Ligonier Banner., Volume 39, Number 31, Ligonier, Noble County, 27 October 1904 — Page 7

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NOTABLE CONVERTS Many Heretoment Indepen“dents Declare For Parker and Davis. :

Theodore Cox, president of-the New York State League of Republican €Clubs in 1900 and 1902, the Republican candidate -for congress in the Ninth district in 1900, a delegate to the Republican state conventions in 1898 and 1900 and president of the Republican College League in 1894-56, has come out in an open letter in support of Judge Parker for the presidency. He says that Parker’s career shows that he is not a “poser” like Roosevelt, and that his speech in response to the notification committee reveals a safe man, who, if elected, will give the country an administration whose purpose will be a continuance of the steady growth that has gradually and surely, and not by any fire-cracker ‘war in Cuba, brought this country to its present position, and not simply tease the great colossus into roaring s 0 that the wondering world may hear & “Roosevelt” or a “Parker” in the rumbles. | =

William G. Choate, lifelong Republican, brother of Joseph H. Choate, ambassador to Great Britain, head of the noted law firm of which the ambassador is a member, and a former president of the New York Bar Association, has made known to his friends that he cannot support President Roosevelt for election. For reasons of delioacy growing out of his brother’s offiefal position under a Republican administration Mr. Choate will not make any formal announcement of his positien, or take any prominent part in the campaign. He has, however, In--Idcated to his personal friends privately that he hds the strongest of convictions on the subject of what he regards as the disregard of the con stitution by President Roosevelt, and believes that all upholders of the constitution should support Judge Parker.

Denouncing the imperialistic policy of the president, William Morton Grinnell, a prominent Republican and a nephew of Levi P. Morton, declared that he would vote for Judge Parker. “My decision,” said Mr. Grinnell, “has been reached after much thought on the subject. The president may be all very well in his place, but I think that he would do better as a Viking in the Ninth century than as the ruler of this eountry. His acts have gone beyond the bounds of law, and in many cases he has fomented class and race hatred by his policies.”

General E. A. McAlpin, former treasurer of the Republican State Central Committee of New York, president of the Republican National League and a member of the Republican and Union League clubs, has made known his determination not to support President Roosevelt. He believes that the tendencies of the president’s administration are all radical and therefore dangerous, -and he cannot conscientiously support such an administration. His announcement is another sign of the drift of Republican thought toward eonstitutionalism as opposed to imperialiam. He taxes his place with such men as Willlam G. Choate, a brother of the present ambassador to the Court of St. James; Albert B. Boardman and others who had for years followed the standards of the Republican party.

‘George G. Boutwell of Groton, Mass., one of the founders of the Republican party, secretary of the treasury under President Grant; governor, United Btates senator and ‘representative in eongress from his state, is for Judge Parker for president. He gives these reasons for his preference: “I am with the Democratic party because I have made a distinct decision in regard to the Philippine policy, and vl?tever may happen in regard to domestic affairs, nothing can be so unfortunate as this transformation from a republic to an empire. Therefore 1 do not concern myself about what the Democratic party may do, but I am satisfled that they will not sacrifice the honor of the nation by leaving a great opportunity.” - :

Joseph Pulitzer, editor of the New York World, has addressed an open letter to President Roosevelt in which he reviews the record made by the president since McKinley’s death. He points out that Roosevelt has abandoned the policies of the founders of the government, and concludes as follows: “What that record is has been partially set forth in this entirely in-

