Marshall County Democrat, Volume 3, Number 16, Plymouth, Marshall County, 11 March 1858 — Page 1

Ik

Mm

Hl HB B

U N 1 11

13 m r i 1 J i-s Vol. 3 No,-16.) PLYMOUTH; INDIANA, THURSDAY, MARCH U, 1858.

, It. w 5

(Whole. No. 120

TUB MARSHALL DEMOCRAT, rUBUSIIED EYEttT THURSDAY M0&X1XG, BT 'üfcDOXAIiD Sc BKOTS2EK. TEKMS: If paid in advance, 1 00 t the end of six months, 1 53 If delayed until the end of the year 2 00 ADVEOTISING: Ore square (ten lines or less,) tLree weelfs,. 1 00 E w:h additional insertion, Column three months. j jjjj 4 Clumn six months 00 V4' Column one year, J- JJjj K Column three months, ' Oil Co!nrrn -rixmrmthi " o- 11 1 Cohniu ou? ve.-r, l" Crtlnmn three" m mths,. l 1 Column six m-rnths 21, 1 Column one year ' ' YcrW lrertie hare t:ie privilege of one hinge free of charge. Democrat Job Office! PLAIN RULES ilLTYFI fiC mm-

CUTS, g$g4fe &C..&C. . Our Job Department is now supplied with an extensive and well selected assortment of new stales plain and fancy Which enahlea us to execute, on short notice and reasonable terms, all kiwis of Plain and OrnamcnJOT PRINTING! NEAT. FAST AND CHEAP; SUCH A3 : CTRCH.ARS, HANDBILLS. LABELS, f AMrHLETS, bcsixe93 cards, blank deeds a mortgages; Catalogues, And in snort, Tftmks of every variety and description. Call and ?ce specimens. The Dying; Wife's Appeal. Come near me, let joe lay my hand Once more upon thj brow, And let me whisper in thine ear Love's last and fondest vow. " The Ups that breathe these trembling word Will soon be cold in death, Ana thy dear check can fel no more Their warm and loving breath. I go from thee; God only knows How I have long'd to stayHow I have shuddered thus to tread The lone awd shadowy way. Faith tells me that I soon may know The joys the blessed find, And y tt I falter while I cast A linserinjj look behind. I pee thee bowed before me here, In bitterness and tears, But I canlcnve thee something still To lieht thv weary years. Yo'ing, tender forms will dir.:; to thee, Perhsr-fi wi'l mis my tone, And though thy miy not share thy grief, Thou wi't not feel il one. FoM them still coer to thy breast, And aoothe their childish woe, And cheer the many lonely hours The moth-rle3 mint know. The world, with all its hopes and joy, Will sometimes make thee glad, But thy mast linger round a hearth All desohite and sad. And 0, when Time shall calm thy grief, " Perchance the hour may come, When thou wilt win another form To share thy heart and home " When thou wilt welcome to thy board A younger, fiirer face, And bid thy children smile on her Who takes their mother's place.. But think not, could I speak to thee, That I would tronn or blame, Though they should love the stranger one, And call her by my name ; For they will speak to thee of me ; ; My memory Uth Mr trust; A word, a smile, a look like mine ' .Will call me from the dust. . Yet make my grave no place of tears, But let the dear ones bring, ' To cheer their mother's lonely home, ' . The blovwms of the spring. And even there thou, too, may'st kneel, And softly press the earth 'That coven her whose face ance gave .. ' A brightness to thy hearth. Then will the forms of carlj years Steal softly to thy side, . And for an hour thou canst forget Thou hast another bride. She may be all thy heart can ask, So dear, so true to thee; Pat O! the spring-time of thy love, !u freshness wae for me May she be blest who comforts thee, And with a gentle hand Still guide the little, trembling ones. Who make our household band. She cannot know the tenderness . That fills their mother's breast, But she can love them for thy sake, And toakc thee more han bless'd.

