Marshall County Democrat, Volume 3, Number 9, Plymouth, Marshall County, 21 January 1858 — Page 1

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1 ü Vol. 3 Wo. 9.) PLYMOUTH, INDIANA, THURSDAY, JANUARY 21, 1858. (Whole No. 113.

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THE MARSHALL DEMOCRAT, fft'BLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING, BY McDOlVALD Ac BROTHER. TERMS: If paid In advance 1 00 M the end of six months, 1 50 Tf Iclayed until the emi of the year, 2 00 ADVERTISING: One square (ten lines or less,) three weeks,. 1 00 Each idditional insertion, 25 Column three months 5 00 J Column six months, 8 00 Column one year, 12 00 l2 Column three months, 8 00 Column sii months, 15 00 Column one year, 25 00 1 Column three" mouths, 14 00 1 Column six months, .24 00 1 Column one year, 45 00 Yearly advertisers have the privilege of one hange free of charge. Democrat Job Office!

PLAIN AND IRE TYPE CUTS, &c.,&c. Our Job Department is now supplied with an extensive and well selected assortment of new styles plain and fancy Which enables us to eiecute, on short notice and reasonable terms, all kinds of Plain and Ornamental JOB PRINTING! NEAT. FAST AND CHEAP; SUCH AS CIKCCLARS, fAMrHLITS, HANDBILLS, BUSINESS CARDS, Labels, blank deem a catalogues, mortgages; And in short. Blanks of every rariety and description. Call and see specimens. Denies the Soft Impeachment. One of our nati ve poets, tickled st a little circumstance that happened in his family, in a sentimental fit ruähed into print with it, and attempted to father it upon the carelessness of St. Peter; but lh old custodian, it will be teen denies the soft impeachment. The two "jiros" are passing among the current literature of the day: My Child's Origin. BT DAVID BARKER. One night as old Saint Peter slept, He left the door of Heaven ajar, When through a little angel crept, And came down with a shining star. One summer as the blessed beams Of morn approached, my blushing bride Awakened from some pleasing dream, And found that angel by her side. God grant but this I ask no more; That when he leaves this world of sin, He'll wing his way to that blessed shore, And find that door of Heaven again. St. Peter's Reply. Full eighteen hundred years or more, I've kept my doors securely tied, There is no 'little angel' strayed, Nor has been missing all the while. I did not sleep as you supposed, Nor leave the door of Heaven ajar; Nor has a 'little angel' left, And gone down with a falling star. Go ask that 'blushing bride and see If she won't frankly own and say, That when she found that angel babe, She found it by the good old way. God grart but this I ask no more; That should your number be enlarged. That you will not do as before And lay it to old Peter's charge. To the West! BT CHARLES MACKAT. I. To Che Veet; to the West to the land of the free, Where t he ttigbty Missouri roll domu to the sea, Where a ma is a ma, if he's willing to toil, And the humblest .may gather the fruits of tie soil; Where children are blessings, and he vho fcatU most i lath aid for Li fortune and riches to boast; 'Where the yonng may exult, and the aged may rest. Away, far away, to the Und of the West! II. To the West! to the West! where the rivers that flow, Htm thousands of mil, spreading out as they go; Where the green waring forest that echo our call, Are wide as old England, and free to us all; Where the prairies, like seas where the blllowshave roll'd, Are broad as the kingdoms and empires of old, A od the lakes are tike oceans in storm or in rest, Away, fax away to the Land of the West! III. To the West! to the West! there is wealth to be won, The forest to clear, is the work to be done; Well try it, rre'll do it, and never despair, lyjbile there's light in the sunshine,and breath in the ir. Thbold independence that hbor shall buy, .Shall strengthen our hands and forbid us to sigh, Away, far away, let us hopo for the best, And build op a home in the Land of the West!

RULES fit BORDERS.

