Indiana State Guard, Volume 1, Number 6, Indianapolis, Marion County, 31 July 1860 — Page 3

NON-INTERVENTION.

There are two plain propositions contained in the ulattbrm of the National Democracy, on which Messrs. Breckinridge and Lane have been nominated tor the highest offices in the gift of the people, and which, as we contend, every honest Democrat must approve and Bn,jE SeiU of the United States have nn wiiml riU to settle wilh their property (slaves 111c uded) in the Territories, and that neither Congress nor the Legislature of a Territory has any authority to destroy o? injure their rights of person or property. .Second. That it is the duty 01 me r ... y""" ment in all its departments to protect the rights of persons and property in the Territories and wherever ts constitutional authority extends. Since the burwt of the United States, in the Dred Scott ease, lias declared that, " Every citizen has a right to take with him into the Territory any article ot property which the Constitution recognizes as property, and that " the Constitution of the United States recognizes slaves as property and pledges the edera Government to protect it," we contend that no good citizen who acknowledges the obligation to obey the Constitution interpreted by its only authontatiye.expounders, can question or deny the constitutional right of a master to take with him his slaves into any leiritory of the United States, and hold them there m the same way as any other citizen would any other property " which the Constitution of the United States recognizes as property." It; then, the constitutional right of the slave-owner to settle in the Territories with his sjaves be conceded, 1. ftlnu. no n innftnv of COlirSO that it IS tllC ClUtV of the Federal Government m all its departments to protect it against destruction or injury, i.u v..-, 1 ni.,..i. l?,.,,!,!,!!!. will Hare to denv that it even tu iiuvLn. xvi.j-....""-, 1- t - is the duty of the Government to maintain the constitutional rights ot tne peopie in "''","" every where else to the extent of its constitutional t - in ovnvv fountrv this prinpower. -ii cv ijr ciS- -- . . . eiple has been recognized as the fundamental object tuted. As Senator lur winu 3 mil' 'ui ....... .-it Toombs forcibly observed, " it is the price ot obedience of allegiance: and without it no man and no people can or ought to submit to any form of government on earth." , , , e Th"se are the propositions the one declaratory ot a rHit. guaranteed by the supreme law of the land to to which everv citizen owes implicit obedience, and the other declaratory of a principle inherent in all government, without which government is impossible, which seventeen Democratic States of the Union affirmed at Charleston ; which the Dcinocratic Senators their adoption of Ol U1U lllliA:.. wirnJ .... 0n,i,.- llavis resolutions: which nineteen out ot every twenty Democratic Representatives in Congress annmved: and which the National Democracy of the country embodied in their platform at Baltimore as the creed of the party in he ensuing contest with the Black Republicans. .... , .1 vr.. T. .l.o .rrl l.ia fiilAim yet it. is asscrieu uy mi: juuug.-,-. lowers that the affirmation of these principles is a measure of disunion, and that their prevalence must necessarily end in the overthrow of the Confederacy; because it is subversive of the doctrine of non-intervention by Congress in the question of slavery in the Territories, for the adoption of and adherence to which Mr. Douglas claims so much credit for himself, and on which he bases all his pretensions to the high office to which he and his friends have taken such unusual pains to procure his nomination. . . Previous to the decision of the Supreme Court in the Died Scott case by which the absolute and indefeasible i-isht under the Constitution to carry slaves into the Territories and hold them there as property, was declared ; and so long as the difference of opinion . x. .i. n.in..i;nn r.f tl.o nnnstitution could as vo ijjw uiic -i.u.-M. u. u be honestlv entertained, it was impossible to comprehend Mr. 'Douglas' doctrine and his arguments, bo lon as the constitutional right to hold slaves in the Territories was not established by the only tribunal competent to determine the question, those who maintained that owners of slaves had no right to take thenslave property into the the Territories unless by force of a special municipal law authorizing them to do so, m'ndit deny the authority of Congress to intervene to protect a right the constitutionality ot wmcn was . . i ..:.. i,t .i,o..r.n ttw . wnm Congress to in tervene it would be "a violation of the doctrine of non-intervention," an attempt to pass a siave uuu. for the Territories," &c. But from the hour that the Supreme Court recorded its judgment, that " 1-very citizen has a light to take with him into the Territory any article of property which the Constitution of the United States recognizes as property; that the Constitution of the United States recognizes slaves as property, and pledges the Federal Government to protect 'it, and that Congress cannot exercise any more authority over property of that description than it may constitutionally exercise over property ot any other kind," from that moment honest doubt as to the true ,..,;,, r tho n.nhif.utinn became impossible, luijaLiu.uun VT w ... 