reference to the contingency of vacancies at the time of re-assembling, and the resolution proposed to provide for supplying them. The convention did not presume to touch the question as to whether the withdrawal of the delegates constituted a resignation, nothad it any right to interfere in the matter. A resignation must be made to the appointing power, and, to be complete and final, must be accepted by the appointing power. It was well known on the adjournment of the convention at Charleston, that the withdrawing delegates desired the instruction of their several constituencies before deciding on their future course. Such was the spirit, and purpose of their deliberations at Charleston. They consulted their respective constituencies. In every case except the case of South Carolina, their constituencies directed or authorized them the vacancies being filled as contemplated in the resolution of the convention to repair to Baltimore, and there in earnest efforts with their brethren of the convention, to endeavor once more to unite the party, and promote harmony and peace in the great cause of their country. The resolution of the convention did not prejudice the question, since so strenuously raised, that their withdrawal was a resignation, but lelt the whole question to the said delegates, and their respective constituencies, to the end that every State of this Union might be represented at Baltimore. The committee has passed resolutions, declaring by a vote of 16 to 5, that the delegation from Louisiana, headed by Pierre Sonle, by a vote of 14 to 11, that the delegation from Alabama, headed by L. E. Parsons, and by a vote of 13 to in, that half of each delegation claiming seats from Georgia, are entitled to seats in the convention. The resolutions recommended by the undersigned to the convention, declare the right of the delegations elected to Charleston, with vacancies supplied, as contemplated in the resolution of the convention to which reference has been made, anil accredited to Baltimore to said seats. The committee which thus recommend the irregular delegates from these States, bave rejected the irregular delegates front Delaware, and admitted the Charleston delegates. It lias admitted irregular delegates from Arkansas, and rejected a portion of the Charleston delegates, as modified by the filling of vacancies. It has admitted

INDIANAPOLIS,

the (Charleston) delegates from Mississippi by a vote of 23 to 2, and the (Charleston) delegates from Texas by a vote of 1 9 to G. The fact that delegations are not contested, does not establish the right to seats in the convention. There may be. irregular delegates without contest, and there may be a contest between two sets of irregular delegates. The right of persons to seats as delegates is to be detcimined by the fact as to whether they were appointed by the constituency which they claim to represent and appointed according to the usages of said constituency. Wanting these essential pre-requisites, theare not entitled to seats, even if there be no contestants ; and having these, their right to scats is not impaired or affected by contestants. . The committee, in deciding by a vote of 23 to 2 that the Charleston delegates from Mississippi are entitled to seats in the Baltimore convention, have decided rightly, just, because they were duly accredited to Charleston, have never sinco resigned, and have received instructions trom the State of Mississippi, through a convention called of the Democratic executive committee of the State, to return to Baltimore. The Charleston delegates, both from Alabama and Georgia, stand in precisely the same position. They were also duly accredited to Charleston. They withdrew, and never resigned. They returned to their respective constituencies. The Executive Committees in these States, as in the caso of Mississippi, called a convention of the party. The convention met. The delegates, as in the case" of Mississippi, submitted their action to the conventions, and these conventions approved their course, continued their powers, and accredited them to Baltimore. Their rights stand on precisely the same basis, and are sustained by the same authority as in Mississippi. The contestants were appointed by no body authorized to meet according to the usages of the party in these States, and are not entitled to any consideration whatever. In the case of Alabama, the Convention assembled on the call of the Democratic Executive Committee ( addressed to the Democracy of the State) was very largely attended, nearly every county in the State having been representee:. A smau numoer or persons, however, issued a notice, which was published in only three newspapers in the State in two papers