THE KANSAS QUESTION. Letter from Gov. Wise, of Virginia, on the Kansas Question. The following letter from Gov. Wise, of Virginia, was written in response to an invitation to participate in the celebration of thj eighth of January, at Tammany Hall, New York: Richmond, Va. Dec. 30, 1857. Gentlemen I have the honor to acknowledge the invitation of the Society of Tammany to attend their celebration of tho forty-third anniversary of the battle of New Orleans, the evening of the 7th day of January next. I regret that I cannot be with you in person, but 1 tender to you my warmest sympathy in the sentiments and objects of your celebration. 1 trust that your venerable order will always uphold the Federal constitution, with which you proudly claim to be cotemporarics; that you will strive to revive and perpetuate the spirit of the Revolutionary fathers, who vou boast were vour founders; and that you will now, more than ever, national as opposed to sectional feelings a strict construction of the constitution, as opposed to all compromises of its provisions true democracracy in its republican lorm, as opposed to the licentiousness of rnobs or mere majorities enacting their own 'higher law,' and the liberties of the people against all power, delegated or undelegated, upon earth. To these ends you may well commemorate the victory of New Orleans. Its hero was "guided by law and bound by duty,' when he took the responsibility to save a city then, afterwards to save a country from a foe more formidable than foreign

bayonets. He gave us ihe motto: "The Union must be preserved," and 1 hope that his great authority still remains potent to stamp it upon every heart and upon every banner in the whole country. To preserve it we must steadily adhere to the democratic, faith and platform; w must stand by you in standing by Janus Buchanan as the people stood by Andrew Jackson. He had to contend with the money power, and subdued it by the Samson of Democracy. We now have to meet ihe black demon of the "higher law," and the s.me Samson survives in vigor to fight for the chosen people. God forbid that the Samson of democracy shall at laRt be a Samson Agonistes, shorn and blinded, to become a destroyer. Almost every other people and every other party, except the American democracy, have had their "brid 'es ot asses," but I do pray that we may not besuch asses ourselves as to make a bridge of slavery, or of any other subject, for us to stall at in a career and progress of national greatness. And yet, gentlemen, there are a great many Kans asses in our country, and they are not hall as stubborn asses as the can't asses. A driver can get along after a manner, with an ass that can, but th' crudest goad will Lot prevail with the asses who can't. They are the stubbornest of all, and are sure to stall just in the way and at the very place of most danger. They bray a political religion and religious politics. The best whip which ever touched these asses exactly in the raw, was James Buchanan's Conestoga thong, laid right on upon forty fanatical preachers "all in a row." As to your other motto, "Civil and religious librty," ours was saved by the Virginia democracy in 1855. We struck the dark lantern out of the hands of the ineffable Sam, and none now are found so poor as to "hurrah" for him. We therefore, have some right to say to you on other topics that all common sense and justice require is, that we let each other's property and peace and political privileges alone, and attend to the conservation of our own interests respectively at home. When we happen to meet in the common Territories, to make new homes and neighborhoods there, all we have to do is to respoet each other's equal rights. If we are southern slaveholders don't let our property be invaded or taken away from us; don't allow any power to prevent us from settling upon common lands, or don't drive Ui away from the settlements we have made upon a domain purchased or won by common treasure and united valor. On the other hand, if you prefer that slavery shall not be incorporated in the new body poli tic of which you are to become members, we promise you that it shall not be imposed upoo you. with our consent, either by force or by fraud. We propose to go together to the polls as equals; justly respecting each other's rights, and there determine, by legal votes, what shall be tho law in the case. If property bo established in "lie form or another, it shall bo respected; and if forbidden in any other form, it shall not in that form exist in that community. Now has this just, fair and equal course been observed in Kansas? I fearlessly say that it has not been observed. Fore and fiaudboth, on both sides, have bn attempted, and have to a shameful extent prevailed. And it is the groat vocation of democracy to put down both fraud and force in this and in all other oses. How? The case divides itself into two categoriesthe one dejurt in the Territories, as between the convention and the people; and the othr dt facto in the country at large, as between Congress and the Territory. In tho first in Kansas there was an "enabling strtufe." If the Kinsas-Ne-braska act did not enable the people to hold a convention, or to make laws for their 0-self-government, it had - 11 fPL. IT " !U. Th10 virtue in it at

a Territory, and tho people thereof were enabled thereby to govern themselves. By their own laws they organized a convention to frame a constitution for State government. That convention was, therefore, de

