Ligonier Banner., Volume 45, Number 18, Ligonier, Noble County, 21 July 1910 — Page 1

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[LIGONIER. NOBLE COUNTY. INDIANA. THURSDAY.JULY 21, 1910.

COVERNOR TOM MARSHALL

Interesting Political Letter From New York World—Tells a Good Story.

I 1896 the republicans swept I'diapa and elected a sucessor to Senator Daniel W, Voorhees:in 1898 hey repaated toe performmancs and Senater David Turple yielded his position iu the senate to Alfred J ‘Beveridge ; and from that time uoti 1908 ' the Dewmocrats wers Bappar ently in a hopeless minority. The great majority of the state's representation in the house were republieans from 1894 until twe years ago. In 1896 a democratic governor gave way to Mount,a Republican who was succeeded in 1900 by Durbin, a republican, and he in turn stepped aside for J. Frank Hanly, a republican. :

Then eame in 1908, the Democrats ander the leadership of Thos. R Marshall swept the state, regained a seat in the senate, elected a majority in‘the house. and took wvossession of the governor’s office for the first time since 18Y6.

Two years have come and gone‘ The universal feeling in Indiaua is that the demuerats will displace Beveridge with Kern in the Senate, gain a Beat or two in the honse, and fill the atate house with a full set of ‘democratic officials. - There ig & reason. -

- The late lamented republican state convention, alias the “:Beveridge rump convention,” did not ‘‘veiw with alarm’’ a single act.of the Marshall administration, and not a solitary criticism was aimed at the offi cial conduct of a demoecratic executive. Thestate of Voorhees and Hendricks is again democratic — and Marsghallis the reason? =

‘The story of Tom Marshall is not the ordinary stereotypéd story of a successful politician. It has its unique features, due to the upique character of this enigma of the veterau politician. There were unigue features to his nomination.

Opposing him were meun ot long and prominent party services. Dauring the six weeks preceding the convention the six candidates traveled about the state fixing their fences, addressing banquets and eonventions It was noted that Tom Marshall delivered masterfuladdresses at these baaguets, ‘speke frankiy aita with a unique flavor of brave sincerity and independance, and refused to epter into undignified scramble for the nomination® As the convention drew near three of the candidates failing to inspire a following of impressive proportion, were no longer taken seriously, and two found themselves in the lead and heading factions — factions thateshowed their teeth., But this left Marshall unaccounted for. '

1t was at this juncture that Marshall gave the veteran politicians their first shock. His reputation for scholarly attainments, profundity | of thought and brilliancy of speech had gradually epread over Indiana. and couservative men hegan to ser_ iously wonder if the party could do better than to compromise ou the peculiar type of politician who had refused to crose swords in ugly mood with any of hie enemies. Then it was that his friends urged him to devote himself to an energetic scramble voter and to take advantage of what seemed to be psychological moment and to “goin and win.”” - ** Well. the people of Indiana know that I wonld like the nomination.” he said with adrawl. {lf they want me they can have meit will be proof that they don’t want me.” And he declined poilitely, but pos-. itively to enter the fight suggested. Deep down in the hearts of the Americau peopleis a great admiration and respect for the mnan who is thoroughly iudependent. . : - ~The fight between the two leaders in the struggle had become bitter, and all the other candidates either deliberately or in spite of themgelves were drawn into the controversy—all save one, Charges, recriminations, dagger-pointed threats were passed, and for & while Tom Marshall was all but forgotten. He made butlitile noise. He left his brass band at home. -He had no trained rooters on the job. In a little room surrounded by a few faithful friends he quietly received his ca.lle;s, joked quaintly of his chances, spun Lincolnesque yarns spoke kindly of every one and made friends of all. | f .