the notice was without signatures, and in the thu d pader (Mobile Register) it was signed by John Forsyth and thirty-five others. The notice in one paper called upon all Democrats and all other persons in the second naner upon Democrats and all conservatives, and in the third paper (Mobile Register) upon the people of Alabama, to hold county meetings ana send delegates to a State Convention to be held in Montgomery or Selma, the 4th of June, to appoint delegates to Baltimore. Twenty-eight counties out of fifty were represented. It was the coming together of persons from all parties outside of the regular organization to strike down the Democracy of the State. It was a call without any official authority whatever. We thus find the Democracy of the State assembling in Convention according to the usages of the party, and we find, at the same time, persons assembling at the call of unauthorized individuals. In the former case the whole State was represented. In the latter about half of the State. Yet a maioritv of the Cominitttee have endorsed the action of the latter as the action of the Democracy of Alabama, and have repudiated, contrary to all precedent, usage, right and justice, the action of the former; not only tins, tney nave repuuiateu me pnuuipes in their own action in the case of the Mississippi delegation, . But the action of a majority of the committee, in the case of Georgia, has gone one step further in its disregard of the acknowledged principles of the party. The Convention, which the Committee put oiran equality with the regularly authorized Convention, consisted in a great part of persons who had just particinated in the regular Democratic Convention of the State. The regular called Convention consisted of nearly four hundred delegates, representing nearly aa the counties of the State. The resolutions of the convention having been adopted by a vote of 299 to 41, these latter withdrew from the Convention, and organized anew. Thus the majority of your committee have exalted the pretensions of less than oneeighth of the delegates of the State Convention to an equality with the rights of seven-eighths of the Democracy of the State. In the case of Louisiana, the old Convention, which originally appointed the delegates to Charleston, was re-assembled on the call of the Executive Committee of the State, and by a decisive majority accredited the Charleston delegates to Baltimore. The reasons for this action have their parallels in the cases of Texas and Delaware, which have received the sanction of the committee. In Texas the delegates came back accredited by the Democratic Executive Committee, simply it being a manifest impossibility, from want of time, to assemble the party in a State Convention; and in Delaware, under the usages and rules of the party, the old Convention was re-assembled. In Louisiana there was time to assemble the old Convention, but not for an election of delegates in the several parishes to meet a new convention. The Executive Committtee did everything it could to get the expression of the views of the State. It re-assembled the old Convention, nearly every parish in the State being represented, and accredited the Charleston delegates to Baltimore. But the Convention, whose delegates to Baltimore have been endorsed by the majority of your committee, was called at the instance of two local organizations, and of Dr. Cottman, a former member of the National Executive Committee of the party. The calls were somewhat conflicting. The notice did not reach many parishes in the State. Only twenty-one parishes out of the thirty-nine are pretended to be represented, and in several of these there is no reason to doubt the fact that the delegates did not leave behind them a single constituent agreeing with them in sentiments. In not a single parish was this call responded to by a majority of the Democratic voters. The Convention only represented a very small portion of the party it was' totally irregular, besides. The majority of the committee object to the action of the old Convention on its re-assembling at the call of the Executive Committee, on the ground that it was defunct and could not be brought to life. Yet it endorses the action of the other Convention on the call in part of the equally defunct member of the National Committee, Dr. Cottman. The following the usage of Delaware, by the Executive Committee of Louisiana, though manifestly a necessity for the reasons stated, has no weight as a precedent with this majority. Conceding their ground of its being irregular, seats as delegates should be given to the body called by the regular authority, and not by the body assembled by no responsible authority whatever, and especially