jure, legitimate. It formed a constitution, and had a right to form it. 1 hat was us function, and there its power ended, except to submit it, as a proposed organic law, to ihe lair and free election of the sovereign people, to bo adopted or rejected by them. They, in their organized being of legal voters, are alone sovereign. The entire constitution ought to havo been submitted to their lawful voices at the polls. The power was not delegated to the Territorial convention to proclaim and establish a ! Sta e constitution; it had to be approved by Congress, and much more had it to be approved by the sovereign principals for whom the mere agent, the convention, acted. It was not a mere statute law, repealable at will by a legislature to sit yearly, and to be chosen by the precincts of annual elections. It was tho great fundamental organic la'v, under which titles, and tenures, and franchises were to be he held, and judges and legislators were to sit, and executive authority was to wield the arms of Stat, and offices were to be rilled, and justice was to be administered, and law was to be enacted, and confederate station was to be assumed, and sovereignty itself was to be assumed and it was to be irrepealable by legislation, and to be, in a word, the ... p f . . 1 sunreme constitution 01 a oiaie, . unuer luch she was to be received into the most w glorious Union of fctates winch ever protected and fortified the liberties of mankind! What! Tell us that an instrument of this dignity, that republican government itself, was not to be submitted in its form and plan proposed, to the only lawful sovereigns tin organize I people not a mere mass of persons, but the bona fide inhabitants and legal voters of the Stale to be governed, for their election, to adopt or rnjeeül! De jure, I cay it ought to have hefti submitted. Pure and uudefiled republicanism, conservative democracy, required that it should be so submitted. There is no mobocracy in that idea. It is even, just, steady, organized, free repuDlican action; the law of popular liberty, defined by citizenship and the rule of election, and ii the true example of essential soveieignty in ihe people. Instead of so submitting this proposed constitution by the mere agent, the convention, deferentially to the principals, tho organized sovereign people, there was a usurpation a withholding from them of a fair, free, full and equal election to choose or not to choose their own constitution of self-government. It was ex parte; it was all on ore side; it was, in gambling phrase, the foul "Heads I win tails you lose;" the constitution was obliged to be adopted, with the clause or without tho clause; the vote was bound to be "for the constitution;" it was all pro and no con; and we say that was no submission to an election at all. Election is choice of alternatives to adopt or reject; to reject as well as adopt, to adopt as well as reject. There was no choice in this case. Three men went to tho polls: A said, "I vote for the constitution, with or without the clause;" but B and C said. "We vote against it, with or without tne ctaus?. A's vote was counted, B's and C's votes were not to be counted, and thus one was made not only to offset two, but to be sole substitute in fact for three against the majority of two to one out of three. Now this was but the unveiled trickery and shameless fraud of a so-cal'ed schedule. There was neither right nor justice in it. The democracy of Virginia at least, scorns a title of any sort founded on a fraud, occfrft or palpable, like this. We say that, as between the convention of Lecompton and the people of Kansas, the question was one de jure, and de jure the whole constitution in all its parts ought to have been submitted to aM the legal voters, pro and con, and the two voters ought to have been allowed their voices against it as well as the one voter his voice for it. And, so far as slavery is concerned; it made the caso worse against that species of property, to submit tho slavery clause alone to the election of the people. Why discriminate in respect to that "peculiar institution?" Is it because it was peculiar? If we contend for anything especially, it is, that our property 6hall not be distinguished or discriminated from other property in legislation. It stands on the sam footing of right to protection and preservation which is claimed for any other desciiption of thing owned i possessed by others as proprty. Why was this singled out for the chances of prohibition? Was it not enough that the Badger amendment of the Kanaas-Nebraka bill had already enacted that all laws protecting and establishing it prior to 1810-'2J should he repealed? Why repeat a discrimination against slavery in this schedule of submission? This was ground enough to make pro-slavery partisans reject it. In fact and and of right, if the constitution had not been submitted at all. in whole or in part, to the people, it would have been more impartial and more just to the slaveholder than as it was submitted. If there be any mistaken and misguidd parties in the South who would be guilty of arraying against the equal rights of slave property the irresistible and indisputable rights of popular poereignty, wo would 've our property from guarJianship of such lolly, and rely, as pioperty and protection must always most safely rely, rather upo-i

fair dealing to "ask nothing but what is right, and to submit to nothing vhich is wrong." On the ground of policy, then, as well as de jure, the whole constitution ought to have been submitted to all tho legal voters, without fear, favor, fraud or force. So much for the case de jure. 3d. The convention saw fit to submit the constitution to the one voter alone, and not to all three of the voters, and the convention was legitimate. It was legitimate de facto. Congress could not go behind the return: it cannot intervene, we are told, except to see that, law' Las authorized tho act, and that the form is lepublican. The law authorized the act, and we grant the form ol the constitution iitelf to be republican. We don't agree with Mr. Senator Douglas, that his own Kansas-Nebraska act was not an "enabling statute;" and we don't agree either, with the President, Mr. Buchanan, that slavery was tho only "domestic institution" to be submitted, as such, to the people. The Kansas bill enabled the people to govern themselves; that was its very essence and its chief excellence, and every