1 ..11 lUnnnnll lull-, all ITOfHl CltlZdlS Wel'e bound to accept that decision as the supreme law ot the Republic. That law declares exactly what our platform declares, namely, that " the Government oi a Territory organized bv act of Congress is provisional and temporary, and during its existence all citizens of the United Slates have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territories, without their rights cither of person or property being destroyed or injured by Contrressional or Territorial legislation, and that it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends." . .,... i.ri,,.;-. too wnnlrl nalr evorv fair-minded, intelli gent man, does this platform invade the doctrine of non-intervention, or lenu w uisumuu , uu.r., UUU1 the doctrine of non-intervention be construed to mean the abrogation of the Constitution for the special behoof of free-soilisni, and for the special injury of the South? How can it tend to disunion, when every candid observer must admit that if the principle u:..i. ; nr.. ran-itx! out. the. basis ot the IVIllllt lit LIlllJlwiii- r - . Union, the equality of the States, is lawlessly disrc'J TT, ..or. ii ha onirl tlint it PinactS a slaVCcode for the Territories, when it only asks tor the same protection to slave property that is extended to -ii -A ,ia.:ni:r.n r.t nmnnrtv. and that on the ground that the fundamental law oi ui .... that the Federal Government is pledged to extend such protection ? . . So long as the Territorial Legislatures keep within the limits of the Constitution ; do not pass any laws violative of that instrument; do not injure or destroy ri"htB guaranteed by it, either by " non-action or unfriendly legislation ; "in short, regulate their domestic affairs in their own way, "subject to the Constitution of the United States," nobody will ask Congress to intervene. But when, as Mr. Douglas and Senator lirh remarked concerning the " test oath" passed by theKans.i3 Legislat ure, a Territorial Legislature "usurp authority never intended to be conveyed by the organic law, and which if exercised would overthrow that law," then it is the duty of Congress to interfere to prevent a violation ot constitutional right on the part of a body which derives all its limited powers from Congress. When Mr. Douglas urged Congress to interfere to repeal the " test oaths," the operation of which was only prejudicial to John Brown, Jim Lane, and the other Abolitionist ditnrbers of the peace in Kansas, lie did believe that he was urging a violation of the doctrine of non-intervention. The benate of the United States did not think so, inasmuch as that body voted to repeal the obnoxious Territorial laws, and onlv three .Southern Senators voted in the negative. Now, all that is asked is the assertion and recognition of the principle that it is the duty of Congress to protect constitutional rights, and that a Territorial Leffislaturc cannot violate them, and Mr. Douglas and . . . .. .......... ii. i :c .1.. . . ., i .1 1 lr. ,laili-oa '.. ,A Mr.TWIasand his friends insist that if this reasonable and manifestly iv. r . . just request is irranted, the doctnne ot non-inten ention will be violated. We cannot perceive the force of the reasoning, unless it be that it it the duty of Congress to interfere to protect the constitutional" rights of John Brown and iiis companions; and that it is not the duty of Congress, and that it has no power, to interfere to protect the constitutional rights of Southern men, or guard their property from spoliation. irasit'n.on Constitution. SMART POLITICIANS. There is a large class ot persons amonjrw ns, uu strange, indeed, which includes considerable portion

of what are called religious people, who believe that ... . 1 1 . t. .. 1 if 141

n.. t is a mere trade, ami to ue .ii:ns3.ii. m n, ....... .... in itiuiiiiijM'f. and dishonest. rJ This is a Iicui-ratt. v -- great mistake, at all events, as regards Democrati Politicians. The old adage that " honesty is the bes ratic best IJUJIWumiiii. " c . , i policy," is always true, and more true in regard to politics than anything. A man may overreach and outwit others in' the ordinary transactions of life sometimes without detection and exposure for many years, but a politician, whom every one is watching, and where it is the interest of everybody to understand him, has but a "poor time" of it it he attempts to cheat the people. It is true he may make himself . i.. n,mirv to advance the interests ot a USUI.!', uui.Jai.D, uwvjwji , . climie or faction, and the latter having possession of i . l.. .