Yf t keep one place, one little place1, From nil the rest apart, One spot w hid I will call "a home," Within thy faithfnl heart; And in the holy hour of drearra, When spirits fill the air, With tender eye and folJed wing I'll softly rest me there. May God forgive this erring love That is to mortals given; It almost woes my spirit back From happine?3 and heaven And yet I feel it will not die, When this frail Iii e is o'er, But watch till all my loved ones come Where we sh dl part no more. THE KANSAS QUESTION. EI osa. CJco. Bancroft' Trofest

agaiimi t sir IVconiptofi Constitution. Fellow Citizens: The proper solution f the question In. lore the country, which, in Home of its aspects, is ihe most momentous that has been presented inee the auoption ol tho Federal consiiution, is self-evident; but that solution has been so thwarte I thai it is made necessary t revert to first principles, and to take counsel -of t'io people, who are the source of wisdom and of power. Wo are assembled to-night, not i:i hostility to the administration. Wo venerate the President for his ago ap.d past services, and desire to remove out of his path the great obstacle to his present usefulness. Siill less are we at variance with the South. We have never feared to sustain the South on any quesiion in which the South was in the right, and we are justified in asking its co-operation toprerent a great na ional wrong, which, if consummated, 'will injure its friends. Far from opposing democracy, we corno here to-night to uphold it, by freshening in our minds the love of justice and freedom, without which democracy is a delusion. We are assembled to protest against forcing the Lecompton confuuiiiion upon the people of Kansas against their will. Bear with me, fellow-citizens, if, before, taking the chair, in the fewest possible words, t speak to the facts in the case, to the right, and to the means of redress. . As to the facts in the ens?, the Lecompton constitution was authorized in advance by no one blanch of the general government. The Senate of the United States passed a bill for a convention in Kansas, having in view a very different mod of ceedure. The House, by a decided vote, declared itself willing to accept the real and true opinion of the majority of Kansas, however it may have been expressed. The I'rtsident, through his agent, the Governor of the Territory, vetoed the bill for the convention. The Senate, thfa House, the President of tho Uuited States, are all innocent of the Lecompton convention. The peopl of the Territory never elected that convention, and never had any opportunity to do so. The lists of voters were made out by partiztn officers, who acted under no penalties for neglect of duty. Fifuen counties, by no fault of their own, had no possible opportunity to vote at all. The convenin, therefore, never had even a pre;est f r bin ling ih people. Bfo.e the conve.iii-n dili.s work.. a new election of a Kiuas lgiU;ure look place, and, thanks to Walker and Sianton, false, fraudulent and forged returns were rr-j cied, and a Lipsla;ure was formed of uiujuestione ' legality. The conrntion, knowing ihe true will of tho people, in defiance of that will refused to refer the consiiaith u to the people, sequestered heir inalienable rights and made them elves ra asters. They acknowh'd that such a reference should have been made, at h;st of the slavery clause, and then they framed, a Schedule which made no true reference even of that clausa, but disfranchised a!l, except those , who would acknowledge their usurpation, and were willing to take test oathi-. to support it. - The convention further assumed most extroardinary powers. and sought, in ad vance, to nullify and render void tho acts of the newly-elaeted Legislature. They did what they could to show approbation of the fraudulent rote which Walker and Stanton, w:th the approval, it is hoped, of the President, had r rejected. Moreover, they ordere'd an election of State officers, under their ratified constitution, without requiring an oath of the election officers, or affixing a penalty on fraudulent voting, or forged-returns: and they, moreover, directed returns to be made, not; to the Governor or legal Legislature, but to one man aloae, the Presidont of their convention; a man holding a most lucrative office and a large patronage under the general government; clothed with power. to judge at his discretion of all returns of a Legislature before which he might become a candidate for office; bound "by no oath to fidelity, and exposed to no penalty for the abuse of his trust. ; We hold, then, that the convention has no' claim to the sovereignty in Kansas but by usurpation, that it had in no wise the sanction of Congress, nor of tl.e President, nor of the people of Kansas, and was but a cunning device to defraud the people of its sovereignty. The cardinal point upon which the great question turns ia this: Is the Lecompton constitution the choice and will of the people of Kansas? I say it is not, an J I thall prove it. The first witness is the convention itself; they wer urged to re&r the matter to the people; the President, in his