‘The delegates and managers began to watch that little room nervously, expectantly, wonderingly. Then arother shock was handed out, The contest was so close that the leaders averted every effort to form combinations with the minor delegates. and they succeeded either with the aspirants or other friends in every case—butone. When the Luciferof ambition took Tom Marshall npod the mountain top and showed the promise of the glittering prize if he would but take this chances in a combination, he turned from his tempters and refused to listen, : “I have tried to make a.clean campaign for myself and not against somebody’’ he said. ‘‘l can afford to go back home without the nomina-

tion,but I can’t afford to go back with the knowledge that 1 have lost a friend.”’ The combinationist looked at the big little man and gave him up as a bad ji)b. . ¢

The result was that he continuad to grow. The fight in the convention was prolific of surprisee. The leader in the fight eurly began to lose hig strength, a rapid realignment of forces resulted, and on the fifth ballot Tom Marshall was declared the nominee of the Indiana demoecracy. Another suprise came to the convention when he stepped forward to accept the nomination. Small in’ stature, slight in build, with light gray mustache and iron-gray Bair, he looked pthetically inadeqnate as he faced the cheering thousands. But that was before he epoke. Soon the cunvention realized that out of the complex situation bad been born —a leader. '

With a clear, ringing, penetrating, and pleasing voice, in eloqueut phrasology he thanked the delegates and closed in & unique manner. Recall--ling" the custome of th;é legions of ancient Rome of marching before their emperor and of raising their arms as asignal of loyalvty. he concluded by saying that 1f their was one delegate in the convention who would refuse to follow his leadership, he desired, then and there, to tender back to the convention the nomination it had bestoded upon him. ‘‘Are you ready?’" he demanded in a ringing voice. A thuuderous roar of affirmatinn rang through the hall and out into the stieets, and a thousand arms were raised as a pledge. That was the beginning of the eud of republican rule in Indiana.

After the convention the state waited anxiously for the first word from the candidate. Marshall ealinly took histime. A banquet had been arranged at Richmond, one of the stronghold of republicanism and he accepted an invitation to deliver his keynote there. The faithful flocked to the feast from the four corners of the commonwealth and the prees prepared for a ‘*spread’’. That keynote was a revelation to the :democrats and it sounded the death-knell of Congressman Jim Watson, the re‘publican nominee. I't was not tainted by a touch of extremeizm.. It did nat disclose the faintest shade of disaivaladivn, Ii evaded acthing and it illumed every topic that was touched. Brilliaut, unique in method broadly statemanlike, earnest. strong straightforward — it created a profound impression and was conceded to be a masterpiece of argumentation. It was fundamentally democratic, but not even the most bigoted of partisans could take offense. It was essentially conservative, yet the most advanced of democrats were ‘satisfied. It.was a beautiful superstructure built upon the solid foundation ot elemental principles. It was morally sound politically sound, economically sound. It was not marred by the art of the demagogue. It was singularly free of hypocrisy and cant. It wasacallforareturn to business principles in government affairs, a plea for economy, an argument for living within the income, a demand for home rule, for retrenchment and reform, and for a stricter adherence to the principles of coustitutional government. There was a spirit of primitive hones.y to it that promised nothing to the parasites who cling to the public trough for swill. :

- It was the voice of the people that spoke—and the people understood. From the mioment that speech was delivered. James E. Watson realized that he was in a fight,

That was in August. Dauring the next two mouths Tom Marshall neverlet up. Day and night he was on the *go' slighting no cross roads, balking at no hardship of travel, laughing at inclement weather, always on the ‘‘go’ addressing immense crowds and making friends and votes with every speech. Usually he drove his argnments home with sledge hammer blows. Sometimes he used the rapier. There was a colloguial tonch of his humor that captivated the crowd, a salt to his wit and a sting to his satire that made the. opposition equirm. Tom Marshall made the most remarkable speeches, and conducted the most unique campaign in the political higtory of battle-scared Indiana. And when it ‘was all over he had carried by 15,000 the state that four years before had given a majority of 90,000 for the republicans.

W hen Governor Marshall took office the lins of transportation between nis office and the legislative halls was abnadoned. The pledge he voluntarily gave the people on thestump that he would scrupulously observe the constitutional limitations of the power and refrain from any attempt to nuvdully infiuence legislation wss kept. The promise that he would reserve his power of veto for unconstitutional measures and bills flagrantly at war with the public interest was ‘kept, With the fine sense of the proprieties he declined to discuss measures pending and | remaining ‘quietly in his office prepared to subiect bills passed and submitted to

his approval to the most painstaking scrutlay. When it was suggested to him that he might prevent tha passage of bills to which he may have been instinctively opposed, he pointed to the constitution, woich specifieally marked off the three coordinate branches of the government. ; :