( mnv hn sometmie. perhaps, before the strong hnnd of the people seizes the unlucky wi"ht and deals oui me nVVtvnm 1).. it .r.a aura a fate, and ircneiallv much sooner than detection of trickery in the ordinary aflans ot life. Just now tins ciass oi -sumi i, puiiutiaiio plenty as blackberries, and it is really amusing to witness tneir scii-ueiusiun m iaiu ...v, :.i:t.. f ..o... v.r,.lv mt. tlii.nisclvos. Thev have any number of bright ideas of course, but the brightest of ,. . i : . Urt r,...Tr... Tirr.i'l.inrid(rj. nut all origin, umigs is uc m .ov. j. rtnuolsial With uomnous soleiimitv thev dcclare that their views accord with those of Mr. Breckinridge, and they are not, nor never were, iavori.i t,oll Yv Mi-. Douglas, but they feel it their duty, under all the circumstances, to support the latter freiitleman. "Think of that, master Brooks they believe it the duty of the government to protect "slave property in the Territories," but they intend to support Mr. Douglas, who declares that the people of the Territories may confiscate this property whenever they choose to do bo. Mr. Breckinridge and Mr. Douglas nave noining m tuuimuu m- ' at the North, at any rate. They are, in fact, separated by a chasm that political Jesuitism can never bridge over or obliterate. But wo see no great difficulty in the wav of talking Douglasism and supporting Lincoln. Mr. Lincoln proposes to exclude " slavq property" bv an act ot uongrcss me ijujujc... d..jportcrs of Mr. Douglas proj.ose to exclude "slave property dv an act oi ims -n-iuiiiiu. They differ only in regard to means on a mere question of expediency and this certainly offers a large and inviting field for the smart politicians to operate in. N.Y. Buy Book. A BRACE OF WORTHIES A BITTER ABOLITIONIST AND A CONFESSED NEGRO-STEAL-ER EDITING THE LEADING DOUGLAS ORGANS IN OHIO. The Ohio Statesman and the Cleveland Plain Dealer talk flippantly of bolters, and claim that tney are me very embodiment of Democracy. No paper in the Stale, j.i. . n: :.; T.'n,,Uvr not executed, is filled with me vuiuiiii.ui. ...... 7 1 .' T, .... i r ...1 1 t 1..... Im.iv ll.imiu more of bitter ana oi vulgar ouusc m u.t-.u..s crats. AVhy it is so with the Plain Dealer, we Know ; :i witii tlio Sfnfexmmi. we were at a loss to guess, until the whole matter was made clear by a letter from an old friend in Columbus, who says: " You do Manypenny injustice in attributing the -.:!.. :.. ti,Q tn his nen. Thev are not his bad as they are, he could not write them, for to save ... . . . ! . .... ...... I...,. him he cannot put ten lines oi common ?oi.t.u .ui" Do you recollect a little diminutive Abolitionist, by the name of Franklin Gale, who used to hang round the Abolition office here, and who drew a scanty support from what he could collect from the old Liberty Partv ? Without professing a single changewithout changing a single principle, he is now the wriT?..i;t. nf tli Ohio Statesman, is the man that puffs DouMas, and the unnurtured whelp that Many- . ci j. 1 rt i:rlr,r Tli.mnrirnls." penny employs uj uuur-t u.v-i"g We rather think we do know this Franklin Gale, lie once lived in Monroe county was a terrible Democrat, and wanted to go the Legislature, but couldn't. He then turned Abolitionist, and has been among the most ultra of tbe class to which he belongs. lie is a u i f i, r.r q w a John Brown " irrepressible very uium j. conflict" Abolitionist to do up the abuse of Democrats for JUanypenny a ynsuy .iuS honest men by an Editor who lacks the brains but not the will to do'" the dirty work himself. Verily the Douglas organs are well manned. Ihe Statesman by an open and avowed Abolitionist of the Gid'dings school the Plain Dealer, by an Editor (J. A Gray) who, within the last six months, at a John Brown sympathy meeting in Ashtabula county, boasted that he bad once stolen a negro from his master and hid him in the steeple of a Church of which he (Gray) was a Deacon. , Old Abolitionists and avowed negro-stealevs, howlino for " Douglas and Squatter Sovereignty" and abusing men because they will not bow down to worship a dwarfed man, anil agree to the doctrine that the South has no rights in the Territories that a Dou glas man or any other Abolitionist, or negro, is oounu to respect. uieveiana jjemumm. Breckinridge and Clay. The response of Henry Clav to the speech of Mr. Breckinridge delivered at Lexington, is often spoken of. The New Orleans Delta gives it as follows : "Major Breckinridge, I congratulate you. ; You ,..n,.jl.r t. vor.rpflp.nt the nSoule of this district, whose esteem and favor have been the chief objects of mv ambition, and tne most precious reii us ui j.v iuiig and laborious life," and then dropping his voice to the milder tone of affection, he added : " My dear John, be true to your name. Never forget you are a Kcutuckian and a Breckinridge, and the highest honors of the Republic, or what is more valuable, the consciousness of having served well your country, will be your glorious reward." This was the noble response of a political opponent, whoso fame as an orator and a statesman the world has never yet eclipsed. NULLIFYING T II E CONSTITUTION BY UNFRIENDLY LEGISLATION. The Douglas leaders find it very convenient just now to deny that their little idol ever advocated the doctrine of' setting the demands of the Constitution and the decisions of the Supreme Court at defiance by "unfriendly legislation," claiming the power of a Territorial Legislature doing indirectly what the Constitution forbids being done directly. We copy from Mr. Douglas' reply to Mr. Lincoln at the Free port debate on the 27th of August, 1858, to be found on page 95 of the Political Debates between Lincoln and Douglas the speech being taken down in short hand by Mr. Douglas' own stenographer, and published in his organ, the Chicago Times. Mr. Douglas said: "The next question propounded to tne by Mr t i :.. il.n nonnli. nf Trnitorv in any lawful way, against the wishes ot any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution? I answer emphatically, as Mr. Lincoln has heard me answer a hundred times from everv stump in Illinois, that in my opinion the people of a Territory can, by lawful means, .lnran. frnni tl.pir limits nrior to the formaLn r,r a Statn Constitution. Mr. Lincoln knew that I had answered that question over and over again. tr ,n 3.VT11P tlio Whraska hill on that princi pic all over the Stato in 1854, in 1855, and in 1856, and he has no excuse for pretending to be in doubt as n v..,:. ..... n it, m.actirm. Tf. iiiattiH-.rs not what 1.. Q.,r.ima ( V.llrt . 1 1 Q I' r.PrPJlfir fip.t'hle AS tO r " ...V v. rr' ' I jl n hurtnit i-.iidnnn wnpt i.pr i avrr' mv 111 iiimv iiki 1 . . UU IUW Jk. W ' j vw - 1 i j p , i fui mean. t0 introduce it or exclude tt as have tbe lawful means to introduce it or exclude it as. they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a j nnmrW;. if iipxM it is Mimnnrtfid hu local (It l y ui wh hum' '- j j - - j police regulations. Those police regulations can only( be established Dy tne local jegisun ure, ww u u.c j.-u-ple are opposed to slavery they will elect representatives to that bodr who will by unfriendly Ugislation effectual prevent the introduction of it into their midst. If. on the contrary, they are for it, their legis--:n c...!haTtpiitifin. Ilpnre. no matter what muuu wiij jci.ui i io v t the decision of the Supreme Court may be on that , abstract question, still the right of the people to make ) a slave territory or a free territory is perfect and com-j ..-w u r T C r T deem- my answer saUsfactory on that point. 1 1 lv xss uuijrr luc jnuiwRB f ' .-

Mr. Douglas is a lawyer and has been a judge, and now professes to be a statesman. Driven to the wall, in the debate, by Lincoln, he advances doctrine that would disgrace the veriest of pettifoggers. By the Constitution, he admits, slavery cannot be legislated out of a Territory by a law declaring it shall no longer exist iu the Territory, yet by " unfriendly legislation, by refusing to pass laws to protect it, and thus giving the Abolitionist officers of the Underground Railroadthe right, without punishment, to steal the slaves, or else by inflicting a tax upon them, such as would make that species of property unprofitable, he holds that slaverv can be abolished by a Territorial Legislature, even against the Constitution itself. Verily sucli a judge must, be a " second Daniel como to judgment." Cleveland Democrat. ,

THE STATE ELECTIONS. For the convenience of our readers, who will be very naturally anxious to know when the Statu elections are to transpire, this fall, we have prepared the following list : . - Alabama, 1st Monday in August. Arkansas, 1st Monday in August. oi:j'.. ..:.. i of rM.n..i-.i.iv in Spi.tPinber. Vrt.J.U. .110, A . .. j.ii."j -- j 1 11 Connecticut, 1st JUonaay in Ainu i-o uiai. not know precisely how the " nutmeg State" stands ; upon the "coose" until after the rresutential can-; vass. Delaware, 2d Tuesday in November. Florida, 1st Monday in October. Georgia, 1st Monday in October. Illinois, 1st Tnesdav in November. Indiana, 2d Tuesday in October. , Iowa, 2d Tuesday in October. Kentucky, 1st Monday in August. Louisiana, 1st Monday in November. Maine, 2d Monday in September. Man-land, 1st Wednesday in November. . Massachusetts, 1st Tuesday in November. Michigan, 1st Tuesday in November. Minnesota, 2d Tuesday in October. Mississippi, 1st Monday in October. Missouri, 1st Monday in August. New Hampshire, 2d Tuesday in March so we shall get no "straws" ftoni that quarter. New Jersey, 1st Tuesday in November. New York' 1st Tuesday in November. T .. S-.nl rrv ..1 t.. A.,n..tt Ohio, 2d Tuesday in October. Oreaon-not being posted with regard to this State, I we can Jive no information. Pennsylvania, 2d Tuesday in October. j .' . , , . t..:i i ..i... Khode Wand, 1st U (ainesuay in ami-uu i,.a.3 ; f.nm it T itflp Rlinilv." South Carolina, 2d Monday in October. Tennessee, 1st Thursday in August. Texas, 1st Monday in August. Vermont, 1st Tuesday in September. ; Virginia, 4th Thursday in May. Wisconsin, 1st Thursday in November. Breckinridge, the patriot. Breckinridge, the statesman. Breckinridge, the gentleman. Breckinridge, the honest man. Breckinridge, the uncorrupted man. Breckinridge, the incorruptible man. Breckinridge, the reliable man. Breckinridge, the safe man. Breckinridge, the Union-loving man. Breckinridge, the Union candidate. Breckinridge, the young men's candidate. Breckinridge, to keep down