municipal institution of a btate government - is a "domestic institution." The President is a bachelor, and he must therefore, be excused for not comprehending a "domestic institution" as well :s we who have houses full of children. Ho had better reasons for his recommendation than he assigned. He was bound to look to the fact that this was the work of a le gitimate convention, and that the work itj self was in form republican, and that these were subjects alone lor Kansas to judge of. j But whether Kansas had been allowed to j judge whether her people had been allow cd to choose, to elect, to adopt or reject ' the constitution of government . . l C. il,0mvl,tWihv V.nrl bn nll.v...! t r to govern themselves, was another fact that had to be looked to de facto, whether the schedule was republicon? De facto, wheth - tl.nrn iv,.r .u. n.lmr.lnmnsliV 5 Cf i t n t ir-.w besides s slavery which ought to have been ttedto the sovereign legal voters?submi It is the very gladness and glory of our Simia .rmmmnt when nr.u,) ilt they guard and govern the hearthstones' and" homes of the people of the United ; .1.... f.." 'i i States The Slate governments are the municipalities 01 sovereignty vnien embrace especially the individual persons, the families, the households, the altars and the homes of our makes Slate ganization, St cause so domes national and foreign subjects of jurisdiclion, and, there fore, it ought to leave all domestic questions to the States and to the people. What then? Why, then, if the schedule of admission was ant-itepublican, :p i :r ,1:1 ..i' 1 .1. . if it li'Oo rl l'll.t if it- siiil r -v f rt -v n l.wl,.. II III lltl3 LJlll.l4ll. II lb VAll! llMb CIV. IV 1 1 J H VI 4 J t and allow the sovereign right of the peoople to judge for themselves on tho question of highest dignity, the organic law of their government, and discriminated unequally between tho subjects of property, the Congress of the United States ought not to reject the legitimate and republican constitution, butought to adopt it, subject to a fair and legal vote of the people of Kansas, according to a law to be presenbed by their Icrntorial Legislature, and to admit the State under the constitution u hnnoi or lhe Ten itorv shall nroclaim its 1 approval and adoption by the people. If j they adopt it, to admit her into the Union j ipso facto; and if they reject it. to leave ; tho tiponlo of Kansas in their own war to! organize another convention, and to submit another constitution to Congress for approval. This would be a plain and easy solution, and would take all the asses over the "biidge of shrieks." And for any difference of opinion as to the mere mode of submitting or solving this question, 1 protest that no true, honest, earnest democrat shall be proscribed. No northener ought to deiKiince the President for recognizing the fact of the legitimacy of the Lecompton convention, and no southerner ought to denounce Senator Douglas for contending manfully for the right of tho sovereign people to adopt or reject their own form of self-government. There is no conflict, in truth, between the two principals dejurennd de facto they, combined, rule tho case, and rule it rightly. It may be verv desirable to have Kansas admitted as a State as early as practicable, but nothing will bo gained by admitting her into the Union in a mode offensive and oppressive to a large majority of her voters. Wisdom should teach a minority to insist upon nothing but what is sustained by perfect fairness and jus ice. A majority can take care of itself, and the minority should be the last to resort to fraud or force. Nothing ess than the highest tone of morality cai protect a minority in its rights, or will restrain a majority from wrong. The great vtate of New York ßhouhT realize the responsibility resting upon her. If she will stand by Mr. Buchanan as she d!d by Gen. Jackson; if her democracy will only firmly unite; if she will maintain no other rule than tho just rule of the law and the constitution; if she will reimmber her greatest stako in swelling the lato democratic triumphs into a permanency f power, and in maintaining law, order, justice, peace and union; if her democracy will cease thr division?!, and devotedly and unitedly "come up to the patriotic work of saving a happy and prosperous confederacy from the dangers of dissolution or the ,l"La.pr of civil war, then truly New r vi ictiwv m - 1. rorrt and do an

people. It is that which V1 ";e w?rs0 .,ilen UP" er young neart.