office, pledged himself oyer and over, and over agnin, to the approbation of that course and by the authority and with the knowledge of the President, the Governor and officers of the President's appoinimant, (juiated tho discontents ct tha people of Kansas by advocatingthe necessity of such submission betöre the constitution could claim any validity. And yet the convention refused to submit its doings to the people, thus confessing its consciousness that its work would be rejected. The eco id witness is the newspaper press of Kansas; that press is against tho constitution by a majority of seven or eight to one. N-x:: Kinsa. by act of Congress, has a ri 'lu to a de! j;i u in Coiiifiess, charged tvuh the duty lo peak for us people. They have now a dei.'gi.c who is undoubtedly flie choice of tht people, and is the fus . Kansas delegate ever chosen by the people. He is my third witness. Next: ak the line of G.ivern'irs appointed by Presidents . themselves. G-ary, Walker, f i mrly S;nato t7o:n Mississippi, and recently proposed for a place in the present President's Cahi i?t, and lighlv commended by the Presi h-nt himself; ai. I S -.anion, so lt'.ely Member of Conres from Tennessee, all agree. And 1 would not fear to ps!c Denver, the present i icumbetit; he will certify that even a fraction of the party against the Lcompto i. consti;ution is more numerous than the whole of i:s friends. Fifth The people of Kinsi3 now happily, thanks to Walker and S.anton, have a Legislature indisputably representing that people; and so soon as they could lift up their voice, they protested against the' Lecompton constitution. Sixth Those officers who received ihe largest nuurber of voles at tho election on the 4th of January last, have likewise bent thefrprotest to Congress Seventh The voice of tho people of Kansas itself should bs heard. O.i the 4ih of January they repaired to the polls uiider no ordinary ci'ctirastances of solemnity. The President had sanctioned the proceedings by his special protection; the Legislature and Denver took care thai the i'ote should be an honest one, and by that vo.e it appears that an overwhelming m.ij n-iiyof the people of Kansas reject the L,compion constitution. So, then, we have seven acts of wiuiesses against Lecompton; the circumstanti il evidence of the Lecompton convention; the Kansas press; the K-insas dclega'.o i;i Congress; tho series of Kansas S.ato officers elect; the Kansas people. All, all declare that the people rej-sci the Lvcomp:ou constitution. If I could hope that the words of one so humble as myself could .reach tho presence of owt so high as the President of ;he United States, I would entreat him to lend his ear reverently, and hear and respect the voico of tho people .of Kins ts, however lowly they may seem in the log cabins and homes thai they have made tor

themselves in the wilderness. What they have accomplished there,' under unexnm ampled trials and difficulties, is the miracle of the ae. A commonwealth, in all i: fair proportions, has grown up, as il were in the night :ime. If the Proside.it of ihe Uuited S a es will have a peaceable a Iministra.ion; if he will, by and by. have dignity in retirement; if lie will stand well with the world of mankind; if, like Washington and all our grat Presidents, he wishes io stand well wi.h posterity, lthim respect the will of the people of K inss. It is sai l that the whole alfiir is of little consequence; that tiie wrong, if it be a wrong, is a small one. But thee is in political justice no such thing as a sm-ill wronif. A small wnmg contains within itself th" seeds of evi. lt is further s.ti 1 that the po p!(i were laetious, 8ii,l, as tiie meant at anyra o to reject the Lecompton Constitution, it was right not to give the::i a chance to do o. But if the constitution for any reason did not please them had aright, to reject it; nothing is so factious as a minority attempting to rule a majority. It is eaid they should bo punished for not going to the . polls at the bidding of men who were oenevea to o uisposea to defraud them. They went to the polls the first that they were satisfied of any chance of a fair return, even though sulFering under great disadvantage in the apportionment of representatives. It is said that the people of Kansas, once admitted into the Union, may change their constitution. If this is dishonestly said, I will not use the language which would properly .describe the propositions. If, as it is tob? presumed, it is honestly said, and I am sure it is honestly uaid by the President, then why give to the men of Kansas a reversionary right where they have a right of possession? Why do wrong simply that- wrong may be undone? If this is all that is intended, if there lies nothing behind this, if ther are no ,indications of a wish to perplex the national i councils, and so to pave the way for a I change of the national policy or for disunion, then mischief has been done wautonly and gratuitously; the country is convulsed by its public authorities, for an issue as ludicrous as it is wrong. It was hardly worth the while to shatter tho democratic party for any thing so paltry. But while it is admitted that the submission of a constitution to the people is the correct principle, it is said that fourteen States would be displeased il these correct principles were