fanaticism. Breckinridge, opposed to sectionalism. .! Breckinridge, should receive the suffrages of all I good men, ail wno love iniegruy, all who love virtue, all who love their country, all who love Equal Rights, and all opposed to the dissolution of the Union of these United States. Journal of Commerce. . " . From the Washington CotiBtitution. DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON. If there is one thing for which the nominees of the theatrical Democracy are distinguished more than other, (always excepting their bright, leading characteristic, regularity,) it is the perfect concord of opinion on the territorial question which exists between them their unity. We would point particular attention to this. Douglas, of Illinois, insists that the constitution does not confer any right of protection in the possession of slave property in,, the Territories, and that the Territorial Legislature have entire control over the matter; and Johnson, of Georgia, maintains that the constitution docs confer the right of protection ; that it is the duty of Congress to extend it to property of every kind, and that the Territorial Legislature have no jurisdiction whatever over the subject. But this is not all. Mr. Douglas holds that any man who entertains the opinions which Gov. Johnson holds in relation to the constitutional right to hold, and be protected in the possession of slave property in the u ,.ot un'ililinMs the Territorial lemslaJ. til J JIUl lv D, C1V JJV ...... ..v. t. tion necessary to secure that right, does violence to his conscience, and Dreaics ins oaui oi uuimj w i .::n in ntl.pr wnrds nprinrcs himself. Now the very thing which the theatrical nominee for the Presidencv thus reprobates as criminal in me degree, 'is the thing which the second-choice theatrical nominee for the Vice Presidency openly avows. He thinks it is the duty of Congress to extend protection to slave property in the Territories, but at the same time thinks that it ought not to be extended. i ..i.. ti.of ttio fraternal nnitv of sentiment be.1J1 UlUll Witt. ." ... - i tween the regular candidates may be the more apparent, we place in juxtaposition the sentiments of Mr. Douglas quoted from his Harper's Magazine article, I and those of Mr. Johnson, taken from a letter written j by him on the 28th ot May in tins year : .

mk douglas' magazine gov. joiinson's letter, the oldest Democratic journal in unu i-u..-article 1 "I believe that it is the j Hartford Times. The theory of this article is str.k"It is difficult to con-right of the South to de-, ingly similar to that which has been put forward in ceive how any person who mand, and the duty of, these columns, and is one which cannot fail to rccombelievcs that the Constitu- Congress to extend protcc- j mend itself to every man of conunon sense, tion Confers the rigl of tionlo persons and prop- In the first place it is assumed that the election lies proteS in the enjoy-erty of every kind (in- between the Democracy and the Republicans. Mr. iZt of lave property In eluding slavery) in the I Houston and Mr. Bell are very good men, and would KffiXfcTerritori during their be capital Presidents, no doubt, but they have no of tb Sesof the people territorial state. This is, party, and their nomination has failed to meet with and of the action of he no new opinion. I advo-, any response from the popular heart. The DemoTerritorial LeSature can cated the 'doctrines as far cratic party has been rent in twain by causes which satiTh conience and back as 1848 in the Sen- are of no significance in this connection. .ether W oath of fidX L the ate of the United States. ' the one platForm or the other is the proper one for the Constitution in witliholding If you have any curiosity ; Democracy to stand upon, JJJ such Congressional Icisla- to see the argument, I re-! difference is only an abstract one, and platforms are tiofl mfv be essen fa to for you to n.y speech on at the best very trashy things, which few people- nn-hTcrio"-ment och nUt the bregon bill, delivered , dcrstand and no one cares a snap of his finger about nndernentio- 'th of July of that year,; And, above all, we are not just now addressing the Deunder tne vonswunon M,i : tha Vw mrw onlv. We sneak to the conservative masses

subject it is impassible to gressional Globe. How resist the conclusion that, unjust, therefore, are the :e ii. r'ti;t..i;r, w p- insinuations with which i nripr mis viuw in mc .-v ... 11 111.. VUUOll.UUVU .' " tablish slavery in the Ter- you intersperse and lntertablish slaverv in the Ter- you intersperse and intertaDlisn siaer) in me aci t TSTto7on7t nTntsat all in tZ!&Weot- 'squatter sovereignty' duty of Concness to sup-who happen not to agree nlv all the kSislation ne- with the scceders from the tlJrr to its protoc""on " Charleston Convention 1 ccssary to proiecuon. nhi to aemana, uui whether, under the cir- ' cumstances, we ought to demand Congressional intervention ftr the protection of slaverv in the TerHon Ol siavur in mc j.ritories? I think we ought . .. not. and the object ot my Macon letter was to vindicate that opinion."