rights, State laws, S ato or- , . ? . v on her bmt?1 W'?S

ate action, so precious, be-1 ,lu' i,R,u "uu fc.uu 1

lie. in our confederacy.-- wu,ll bl(l c : vnu t e cnuuieu,

,,v.-n,ont mbrra vol .... l ,v u lloni ,5 thanked lod at their birth; the

arbitress thrice blessed as the peace-maker. All the sister States already contribute to her beauty and strength; she is in position and power to be an arbitress, but to be so in truth and effect she must be sanctified to the high and holy office. HENRY A. WISE. Col. D. F.. Dele van, Grand Sachem of the Tamany Society. A Short Courl!iip A gentleman, feeling a strong partiality for a young lady whoso name was JToyes, was desirous, without the coivmony of a formal courtship, to ascertain her sentiments For this purpose he sard to her one day, with that kind of air and manner which means either jest or tarnst, as you choose to take it; "If I were to ask you whether you are under matrimonial engagements to anyone, what part of your name (No-yes) might I take for my answer?" "Th first." said she in the same tone. "And were 1 to ask it you were inclined

to form such an engagement, should aper1 111 1 j son oaar wno loveu you, ana was not mcllferent to yourself, what part of your name 1 might he then tale for an answer? The Inst "And if I tell you that I love you, and ash you to fot m such an engagement with j then what part of your name may I take?" "0, then," replied the blushing girl take th whole name, as in auch a case I j woul d cheerfully resign it for tours? The Urunfrard's Home. Of all the woe, and wretchedness, which j awaken our compassion of all the scenes 01 inisei of miseiy which call so loudly for sympa1 .1 1 .i - i ui uieie none so narrows up me ieeilnp J8 lhe J.rfUI,k!l!J ? ,11ome! rLu.'k T wJoS"n with the love of friends, the 1 admiration of society the prospect of ! l'' ,lf VC USefulnCSS, look at him III Other ' -'oa,s ,whcw, lie, lms l",ei1 ,0 j draught, which, we shudder while love the we sav it, reduces him to the level of the brute. ir . i r l c i " yr ,s ow 1113 useiuiness: wnore tne admiration; where the love that once . t ,.t was Love? none but the love of a wife or ! V .' ta " cimö lü Inn m 1,8 cgrauaiion . 1 t i l i (Look at the woman, who, when she repcati cd "for better or for worse." would have shrunk with terror had the faintest shadow ! of whom ne had been so proud 1 wno1" ,ie VlJ fl.n his knee and t;U,!l ,to ,!SP frying name of father ! lJiem trembling before him, and en- ! 1 ;'voing to escape his violence. Look at ! the empty basket and full bottle; the nat ural wants of the body denied to satisfy tho unnatural cravings of a depraved appetite. Oh! God, have pity upon the drunkard s home! The payment of a fine for personal injulios is a rule of barbarism. It was the first devicvü of a rude people, in order to check piivate resentment; and among the Anglo-Saxons, offences against the peison 0 J 1 One who takes away the lifo of another. instead of being hanged for it. should be condemned for life to support the family he has inj'ured. by hard labor. This would be more like common-sense, for what is the use of a man afier he is hanged? The most mischievous liars are those who just keep on thö verge of truth. tTvo weasels found an egg. "Let us not fight for it, " said the eider weasel. "but enter into partneiship." "Very good." said weasel lhe yoursger. So taking the egg between them, each sucks an end. "My children." said Uedtapc-s, tha attorney, "though you have but one client between you, make tho most of him." STA beautiful inscription, it is said, may b found in Italian graveyard: "Here lies Etella. who transported a large fortune to Heaven in acts of charity, and has gone thither to enjoy it." jtfTGitoCERr "Well, Augustus, you have been apprenticed now three months, and have seen several departments of our trade; I wish to give you a choice of occupation." Apprentice. "Thank'ee, sir." Grocery "Well now, what part of lhe business do you like best!" Aug. (wiih a sharpness bayond his years) "Shuttin up, sir!" U" The Washington corree pondent of the Boston Tost says Mr. Banks, who h:is resigned his scat in Congn-s?, h;is draxtn full pay for the session, nmler the joint resolution lately passed. Ho manages thus to get a year's salary fur about lour week's service! Nü wonder he didn't resign before ! His holding on made a difference of $3,000 in his locket. Buchanan and Douglas have been ph ying a game, and until it U ascertained who wins, the locofoco editors don't know who they belong to. Chicago Tribune. Hie Tribune editor is not troubled with any such doubt3. Wentworth notifies the public every day that the Tribun man is his chattel, and, as his highness expresses it, "d d poor property, at that." State Register. The State Of Deseret. Dr. Hurt writes that at a recent celebratiou among the Mormons a resolution was proposed and unanimously adopted, declaring "Derseret" to be " a free and independent State," and that then a white flag, embroidered with the device of a grizzly bear, was run im on the tallest mouiil-iin pine in the canon, and minted as the national thg of the Mormon Cor;inionwcaUh. jr Convulsions, by tho Very fact of their violence, show ' . 4.ov aro ßhort-lived.