lo btf followed out. Now the South, "in the organic act for Kinsas. obtained all that it aske 1 for, jind the main result h;ia been exactly what southern men foresaw. The South has Nothing . wnaiever to jraiu by the alopdm of the Lecompton consti.uiion.--It presents no question of prac.ieal advantage to the South, and ?t cannot be pretended that the admission of Kansas under il will carry wiih it any advantage' to the South. As a question on the score of expediency it does nothing but injury to the Sou'h; the issu?; presented as a southern one. is untimely and mistaken, unwise;, and anything but national. And would it wound any at the S uth lese to have, the people of K ms is. as so n the general jfovernm-vii is oir. of the way, undo all that has b-en done? Is it not more res:w,:ful to theSuth to sut the c.ih- in tn full v and temperately; an 1 iely on 3 .i:he:ii magnanimity a:ii shsj of justice? A4. in: i: is sail the Union is in danger; the Union is to b; dissolved. There i9 no present danger to ihe Union. Tho sufferers of wrong in Kansas have been almost all northern men, and the No th has no wish to desert, or dissolve or weaken the U lion. Du: i; is urged ih- men of Kansas art in rebellion. The imp osiiion of a loathsome aird rej"o;ed sonstitmion is an odd remedy for rebellion, which, a.? far I know, has no pr 'cedent, exc pt in King Goortf and the Bri.ish Parliament in 1774. If Gov. Walker found discontent there, the promises of equity made in tho name of the Presi lent quelled rebellion by m ins of the ballot b x. The waves never ris3 unless the wind blows. If tho menace of the constitu i 11 ssenud likely to cxeite disturbances. Gov. Stanton, to hi honor be it. said, lulled the lising comrnoiion, not by calling in .the army of the United S ates, but by peaceably convoking th legal legislature of the country. Time is now no insurrection in Kansas; there is no rebellion there. Cease to dis pute tlie unquestionable right of t. e sar of peacu will rise serenely, the s rm will be hushed, and the waves stibsi 1 . The government will not li:td a rebellion there; let it not provoke one. And wh it a contrast, between the Gvernor of a Terri o-y restoring 1 'ae. :hnugh the repres,u:a iyes of ih peopl. and mi offtverxf ihe jreneial overnnien', call in., hinuelf a Pie.si leu' of a c onveation. taking an eSi'ort from '.he army f the Uni e 1 S'atcs to mak. his entry i no 1 10 -a-.i ai o!

Ki'.-r.j ami 1 thi m inn irs f the ) jO;) 'e if to ihe qu .-s:i n be ween the L eotnpon coiisti 11 i ;i an I ihe people of Ka isas we apply ihi test -f principle, we find tha. tl e enf ncement of tliai cons itutioa will be an act of power against light; of the army against the people; of f ne against reason; of usurpation against thtf rightful will of a majori.-y. It vilJbea viola. ieu of the fundamental principle of fret government, which is government by consent. It is directly at war with democracy, whose cardin'il point is the power of the people. The supporters of th L'co.njitou -ons.i-luiion have not one square inch of democratic: ground to stand upon. A constitution for its validity needs the concurrence of the mri riiv of the peonde, 'either sileutly by a general acquiescence or by a:i appeal to the polls. Shall full and undoubted evidence be required for a deed of a foot of land or a o-iftbv willof a shillin"shall a merchant or banker have powei to stop payment of a check fraudulently held; and shall the people have no power to stop their servants from sequestering their rights? Shall the most insigniticaut treaty of a Minister Plenipotentiary want validity lili it is ra!iued; and shall the highest tre.rtyof the people with themselves Mje mil Ja in a corner by their servants- wiihout their assent? Is form everything and substance nothing? Is appearance every thing and truth and right and reali;y nothing? There is not a precedent for enforcing a constitution against the consent of the people. The principle of popnlar ratification is sanctioned in the Minnesota act. The President in his annual message emphatically declares lhat the example of submitting constitution to the people is founded on a correct principle; so that his instructions to Governor Walker on that subject were properly expressed in unqualified terms. Again: Congress has power to admit States but no power whatever to make a constitution lor a State; still less to impose o i a State a constitution which the majority of people loathe and reject. The tendency to centralization of powr in the general government is rapid and dangerous. We protest against its further increase and against its present excess. The true basis of political organization b&tween all parts ot the Union was, from its beginning, the rights of the States, and that ba sis offers for the future, as it has for the past, the most perfect guarantee for securitv and union. Iledress must come from the people ot the Unitd States. Thoy in their strength must remedy the existing evil, by a distinct expression of their will. The moment is fraught with dangers, which the adoption of the .Lecompton constitution would only aggravate. . .. A departure from the principles on whiedi a government rests in an evidence of decay. The violation of the principle of popular sovereignty wastes the life-blood cf the republic.