BRECKINRIDGE'S SPEECH TO IIIS OLD CONSTITUENTS. Ti.-' i, TVf,. R..olf!iiriiW toliisA'llow-towns-

j-iiu Bucftu yji n i i u men and old constituents at Frankfort, which we publish elsewhere to-day, is onu or must; niicup, i e nmfnrv nlwavfl mark eonviotion on the part of the speaker, and the existence of distinct and well dennea principles in im: rau ju. .....v.. is contending. , Men fighting for the right have no need of longwinded speeches and a multitude of words to cover up ii. ,nnn;nn ulnm nn American citizen a Kenllllll lllCdlllll. ..." - ... I 1. tuckian who never did nn act or cherished a thought ...... . it. . S1 nn.4 that was not full ot devotion ro im; wiiraiiuiiuu the. Union," said he to the friends and neighbors who were gathered around him ; and if there is any place where a denial to these pioud words could be found, it would be in Frankfort, the scene of all his political struggles with older and dexterous candidates for populaHavor, and where repeated canvasses in hot political times have tried the mettle and the principles that are in him. He knew that it was not necessary for him there, in the midst of old friends and constituents who had known every step of his public career, to denv the absurd charge' that ho was a disumomst ; hut it snot where political oppolltio iin;v.. uiu. v....- - - . ncnts could most easily send forth a denial of his words ... , 111... il. . .nnJ-.nn Vl.l nenis mum uu .. v ....-.. . , if they were uiilrue, he should deny the accusation b tore the whole count i) Shnvtns the speech is. there are other points well put, and well worthy of attention. He sought not the nomination, but the' nomination sought him, and being in, he feels that the position he occupies to-day is right, and he accepts it with all its responsibilities, conscious that he is not animated or sustained by a hot ambition. He exposes the absurdity of calling a convention composed of delegations from a majority of the States, including the two on the Pacific, Pennsylvania, New Jersey" Connecticut and Massachusetts, a sectional convention ; and he claims that our double form ot government, State and Federal, has been the most successful in.dcmonstrating that free institutions may be established over a great population and a large area of territory, consistently with public order, and that the. constitution and the equality of the States should therefore be preserved. JVar York Herald. A JOHN BROWN PLOT IN TEXAS. The intelligence we this day publish from I exas s indeed startling. It reveals the fact that a diabolical plan to dcvaslate the whole of northern lexas had ieen concocted by abolition emissaries, who hoped to i r. of tl.o Tipirrnrs. and thus overreture uiu iu-u,. ..... e---; ' c throw the institution of " slavery" in Texas. Some eifhtor ten large tires nan occurred siiijuiuujvu...-v different towns ' of northern Texas, showing such a concei t of action as to lead to suspicion and inquiry, which have resulted in the discovery of the hellish plot which is now disclosed.. , It is not necessary to say that the " Republican leaders were knowing to this wicked conspiracy, in order to fix upon that party the responsibility of such a IH-I t-KJ JA "1' " I J V Uaiiiiu t.viw . , 17Ut If If a fact and the fact ought to startle every patriot m this wide land that it is the teachings of the Jlejniblican party which led directly to such diuholical wickedness. It is owing to the fact that such a party is in the political field, with principles which invest treason with the halo of patriotism, and which embalm the memory of murderers with the glory of patriots; that encourages wicked men to crime and weak men to the honors of a supposed martyrdom. , T, As a proof that what we charge upon the " Republican" party is true, we may mention the fact that the i. i.. im;,.., TCviwutivn f!nnrressional Committee' jwijuuu.ui. n , have iust published among their campaign documents JJrtYU Jliai lll..o... 0 "J o . the recent speeches of Lovejoy and Sumner, both in the English and German languages. These documents encourage open warfare upon the domestic institutions of the South. Sumner says: "Language is feeble to express all the enormity ot tins institution. Barbarous in origin; barbarous in law ; barbarous in all its pretensions ; barbarous in the instruments it employs; barbarous in its consequences; barbarous in spirit; barbarous wherever' it shows itself, slavery must breed barbarians, while it developes everywhere, alike in the individual and in the society to which he belongs, the essentia elements of barbarism." Now, if such be the essential character of the institution of negro " slavery," it follows, as a natural deduction, that any means would be ,jra, ua . " j , proper to nil tne country oi suuu a ium p.... b Lovejoy is still more emphatic. He says : livery slave has a right to run away, in spite of your slave laws. I tell vou, Mr. Chairman, and I tell you all, that if I were a slave, and had I the power, and it were necessary to achieve my freedom, I would not hesitate to fill up'and bridge over the chasm that yawns between the hell of slavery and the heaven of freedom with the