when the foimer represented the great body of the party, and the latter did not. All these considerations, however, have been disregarded by the majority of the committee, who have persisted by a vote of sixteen to nine to award the seats as delegates to the representatives of the disorganizing minority convention. In the case of Arkansas, tlie majority of the committee propose to divide out the seats to all applicants. In this State the Democratic rrty were about assembling in their district conventions, consisting of delegates from the several counties of the State, for the nomination of members of Congress, when their delegates returned from Charleston. As in Texas, there was not time for the assembling of a State convention. In these district conventions delegates were selected to represent the party at Baltimore. A call was, however, issued in a Memphis paper, without any signature whatever, calling upon the people of the northern district to assemble in mass meeting at Madison to elect delegates to Baltimore. Some four or five hundred men, from ten to twelve counties, thus assembled and appointed three delegates to Baltimore, The majority of the committee propose to allow these men to vote in the convention. There are twenty-seven counties and 25,000 voters in the district. Col. Hindman, a delegate elected by the district convention to Baltimore, was elected to Confrress in 3 858 by 18,000 majority, and was unanimousy re-nominated by the convention which selected him as a delegate to Baltimore. Thesc fact show the sig

INDIANA, THURSDAY, AUGUST 2, 1860

nificance of the action of the district convention in electing delegates to Baltimore, as representing truly the sentiment of a Democratic party of the district, and they exhibit the utter insignificance of the anonymously called convention J for it will be borne in mind that it was held at the central point, at the western terminus of the railroad from Memphis, and where several stage and wagon routes meet. They were elected as delegates generally from the State to the national convention with the hope that they might get in without any definite claim. " In Massachusetts and Missouri the contests are between principals now holding their seats and substitutes who held their places at Charleston. In each case the principal was detained at home by sickness in his family. In each case the principal gave notice to his substitute that he should take his seat at Baltimore. The majority of the committee hold that the principals, elected as such by the proper conventions, are not entitled to their seats, and have reported accordingly. We hold that a substitute is appointed simply to act in the absence of the principal, and that his au thority ceases whenever the principal makes his appearance and takes his seat. We emphatically declare pearanci that such has en the invariable usage iu all convens of the party, whether National or State, and tions that it is based on reason and the representative prin ciple. All of which is respectfully submitted. , Isaac L. Stevens, Oregon, A. R. Speek, New Jersey, II. M. North, Pennsylvania, Jonv H. Bewley, Delaware, E. W. Hubbard, Virginia, B. R. BiunoEKS, North Carolina, Wm. II. Carroll, Tennessee. GborgeH. Morrow, Kentucky, D. S. Gregory, California. COTTON AND THE CONSTITU TION --THE RELATIONS OF POLITICS, INDUSTRY AND TRADE. The programme of the present political campaign is being rapidly narrowed down to tne single issue uetween the parties, and the politicians perceive more elearlv everv day the futility of endeavoring to range the people upon abstract questions of distant and doubtful results, when tne very existence oi coiion and the constitution is at stake. Herein lies the mistake of the political managers and wire-pullers. They believed that the masses could be bound to party allegiance and party maneuvers, the sole object of which is to obtain or secure possession of the spoils by sentimental appeals and nirt abstract distinctions. They forget the intimate relation that exists between the material interests of the country and the stability ot its principles at government the electric chain that binds the principles and the pockets of voters. Nowhere has a government of a party ever been able to obtain a permaneut establishment when the policy which animated it has been in direct antagonism with the interests of production and trade. Before these, all ideas and theories must recede, for political, and religious theories depend alike upon the material welfare of the people for their observance. The hungry man will attend to the needs of the body before those" of the soul, and he who is pressed by poverty will provide for himself in preference to alleviating