It seemed early in the session that this strict adherence to pledge and principle would lead to inevitable disaster. A lobby—one of the most brazen, unseupulous and powearful ever knowa in the state—sweptdown upon the two branches of the legislature and pitched its tents. With =8 democratic house and a repuablican senate, the opportunity for the obstroctionist was golden. The lobby, through its inffnite variety of contrivances, managed to postpone the passage of consideration of measures to which the predoiminate party was pledged, in the hope of consummating trades in & pinch. Days passed into weeks, and nothing of importance was done. A spirit of extravagance in direct contradiction to the party pledge of economy, asserted itself, and bills establishing new courts-over the state were presented for passage, and in furtherance of some of these measures, the most daring trades were made. The situation from the party standpoint became alarming.

Then it was that Tom Marshall asgerted himself. He sent a message to the legislature calling attention to the fact that the state was in a bad way. financially; that retrenchment aud not extravagance was the necessity of the day. In this history making messsge, be frankly .adnlitted his regret at the necessity imposed upon him of even indirectly trying to influence legislation,but stated that he colld rot permit an extravagant policy to prevail and have it said that he bad failed to warn the lawmakers of the dangers ahead.

Now for tne first time the democratic leaders in the two branches remembered that they had been elected to carry through certain pledges. Within a few days after the receptian of that message, numerous bills embodying party pledges were introduced. Practicelly all of these were put through the house, but some failed in the republican senate —nuo fault of Marshall or the demo cratic house. - :

But here enters the veto. Several bills .were vetoed in the interest of economy and the taxpayers applauded. One veto measure requires courage, self-effacing courage. A large portion of the so called liberal vote had been cast for Marshall as a protest against the blue-law proclivities of his predeceesor. Many of these liberals accepted Marshall’s victory as their license It early developed that while the new executive was a firm beleiver in personal liberty, he had the lawyer’s discrimination between liberty and license. The Sunday baseball bill passed both branches of the legislature and the fans threw up their hats all over the state and celebrated. During its discussion by the lawmakers, Mashall had kept his own council. He publiey expressed no opinion. The measure was earried to his office for his signature and there it struck a suag. .

The governor read the bill carefally, found that it legalized Sunday baseball not repealing another law prohibiting the game on Sunday and his lawyer’s egelf respect asserted itself. He confided to some political friends who called upon blm that he could not: make himself rediculous by approving the law as it stood. He made it clear that while personally opposed to the game on Sunday, it was' not hie personal view but the illegality of the law submitted.to which he objected. The timid politicians thought of the thousands of celebrations and trembled.

A few days later the veto message was delivered and the timid politicians gasped. But right here appeared the peculiar attitude of the public towards the governor. A few radicals growled and swore, but a majority of the fans carefully read his veto message and acquiescad in its reasoning. It was agreed that Marshall was legally right. And while .the veto message suggested that the bill could be passed by the same votes that passed it originally no one had the temerity to purpose that this plan be followed. On the contrary the compliment was paid the governor of rewriting the bill so as to removs the legal objection and in thisform again passed and sent to Marshall. :

Now in bold outline appears the public character of Tom Ma.shall, He did not believe in Sunday baseball. The fans had not felt exactly right about his 'veto. The churech people had loudly applanded his action. He could regain the adulation cf the radicals by signing and he might have strenghtened himself with the church people by following his personal ideas and again vetoing the measure But—and here is the big part of the ‘‘Littla Giant” — he had been elected to give the people a personal government. He had been elected not to make the laws, but to enforce them. The law-making body

elected by the people to make the ‘laws, had again passed a law legaiizing Sunday baseball. He did not feel that he had the rignt to twart the will of the men elected to make the laws because of Lis personal veiw and he permitted the measurs to become alaw without hissigoature.