carcasses of the slain." This is open insurrection and massacre, and yet these are the sentiments that the " Republican Executive Committee" are responsible for. These are the sentiments they are inculcating, and it is no wonder that John Brownism is increasing. Such being the inevitable tendency of this party, wc ask what excuse the Douglas men can have to adhere to a third candidate, and insure the success of Lincoln? Mr. Douglas stands to-day without a single organization in a Southern State, and yet his friends back him at the North solely and entirely 10 ueieui m. xj.jvinrid"C. In Pennsylvania they even offer to join hands with the Black Republicans, who connive at murder, treason, and insurrection ! How silly, how futile are all third or fourth parties in such a crisis as this ? There are but twov parties, and Breckinridge and Lincoln represent the opposing forces. Choose between them. New York Day-Book: A NEW VIEW OF THE PRESI DENTIAL CAMPAIGN. Wc publish in another part of this morning's Her,j ...ll,r ni.n nrl wpll reasoned article from , nut a caivninj ii t i j j: . . j j mocracy uiu. ntq -: i. rfral Ktatoa oitrUt nr nine hundred thousand 111 U1V V. 1. . . ... . ... - ... . . . t.r.1.1 Haluncp of nowpr in their hands. I and who alwavs throw their votes on the side of law, . . " ... J 1 '.-I..., nil V.a order, peace, tranquility anu equal nB...a , c , h - nprsonal nreferences IrU, othV.for Mr. Be... They all b opposing Mr. Lincoln. There is nothing oU d ! against Mr. Douglas; on the contrary, there is n to be advanced in his favor. But he has made a fatal error, and has been thrown .overboard by u. own i all ti, States where it is predominant, and is

far as it may be intended only supjiorted by a minority in the Republican or to apply to me, come from ! doubtful States. Even the State of Illinois is not by : what quarter it may, and any means certain for its favorite son ; and that being plead hiv own record in 'the case, his affairs are as desperate as those ot the vindication. i First Napoleon, w hen he ran awav from Russia. Mr. i "But this is not the Bell is in quite as bad a way. As to the position ot question now before the; the Democratic masses, we believe that the firm attiDemocratic party in the tude of the Breckinridge men m the South, the falling South. The question is, awav of the few prominent men m that section wbo not whether we have the adhered to Douglas up to the last moment, together ... i j v4 .u : In wHfh th Rreckinndire

wnu ujc nguiuu u.m.i. ... . campaign opened in New York city, have c : iu - ,v, rniral Stjits. the efiect reaction in the Northern and Central States, the effect of which will be to leave Mr. Uoogias iw oemnu in the race, and help Mr. Breckinridge in a degree cor-it-.-juuiiiji, .v. ..v-.,. , , . So far as the Democratic party organization is cooi.i. . .. C . J iU ..tliarii Statu. responding to xne injury mDicwfu ujwu msuyuuiu cerned, the center of power is in the Southern btates, because there tne party is sure m a ccram uu.u.-. of electoral votes, while in the North they are liable

to be beaten in every State. The Democracy gravitates naturally towards the center of power, and the Northern section of the party, after waiting a short time to see if the mountain would come to Mahomet, have concluded, from all appearances, that if anything is to be done, Mahomet must go to the mountain; so they are preparing to go over, horse, foot and dragoons, to the Breckinridge wing of the party. This being the actual state of the case, the choice of the people is narrowed down to Lincoln and Breckinridge, the only candidates who represent electoral votes. One or the other must be elected, if there is any choice by the people, and the conservative voters of the North should refrain from throwing away their votes and shirking the responsibility which the present position of political affairs places upon their shoulders. Thev have to choose between the Vice President .... . . . i

wnose political recoru is jauiium i ci r n the representative of the doctrines which brought old John Brown to a richly deserved "allows. If the merchants and mechanics and working men of the Central States wish to endorse Seward's "irrepressible conflict," Sumner's " sacred animosity," and Wendell Phillips' constitutional "compact with hell" doctrine, they will vote for Lincoln, or throw away their ballots in favor of some of the merely personal nominations for the Presidency. But, on the contrary, men of all parties, old Whigs, Americans or Democrats, who desire to set the seal of popular disapprobation upon such agitators as John Brown and Charles Sumner, will take the only way to beat old Abe, and vote for Breckinridge, who may be elected by a vigorous effort in the Central States, Pennsylvania and New Jersey particularly. X. Y. Herald. NORTH CAROLINA CORRESPONDENCE. BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE IN THE OLD NORTH STATE. vFavkttevilli:, N. C, July 1 7,. I860, To the Editors of ' the Day-Book : I notice in your paper letters from various places in the Southern States, hut seldom sec anything from the good old Democratic State of North Carolina. As a