his neighbor, It is upon these immutable principles that the intimate relations between cotton and the constitution stand. During the present year the Southern States have produced and exported, in round numbers, four and a half millions bales of cotton, valued at two hundred and twenty-five millions of dollars while yet in its crude state, and before the merchant, the mariner, or the manufacturer had put a hand to it to double, triple and quadruple its value to men. From this fountain flows an immense stream of employment and profit, which creates and quickens innumerable branches in all parts of the country. The ship owners and the-manufacturers of New England, the merchants and mechanics of New York, and the manufacturers and miners of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, all draw no small portion of their daily wages and profits from the stream that rises in the cotton fields of the South, it tne constitution snotuu oe lmeipicucu and administered by zealots or fanatics in a sense adverse to cotton, it would be the constitution, and not the cotton, that would be in danger. In this, cotton is only symbolical of a thousand other interests, and all of these would naturally rouse themselves to the effort of self-preservation. This is the operation that is now going on in the commercial, manufacturing and mining States. The political contest is being stripped of all the abstractions, humbugs and fallacies that professional politicians have so Ions hampered party organizations with, and we are coming down to the great sub-stratum of principle that underlies all parties. All the hungry spoilsmen that switched off from the true line of constitutional interpretation with Douglas and the antiLecompton men, are pouring into the Black Republican camp to assist in the revolutionary and destructive abolition assault upon the constitution, while, on the other hand, the thousands of merchant, manufacturers, miners and mechanics, freed from the dead issues of Whiggery, Know Nothingism and Abolitionism, are coming up to the support ot Breckinridge and the interpretation of the constitution in a manner just and protective to the equal interests of all. These are the only live principles that exist in the present contest, and before November every man will find himself impelled by the increasing impulse of the day to declare for one or other of the only two representative men Breckinridge or Lincoln. The same working is visible in all other parts of the country, though not yet with the same intensity as where the quick pulses of commerce and industry run. j In every State in the Union, government as well as j people have felt themselves compelled to pause and j see where we are going to. This lias broken up all j the old parties, for in them much was found to con- j demn. The Democratic party organizations broke j down under the weight of their corruption and rascal- j ity ; the Know Nothing leaders have lost their power ' to trade away their followers, and the mack Ivepublicans have been compelled to lower their tone and recede from their ultra positions by the very fear of desertion by their followers. Seward's position as a party leader was strong and marked in his brutal and bloody speech in 1858; in 1859 he fell back to a much more "conservative position; and where he will stand in 18G0 is not yet known. It was cotton and the constitution that forced him and his party to a partial retreat, and which is to-day operating everywhere among the people to the overthrow of the black designs of the abolitionists and their Republican allies and abettors. K 11 Herald. . , Important, if True. It was reported at a Hons-; ton meeting in this city the other evening that Mr. j Everett, displeased with the doings of the Union par- i ty managers of this State, had half made up his mind j to withdraw in disgust from this unprofitable campaign. We hope that tliere was good ground for this report, j and that the next authentic news from Mr. Everett j will be that he has withdrawn. He is a good Union : man, but in his present position be is in the way, and j cnnot do one-half the good for the Union which he : might do if his hands were untied, so tliat he could re-! sume the patriotic contributions to the New York j Ledger. X. Y. Herald. f 2 It is advertised in a New York paper that from! five to ten thousand dollars are ready at the New York Hotel to stake that Breckinridge and Lane will carry Louisiana against Douglas and the field. -r It has been often announced, recentlv, that there was now no survivor of the ttattle of Bunker HilL The Boston Journal corrects the statement. Ealph Farnham, of Acton, Me., is still living at the age of 104, hale and hearty.

PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN. NEW YORK. . A friend has sent us the Ovid (Seneca county) Bue, of the 11th and 18th inst, in which we find articles strongly recommending co-operation between the different orders of national men" in' the State of New York, for the defeat of " Old Abe " and the. Spoliation

party at Albany. ; .: .: . ' : .. PENNSYLVANIA. : : : : J The following ' Democratic papers in Pennsylvania advocate union and harmony, upon one electoral j ticket : : The Jeffersonian . . Chester County. j National Evening Argus. . Philadelphia. " j Gazette and Democrat. . .Berks county. . j Adler, (German) .... ... Berks. ! Juniata Register... ...Juniata. I Easton Sentinel.. , . ... .Northampton. j Easton Argus. ... . . Northampton. j Danville Intelligencer ...Montour. Democratic Standard .... Schuylkill. Norristown Register.. . . . .Montgomery. (German) Montgomery. Tine Democrat Mifflin. Democratic Standard. . . .Bucks. Democratic Sentinel. .. . .Cambria. The Mountain Echo ..... Cambria. Selinsgrove Times... ..... Snvder. Berwick Gazette. ...... .Columbia. Columbia Democrat. ... .Columbia. ; Star of the North... .... .Columbia. Erie Observer. ........ .Erie. Lebanon Advertiser... . . .Lebanon. Philadelphia Democrat. . .Philadelphia. Pennsylvanian, ........ .Philadelphia. Sullivan Democrat . Sullivan. York Gazette York. York County Press. .... .York. Patriot and Union.. .... . Harrisbuvg. Gettysburg Compiler. ... Adams. Butler Herald ....Butler. Carbon Democrat... ...Carbon. Clearfield Republican .... Clearfield. ; Wayne County Herald ... Wavne. Milford Herald .Pike. Lancaster Intelligencer. .. Lancaster. Carlisle Volunteer. , .... Cumberland. Grecnsburg Democrat. . .Westmoreland. Montrose Democrat . . . . . Susquehanna. Monroe Democrat. ..... .Monroe. Lewisburg Chronicle .... Union. Allentown Democrat ....Lehigh. Clinton Democrat. ...... Clinton. Bellefonte Watchman. ... Centre. Centre Bereichter, (Ger.)Centre. Huntingdon Union Huntingdon. Washington Examiner. . .Washington. Crawford Democrat ..... Crawford. Clarion Democrat. . . ...Clarion. M'Kean Democrat M'Kean. Tioga Democrat ........ Tioga. Venango Spectator. .... .Venango. True Democrat .Juniata. Fulton Democrat ...... .Fulton. Democratic Register. ... .Mercer. Republican, (German). . .Lehigh. Of these papers, as far as we have been able to classify them, fourteen support Douglas, fourteen support Breckinridge, and the remainder have as yet expressed no preference. Harrisburg Patriot and Union. CONNECTICUT. ; The proposition which has been informally submitted to the people, and which has met with very general approval, is, that an electoral ticket shall be made up of equal numbers of Douglas and Breckinridge men; and, if elected, they shall be pledged to give their votes to either that they can elect ; and, if their votes will elect neither, then vote as they please. If the six votes of Connecticut will elect Mr. Douglas, let him have them; if they will elect Mr. Breckinridge, give them to him. We don't believe there are many Democrat? in Connecticut who would rather see Lincoln President in preference to either Breckinridge or Douglas. We firmly believe that if our forces are united, we shall ! redeem old Connecticut this fall. Northern Register. GEORGIA. The Brunswick True Democrat, which commenced life a few weeks ago as an independent paper, has hoisted the Breckinridge and Lane flag. LOUISIANA. The New Orleans Courier invites Miles Taylor to resign and try his chances for Congress in the Second i District, which chances, it thinks, are about equal to! those of Douglas carrying the State. j DELAWARE. i The Democracy ot Kent county met in Dover on ! the 19th inst., James L. Heverin, chairman. Resolu-i tions declaring that the Democratic party is the only j existing political organization capable of resisting the j encroachments of the Republican party, and counter-j acting the dangerous and destructive effects and i blighting influences of their abolition teachings ; that i it is the duty of the Democrats of Delaware to take ! united and harmonious action, and that, therefore, but! one electoral ticket ought to be supported, werej adopted. Fifty delegates were elected to the State : Convention. i ALABAMA. j One of the Douglas men, in writing to his friend, I says, Hilliard has forsaken us. Yes, and Mr. Hilliard ; is not all that are forsaking the sinking fortunes of j Douglas. A gentleman writing from Montgomery, I says urecKiunage win noi lose one ueraocrai in a ; hundred, and will get two-thirds of the Americans, i A gentleman who knows, says that it is