Again: in a popular irovernmctit, where

the rulers are but servants, anaichy steps in when principle is forgot ten and expedi ency is made the gide. Aain the concentration of power in the ha ids of a convention like that of Lecompton is not an American idea. It is borrowed from those republics of Europa which were not capable cf existing long, for the very reason that powor wa3 so concentrated. It is derived from the worst examples of the worst peiiods of revolutionary France, when minorities uusurped power over a nation by tenor, and reckles3 daring. If the rule of tho minority convention is now formally sanctioned by Congress, it will be a most dangerous precedent; an instrument of wrath, treasured up for a day of wrath. We appeal against his system to the whole democracv of the country; we appeal to all people who love order, and jnsiice and freedom. This city, for its numbers, n the wealthiest in the world. I call on the men of wealth in i Iiis great ci:v to take to heart the danger of establishing as" a principle that a majority of a single body, elected to a convention perhaps in limes of high excitement, tilled, as will sometimes happen, with men desperately daring and corrupt, animated, as men under such circumstances are ap: to b . by personal and party passions, should assume the absolut: light to change the fundamental law of tho country without a reference to the people. Iflhey ar no, alarmed on account of their own fori unos, I ask them to consider what disposition, under such an absolute conveui mi, might be made of corporate property what eh.nng'S in the management of a ust. funds S3i apart for pui poses of charity or education, or 'ho support of religLus worship. Especially speaking i:i &obr earnestness to reflecting men, I remind the Catholics of ivhai might happen, calling to their recollection the grievance to which they were exposed in an eastern Stale, and from which they only escaped by the re f -ete iciof the cons i-uiion to the people. We call on our naturaliz 'd ci.izens to relied on their dangei from the principle involve 1 in accepting the decision of a convention as final and widiotit appeal. Our country is subject to periodical c.wi emen s on the franchise of naturalized citiZ'usjanli: may happen that a convenl mi possessed of this absolute power may cek to perpetuate themselves and their party i:i offii'-e by one sweeping difran-ehis.-ment of the foreign-born. We call on the poo" and on the laboring nT?n to com3 up to the rescue; for, in the division that prevails on universal suffrage, sooner oi la. er a cotiveuti :i would be ready to limit, the right to suffrage, and to maintain ihe limitation by force. We claim tha aid of every Irishman to a man, and every descendautofan Irishman; for Iieland through three cetituiits, shows the bitter fruits of a government imposed by the complicity between a shameless minority and the central power. Wo will not makfl r.n appeal to the South as such; but if any part of the Union lias causa for alarm at an increase of the power of a convention suddenly called together, we should say it is the South; and weri Jefferson alive, we should on this occasion have a protest from his pen. The guiding principle of his statesmanship was to consult and revero tho people. But what do I say? A voice comes to us from one of Jell'ers n's successors in the chair of Stale in the Old Dominion, and in clear and distinct terms he rejects ihe Lecomp ton constitution as no; the act and deed of the people of Kansas, and he rightly condemns tne Lecompton schedule ns not republican. New York will respotid to Virginia, and the great Northwest will swll the echo. The policy of enforcing the Lecompton Constitution on an unwilling people is neither wiw n r expedient, nor possible. Principle is the true dinner's wand by which tho president of a free deople sways the millions, .and secures majorities for his measures m uongrecS. ine neglect ot principle for temporizing expediency always loses the reaped of majorities in Congress and out of it. The ship cfS.ate is water-lodged; throw the fraudulent constitution overboard; let principle take the hslm, and the bark will spring forward on its way as in the bes years of our republic Ours is the cause of peace, of order, of true democracy, of Union, of freedom. All good omens are with us. For our part wo arc resolved to walk in the central path of humanity, shunning sectionalism and fanaticism n- the one side, and subserviency to dictation on the other. True Democracy inscribes on its banner tiie RIGHTS OF TIIE STATES and THE SOVEREIGNTr of the people; it upholds freedom to the individual in the Siate, freedom to the Slate in the Union, and the indefeasible right of the majority, whether in a State or Territory, calmly, deliberately, and undisturbed to form and accept, or reject, a constitution for themselves. Narrow is the view that se3 in tho riderless steed, ?nd the bloody bridle-rein, an epitome of war; or hears no voice therein, but the shriek of rage, the groan of pain, and the dead march, in "Saul. Out of the battle comes peace, and pride upon its knees, rmd out of the tumult angels are formed, even as violets from the red earth of Inkerman. Be kind to your neighbor and he will bt kind to you.