The legislature passed many good laws, defeated some. bad oues, and when 1t was all over the press of the state declared that *‘Tom Marshall had made good.” »

Only a few weeks ago the politiciang of Indiana were treated to a shock. Tom Marshall proposed that the democratic state convention should nominate a candidate for the gsenate and thus give the people an opportupity to vote intelligeutly upon sending Beveridge back or keeping him at home. THe cld men-afraid of-their - shadows threw up their hands in congternation. Sincere, perhaps, in their opposition to the plan. their arguments against its adoption were either insipid or were predicated, unconsgciously perhaps, upon a wrechedly poor opinion of the prospective aspirants for senatorial honors. They feared that the elimination of all aspirants save one would cripple the party during the campaign! that the little boys who didn't get the stick of candy would not play; that the econvention might nominate a week man, and 8o on, One leader thought it would be ‘‘usurpation’’ for the people in convention to instruct their servants in the legislature. The trimmer we always have with us—even in Indiana. .

But the masses are not trimmers and they are unafraid. The, rallied around the governor. John E Lamb, viece chairman of the national com mittee made a magniflcient fight in favor of the proposition. The contest becams exce~dingly iuteresting —over shadowing all other contesta The eyes of the nation turned toward Indiana. The adoption of the plan would be interpreted throughout the nation as a personal vindication of the leadership of Marshall— its defeats would be a repudiation. Hers again the governor gave the conservative, old time politicians a shock. - When the fight waxed hot and the result seemed uncertain, his friends had flocked around him with the demand that he buckle ecn his armor and’ personally take the field. TLe ‘‘little big man’ settled himself in 'his chair grimly and announced that he was not sprouting thespurs of bossism, that he had not proposed & personal plan, but had voiced a party principle. that he would not pervert the purposes of his office to private ends, that he would not compromise his official dignity by participation in a KilEenney cat fight and that the party knew his views and could either accept or reject them, i ,

The opponents of the proposition smiled complacently and the friends of the plan shivered. It was given out ‘‘authoritvely’ from the other side that the governor would submit to a compromise. _

Then came the convention and the keynote of Tom Marshall. A powerful, masterful exposition of democracy it was, and he closed by advocating his plan to tae convention face to face. ‘"Adopt the plan or strike from your platform your plank 1n favor of electing senators by the people”, he said in substance and the convention responded. On the morning of the fight Marshall was in the chair. There was electricity in the air. On the one side great personal ambitions, on the other. party principles. The fight was dramatic — beyond the dreams of Belasco or Brady. Big men wielded big clubs and great was the ‘lashing thereof. There was intense excitemsnt daring the roll call—then an explosion of enthusiasm, with maniacs on chairs shouting, waving flags, shouting the name of Marshall. The governor’s plan carried.

. The result? : The convention nominated John W. Kern for the senate. The party principle has been vindicated. The leadership of Marshall has been established. The greybeards have conceded their mistake. All the prospective factions have been fused in the heat of the enthusiasm.

Tne democracy of Indiana is in better condition than it has”ever been before. And the answer is Tom Marshall. ~ :

Personally, Tom Marshall is the personification of pure democracy—plain, simple, direet and sincere in manner, easily approached. He has never put on any of the artificiality of power, and has kept his feet on the ground. One morning during the campaign the writer met him on an interurban car. He sat in the smoking department, a bigblack cigar in his mouth, one foot on the seat in front, and talked with native openness of his professional life and his impressions of the campaign. With a quaint humor he poked fun at the insinuation that some one was putting up the money for his campaign and of his fading accumulations and his prospective return to the practice of his profession as poor

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as when he first bung out his shingle. He had not ehanged with his elevation. At his request, his inaugs uration was simple; without pomp, and the people, not the militiamen, surrounded the stand from which he delivered his address.

A member of one of the state boards recently remarked of this characteristic of simplicity to the writer; Governor X used to come into our meetings’’, he said, “with .an_ imperidus manuner, his long-tailed coat clogely buttoned, and he talked solemnly in the style of astate paper. Not so Marshall. He usuallydreps in upon us wearing the sack coat of a business man, and with a ‘cigar'. in his mouth. He sits ~down, crosses his legs and becomes one of us and lstens. Occasionally he puts ina word where it counts. He is just plain Tom Marshall.”’ S In Indiana there Is.a feeling that he has the stuff in him of “which great executives are made—that the next national convention.can do no better than to place the banner of democracy in the hands of *‘the little giant of the west’’, but the governor has refused to be stampeded. It's nos his way. CLAUDE G. BOWERS

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VOL. 45 NO. 18

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