regular and attentive reader of the Duy-Book, I must taite the liberty of informing vou that it is becoming more and more popular every day. It is true, conservatism and advocacv of southern rights, meets the entire approbation of its numerous readers, and the Democracy in particular. In hoisting the names of Breckinridge and Lane, you had reflected the true sentiment of North Carolina and a great majority of the entire southern people. Douglas has no strength at all here. The press of the Slate is a unit ; every one has hoisted the Breckinridge and Lane ticket.We shall achieve a glorious victor)', if the North will but do her duty. I trust that New York, the Empire State of the Union, has sufficient love of the Union and Constitution to cast her vote for the only ticket that can save the country; it would show to the South that. New York still wishes her trade and commercial intercourse to continue. We have an abiding confidence in the Democracy of New York and Pennsylvania. If wc can but, carry those States, our victory will be certain. Our State election for Governor and members of the Legislature, takes place on the 2d day of August, and you may expect to hear of the re-election of Gov. Ellis' by a large majority. The Opposition, however, are making strenuous exertions to divide the vote between Douglas and Breckinridge, so that Bell and Everett may carry the State, but the trick has been discovered in time to prevent any such result. You may put down North Carolina for Breckinridge and T U.. lO IW'lO iiintni-ilv. Gen." Joe Lane is now on a visit to this State, the place of his nativity, and will doubtless be welcomed bv every demonstration of enthusiasm and affection. ' Yours truly, CAPE FEAR. p, will send you some subscribers to the DayBook as soon as I can get a club. I would be glad to see it in every voter's hands in the United States; it is the best paper that we get. THINGS TO BE REMEMBERED BY . THE PEOPLE. That every Democratic United States Senator save only Mr. Pugh and Mr. Douglas, endorses the nomination of Breckinridge and Lane, and will render good -aid in electing them. KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE ! That in the House of Representatives three-fifths at least, of the Democratic members, go the same ticket. KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE t That ex-President Pierce, and so far as heard from, every member of his Cabinet, are openly in the field for Breckinridge and Lane, the Union and the Constitution. KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE! That James Buchanan and every member of his Cabinet, including Gen. Cass, the leader of the Democracy in the campaign of 1848, are firm in their support of the nominees of the Democracy Breckinridge and Lane. KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE ! Ti.ot n Tianipl S. Dickinson, of New York, and the most prominent men of the party in every State of the Union, have declared the same way. KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE! That seventeen of the States of the Union are as certain to cast their votes for Breckinridge and Lane as that the sun will rise on the morning of the election. KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE 1 That the Electoral College consistsof 303 votes,two thirds of which are 202 Douglas vote on the last ballot was 181 J votes or 20J less than the requisite two-thirds which his friends at Charleston voted for. KEEP IT BEFORE THE PEOPLE! That when it became apparent to the friends of Jndge Douglas that he could not receive 20$ more votes, then they gave him the regular () nomination by a trick, and declared he was " nominated unanimously." THE' WHOLE TRUTH IN A NUT-SHELL. The whole number of votes cast were 194J. There were 108$ delegates absent, and not voting, even after the admission of the bogus delegates from Alabama and Louisiana. Deducting these, there were but 189i regular legal delegates or 123 less than a full Convention present. Of the Free State delegates, 3 from Maine, 3 from Massachusetts, 2 J from Connecticut, 44 from New Jersey, and 17 from New York 30 in all had seceded. Steuhenville Union. From the Uelaimre Gitle. PREPARE FOR THE FIGHT. BY MARION. We enter the contest all covered with wounds, And red with the gore shed by our own bands: Xet no ieanui uiuituiiup mo u v , - Of patriot song still arise from the baud. Tho' the foemen the weapons of treason display. And threaten to rend our republic in twain : We still, will, undaunted, engage in the fray, And struggle, the triumph of reason to gain. Then Democrats come, in your power and inijrht En"ae band to hand with the treacherous toe : Strike tor thy Country, for Justice and Right, And soldiers of Liberty, spare not thou tie hrne. Our banner is floating in Liberty's air sod Waves, stainless and pure, over Freedom s bright Then Democrats rally, for the battle prepare. And fight, undivided, for Freedom and God I Let vour own party strife and dissension! i now end. Resist those ba traitors, who the Imon would sever Oh ! do not the nae of Democracy rend 1 ? Let it still wave in triumph, tmdiruied, forever! Smvrka. July 19, !fiO.