IIoW a CHurcU' was Cured of

Fnnnrtinn f tfittl A congregational church in a neighboring S.ate g')t so complete! enlisted in the Presidential contest, for FreWoat and Jessie that little attention wrs given to religious questions. The Minister constantly preaching, praying, and exhorting upon political issues and his deacons and the laymen followed suit at the prayer and conference meetings. Finally, a worthy old farmer, or.o cf the stauuehest and best members of ths Church, and a firm undoviaiiug democrat, was called upon to offer' a prater. 0 Lord," said he, "uphold tho old Democratic party, which ha3 received thy protection and support ever hinco the day 'jftho great Jeffersonian struggle. Continue to bles3 the old party which has, under thy protection find providence, brought graat blessings, on this republic. If.it be the pleasure, and I believe it will b, 0 carry that party through this struggle to a completo triumph. Bless James Buch&n an, the tri:d honest statesman, and guide him safely to the Presidential chair. Bless John C. Breckenridge, tho young and zeal ous democrat, and open to him the path of duty, as well ai that which leads to the Vice Presidency. Give them victory. O bless the opponents of the democracy personally, but utterly destroy the fanatical and injurious political schemes, if it be thy will so to do. as I verily believe it is. Be on the side of democracy, O Lord, as thou hast been for the past lifty years, and on the fourth of M uch next we shall witness tho inauguration of Pennsylvania's favorite son, and the people of the country will one more settlee down in their peaceful pursuits instead of warring wickedly section against section, later':!"!, against interest, and man against his brother. And 0, I beseech thee, especially free the Christain Churches from the political strife and bitterness which are rending asunder, destroying their usefulness, and turning them unhappily into mere political associations,' Let us hear something of thy word and mercy on tlie Sabbath. We have already been plied to fulness with political fanaticism, and our .minister has become a stump orator against the good old party vhich thou in Tiiy wisdom has upheld sj long and so rep'a ediy guided to victory, and pustained in the establishments of sound measures. 0, turn his mind from these things, and .tun his attention to h's legitimate religious duties or, turn him over directly into tho hands of Fedral or Abolition party, and let them Lake care of him and provide us with a true minister of the Gospel. At any rate, the present stateof things cannot last. If politics are to rule, I shall claim one half of the time in behalf of tho demcratic party, so that there may bo fair discussion within these walls Amen." This was a stumper. It was tho first prayer ever offered publicly in lhat church for the success of the Democratic party and its nominees, though Imudreds of' prayers and exhortations had been made against that party. When the old man had finished there wa3 silence for a half an hour, and the meeting then adjourned. Thus ended tho political pleaching ia that church. Hart, Times. TnE Kixo of Delhi's Mode of Ejection. The following has been comraunicatod to Poona Observer: It appears from a journal of a European tiaveler that anew and fearful mode cf execution had been adopted by the King of Delhi. The instrument ami process are thus described. A box, each side of which is fifteen feetsquaro is constructed of timber eighteen inches thick, dovetailed together, and braced with iron rods. Tho outside cf the bottom of of the box is covesed w ith a plat of beaten iron, one inch in thickness. The interior is filled with perfect cubes of granite, Weighingin the atrgresate several thousand tons. A machine is erected after the manner of an ordinary pile-drive, but of course on an enormous scale, and of tremendous strength The mass is raised by a powerful machinery, casi in Birmingham for the express purpose, though it is to be presumed that the machinist by whom it was furnished had no idea of tue horrid purpose for whiclr it was intended. The human victim isplaC. cd upon a block of graniie, of i corresponding surface buried in tho earth immediately beneath the enormous mass, and covered with plate of iron. At a signal given by the vicramadack the executioner touches a spring, the mass falls, and the victuim, crushed at once, is suddenly annihilated, and spaoad out like a sheet of paste-boa rdl The huge weight being again raiäed, flattened body is withdrawn and dried in the sun. When completely prepared it is hung over the wall of a public building there to serve as a warning to the multitude! Washington, Feb. 23. The difficulty between Messrs. Clay and Cullom was adjusted this afternoon. Senators Johnson of Arkansas and Brown of Mississippi undertook its settlement on the part of Mr. Clay, and Messrs. - Underwood of Kentucky and ZollieofJer of Tennessee on the part of Gen. Collom They failed to make satisfactory arrangement.--The affair was then referred to Senatort Toombs and Crittenden, who settled it in ' this way: Mr. Clay disclaimed any intention of insulting Gen. Cullom by what ho said at the time of the quarrel, and CurIcm appologized for the blowv