confidentially believed that Calhoun county, the county of. Col. Thomas Cooper, of which the Douglas men boasted before the convention, will give Breckinridge a majority of from 1,500 to 2,000. Another, the division in Sumter, Green and Tnsca-; loosa, is not Douglas and Breckinridge, but Breckin-; ridge and Bell. j In North Alabama, where are Houston and Cobb, j of whom the Douglas men boasted ? They are for j Breckinridge, as we learn. I The Montgomery Advertiser says: "We could fill our paper every day with responses from every por-; tion of Alabama to the nomination of Breckinridge ; and Lane. The Democracy in no county have hesi-j tated in ratifying that ticket, or will fail to work ardu- j ously for its support till November. Every week we hear of accessions to our ranks from the opposition and from those who have been put down for the bogus nominees, Douglas and Johnson." GEORGIA. The Savannah RepuUican (Bell and Everett) pub- ; lishes the following : Dear Sir: AVe held an election on board of the steamer Augusta, Monday last, and the following was the result : Bell and Everett. ...42 Breckinridge and Lane. 37 Douglas aud Johnson 4 Lincoln and Hamlin 2 Total. .85 Bell and Everett lacking onlr one of the majority : of the whole. Yours. &c, PASSENGER. ' Prospect for Quail at the South-Wept. A: gentleman writing upon business from Knoxville, ; Tennessee, informs us that there is every prospect of an abundance of quail in that neighborhood next fall, j He says they are to be heard in almost every field, j and that capit.d shooting may be had there in the ; seanon. Wiltf'n Spirit.

NO 7

THE BRECKINRIDGE MOVEMENT IN NEW YORK A S TATE CONVENTION CALLED. We publish to-day from the Breckinridge State Committee of New York, recently appointed, a call for a State convention at Syracuse; on Tuesday, the -7th of August, of the supporters of Breckinridge and Lane, to nominate an electoral ticket and a State ticket for our November elections. This is going to work in the light way ; for this Breckinridge committee, it will be observed, ignoring all the doings and arrangements of the Albany Regency, based upon the old order of things, is proceeding to business with a new set of books adapted to the new order of things. And what is this new order of things? It is a contest between the North and the South for the Presidency aggressive on the one side, defensive on the other a contest in which Abraham Lincoln is the champion of the Northern party, devoted to the suppression of slavery, while John C. Breckinridge is the defensive champion of the South and its peculiar institution of slavery. This is the sum and substance of this new order of things ; for all the other odds and ends are but "leather and prunella." To be sure there are the Union party Bell and Everett ticket, the Democratic Territorial squatter sovereignty ticket of Douglas and Johnson, the abolition ticket of Gerritt Smith, and the independent San Jacinto Texas ticket of General Sam Houston. But all these tickets and parties are in the way, and serve . only to confuse and weaken the conservative forces opposed to this thing of a perpetual sectional warfare against the Southern States and their domestic affairs. Practically, if there were only one party in the South, or if there" were half a dozen parties and half a dozen tickets, the result would be the same the unanimous vote of the Southern States against Lincoln. In the North, however, the conservative elements opposed to Lincoln must co-operate with the South, or Lincoln will be surely elected. What avails it if we have a popular majority in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and Indiana opposed to the Republican party, unless we can bring the forces together which make up this majority. They can be brought together by a very simple pUin of operations. Let Douglas and Johnson withdraw, and let Bell and Everett withdraw, and we shall soon realize a concentration of the conservative forces of the North upon Breckinridge that will startle the followers of Lincoln. We apprehend that by this time the most enthusiastic and hopeful disciple of Mr. Douglas is convinced that, come what may, there is not a ghost of a chance for him before the people or before Congress, and that his supporters, by keeping him on the course, are only playing the game of Van Buren in 1848. The same cannot be said of the Bell-Everett party ; but if this ticket were also out of the way, the line between the conservative and the destructive forces of this section would be so clearly drawn that there would be no difficulty in bringing out all our substantial interests