! airings iwlisc Ä- (Dtjmluisc. ! 4T?"Some time ago we were relating to I our family the fact of a friend having found upon his door-step a fine little male infant, whom he lud adopted, when one of ! the little 'olive branches' rem irked: "Dear pn, it will be his s!cj)-son, won't ; . 0 it . We thought ii would. I ;C5TCV,ie Cod is a "place." Has plciii ty of sand, the prettiest girls, plenty of j fish, and regular preaching three times evj cry Sunday. Besides, not the Last impor- ! taut, ail the men lulks are olf fishing out j of the way during the summer, leaving j calico to presiJe!

jfTWhcn vou see a voung man and woman wilking down street, leaning against each other like a pair of badlv-matehed oxen, it is a sure sign thnt they are bent on I consolidation. J iwSTDistilled vinegar frequently lubbed 'on warts will speedily remove them. ' iCSTA lady, who has been reading law, is in the most feaiful and agonizing doubts j regarding the legality of the marital condi- ! lion. She says: "Lotteries nie illegal, and marriage is the greatest lottery in life." i And there are a great many more who J perfectly agree with the lady, who, not ! having s'udied law, have at hast studied common sense i57"Veiy few men, properly speaking, live at present, but are providing to live at another time. itiT A person who had become dissipated was accused of having a loose character. "I wish it was loose," said he, "I'd soon shake it off." iT'Thc woman who made a pound of butter out of the cream of a joke, and a cheese from the milk of human kindness, has since washed the close of a year, and hung 'cm to dry on a bee-line. T3?A merchant was, some timo ago, sued by a married lady for kissing her without permission. Queer doings. ifiSophistry ia like a window-curtain: it pleases as an ornament, but its use is to keep out the light iSiTlt is said that some of the members of a Methodist congregation in Indianapolis lately withdrew from it, because the old fashion of seating males and females on sepaiato seats had been abandoned! It will be some time before all the old fogies pass a a ay however. Thev are fast di: appeal in it-tTThc light heart, like the vine, bleeds most rapidly when warm. CST Nat ure makes us poor only when we want necessaries, but custom gives the name of poverty to the want of supeifluilies. A totally false slate of society has made the most of our wants fancied and unnatural. No wonder, then, at so much poverty and distress as we see around us. Cause Ignorance of lhe million! itSTlf those who are united solely by affection are not the best, they are certaiuly the happiest that is, comparatively. iTSfWhen you see an eld man amiable, mild, equable, content, and good-humored, be sure that in his youth he has been just, generous and forbearing. In Iiis end he does not lament the past, nor feai tho future. ;t2?Sminhs is awful. He says that a lady who is up f jr a proposal, occupies a very questionable position. We have ordered our man John, never to admit Sminks through the front door. SCpGi where you will, you may expect to find the world composed of two sorts of neisons the men of business and lhe men of pleasure. iC"CliHr:ers are kept when their purposes are maintained; thev are violated when ihe privilege is supported against its end and its object. iTThey who are most weary of life, and yet are most unwilling to die, are such who have lived to no purpose in the Ä-orld who have rather bleated than lived. Of such we would say, Heaven help them!" Zdj7Wit is brushwood, judgment timber the one gives the greatest flam?, the ether tho most durable heat. Uoth meeting make the best tire. A poor neighbor's house set on fire, is to be better guarded, or watched, than a citv afar off. Women are called the "softer sex," because they are so easily humbugged. Out of 0110 hundred girls, ninety-five would prefer ostentation to happiness a dandy husband to a mechanic. There are moments in existence which compiise tho power of years as thousands of roses are compressed iuto a few drops of their essence. He declares himself guilty who defends himself before accusation. The truest sentiment ever read at a public dir.ner was "Hoops and the Equator Crinoline and the Equinoctial Line, heaven bless 'cm! The one encircles the earth, and tho other the heavens." Tho greater paiC of political capital. i made up of private interest.

ueprma Dill organized 1