and classes in full and overwhelming strength against this slavery-agitating Republican party. In a word, the best thing that Mr. Douglas and Mr. Johnson can do, and the best thing that Mr. Bell and Mr. Everett can do in this crisis, for themselves, their friends and the country, is to withdraw from the Presidential canvass, so as to remove all obstructions to a fair fight between Lincoln aud Breckinridge, the only two candidates for President who will be heard of in the electoral vote of the Union. JV. Y. Herald. THE FUNNY EDITORS AND THE CAMPAIGN OF I860. Messrs. Editors We have been permitted to examine the proof sheets of a forthcoming volume entitled "Notes on the Compaign of 1860." From one of its opening chapters we select the following scenebeing a colloquy between four editors, on the merits of the Presidential nominees. The editor of the Free Soil organ thus descants on the prospects of the Know-Nothing nominees: "When your Bell rings for dinner at the White House, it will be the poorest meal ho Evcr-eat." To which the Know-Nothing editor rejoins : " Yes, and you'll give 'em a slice of Ham-lean for breakfast and a Link-an' a half of spoiled sausages for dinner. That's what your rail-splitter has been used to all his life." The Squatter Sovereignty editor now chimes in : "Talk of Seceders putting in their man. What, with Breaking-ridges and long Lanes, generally, I'll warrant you'll have a hard road to travel to the White ; House." To vhich the Constitutional Democratic editor responds : " Cease your caterwauling, boys. The "Little Giant's " grave has been Dug a'-las by his own friends, and they've given him Fits, by St. Patrick. The Bell df the Know-Nothings has tolled their requiem, and nothing now remains but for Abraham, the niggerstealcr, to go back to his retirement, amid the raiV-lery of the whole country and enthusiastic shouts of ' three cheers for Breckinridge and Lane, the candidates of the True Democracy.'" Exit last speaker with a "hip! hip I! hurrrhlM" All the rest " nailed to the spot, dumb-founded," and looking as if they had just seen some " glimpses of the futnre." Charleston Courier. BRECKINRIDGE AND CLAY. When Mr. Breckinridge was a candidate tor Congress, he made a speech at Lexington, when Mr. Clay, the great statesman of Ashland, who had listened with great attention, advanced and catching Mr. Breckinridge by the hand, said : " Major Breckinridge, I congratulate you. You are worthy to represent the people of this district, whose esteem and favor have been the chief objects of my ambition, and the most precious rewards of my long and laborious life ; " and then, dropping his voice to the milder tone of affection, " My dear John, be true to your name. Never forget you are a Kentuckian and a Breckinridge, and the highest honors of the Republic, or what is more valuable, the consciousness of having served well your country, will be your glorious reward." This was the noble response of a political opponent, whose fam as an orator and a statesman tne world has not yet seen eclipsed. And this gallant Major Breckinridge is the man the National Democracy support as a candidate " for the highest honors of the Republic," and to whose support we invite the Unionloving and conservative men to rally. The Slave Cope Slasder Now-Interven-tion. " The friends of Constitutional equality do not and never did demand a ' Congressional slave Code,' nor any other code in regard to property iu the Territories. They hold the doctrine of non-intervention by Congress or by a Territorial Legislature, either to establish or prohibit slavery, but they assert (fortified bv the highestjudicial tribunal in the Union) the plain July of the Federal Government, in ajl its departments, "to secure, when necessary, to the citizens of all the States the enjoyment of their property in the common Territories, as everywhere else witbin its jurisdiction. Breckinridge's Letter of Acceptance. Mr. Douglas in the South. It is very evident that from day to dav the little party in the South devoted to the' interests of Mr. Dodglas is diminishing, while that of Brec kinrirfge is gaining strength from all sides. We dare sav that all doubts of the lull vote of the South for Breckinridge will soon be removed. We should not be surprised, indeed, if the popular sentiment of the South were to assume in a month or so a shape so decisive in defence of Southern institutions as to render an advocate of Douglas in that section as unpopular as a follower of Lincoln. The issue " has already assumed, in several instances in the South, something of this complexion. Ar. Y. Herald.