adequate and hasty outline, limited exclusively to your foreign policy—foreign indeed to all the inspiring traditions of true Americanism. Foreign indeed. to all the noble lessons taught in American history. Foreign indeed to the highest aspirations and teachings of all Arherican presidents from Washington to Lincoln. I fear, I feel, my failure- to.convince your military mind by any reasoning I may have presented but I have at least submitted to -your consideration—for your reconsideration—somse thirty examples of your own extraordinary language in the highest offices of the republic—language, if you please, not only representing and committing the republic; but teaching to the nation your standards of phy@ical against moral courage—standards of public morality and national aspiration. “Was there ever language so intemperate, so extravagant, so unprecedented, so undignified, so inflammatory, so warlike and so dangerous to the people and to their peace delivered by any president or chief magistrate of the United States or any civflized country in the world before?” GET OUT THE VOTE. ‘ The Democrats of Indiana have made a winning fight. At every point the Repubilcans have been on the defensive, and at no time have they met the arguments which have been advanced in favor of a return to constitutional govérnment and to respeot for the rights of others, both at home and abroad. Governor Durbin has admitted that the much advertised payments made on the state debt since 1895 were from money realized from & Democratic tax law and a Democratic sinking fund law, and no Republican speaker of intelligence has dared to defend the silly utterances of the state platform on that subject. The Republican state board of tax commissioners has arbitrarily increased the assessments on lands and lands and improvements in fifty counties of the state, and with equal recklessness reduced the assessments of corporations, thus increasing the burden of taxation of the one and decreasing the. taxes, which have never been burdensome, of the other. In pursuing such a policy the board has shown a studied purpose to curry favor with corporations at the expense of the people. It recognized the fact that the tax law was enacted to pay off the state debt and that it could not be done if the assessments of corporations were reduced and corresponding increases were not made in other directions. When the alternative was presented of making the corporations pay a proportionate share of the taxes of the state or reducing their assessments and adding to the burdens of the people, the board did not hesitate to place the burden on the farming communities, thus adding materially to their taxes. L :

In respect to the national candidates in Indiana the campaign has been aggressive and thousands of Republicans appreciate the calm, dignified demeanor of Judge Parker and have come to contrast it with the bullying, impetuous temperament of the President and to see in the one safety for principles of government and in the other danger and possible shipwreck if encouraged by indorsement at the polls. The American patriotism, which lies deep in every thinking man, has been aroused, and hundreds among the Republicans of that class will vote for Judge Parker through fear of Republican tendecies under Roosevelt. The influence of this class is already marked in the campaign and the Democrats may reasonably expect to poll & large vote from men who admire sterling worth and cannot be won by glitter and show.

These are the favorable auspices under which the campaign has progressed and under which the vote will be cast. But Democrats should see that no votes are lost for lack of effort on the part of those charged with the duty of getting men to the polls. This is a work that ought to challenge earnest thought from now till the polls are closed on the Bth of November. Every man who will vote the Democratic ticket should be urged to he at the polls early and remain during the. day. If anyone is physically unable to go to the polls, comfortable conyeyance should be provided for going from and returning to his home. The one important thing to do now is to get out the vote. Nothing should be allowed to interfere with this duty, and every expense incident to it shrould be cheerfully borne. Get out the vote. |

THE REPUBLICAN TARIFF POLICY t Handicaps Americans and Favors, Foreigners. ‘ Aside frcm the gross injustice .of which manufacturers are guilty when they utilize their protection to compel home consumers to pay more than a fair price for goods and more than foreigners are regularly paying; aside, also, from the base ingratitude of the trusts which smite the hand that feeds them, as they do when they take the protection bonus from the American people and then charge them higher prices for goods than they charge foreigners, there is a sound business reason why this practice should be discouraged rather than encouraged by tariff legislation. These reasons hold good even if the generally accepted theories of protection be true. It is a bad economic policy for a nation so to legislate that its own manufacturers and workers must pay more for materials and goods than is paid by foreigners for these same materials and goods. , 1. Such a policy handicaps home ‘manufacturers and producers and gives their foreign competitors a great ad--Imntage, not only in foreign markets, put often in home markets, even. when tariff duties are fairly high. 2. Instead of encouraging and building up home industries, such a*policy discourages and drags them down by enabling goods to be manufactured more cheaply abroad; foreign manufacturers, to whom our trusts sell unfinished goods at lower prices than our own manufacturers can obtain the same goods at, are naturally, because of their cheaper materials, able to undersell American manufacturers.

3. Such a policy tends strongly to induce manufacturers, who might otherwise do an extensive export business, to establish branch factories in foreign countries, where they can manufacture; more cheaply; where they can, in fact, get more benefits from “protection” than they get at home. That hundreds of branch factories are being established abroad. for this reason is certain. Numerous articles and editorials have appeared on this subject in the trade and commercial papers, during the last three or four years. A notable article appeared in the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science in January, 1904. It was written by Mr. S. N. D. North, Director of the Census. It tells of scores of big manufacturing plants that have recently established branch factories in foreign countries.

4. Such a policy leads to retaliatory tariffs on the part of foreign countries which wish to save their industries from some of the evils of what is called the “dumping” process. These high tariffs tend to keep our products out of foreign markets and also encourage the establishment of branch factories abroad. '

~ CONVICT MADE 600DS. Prison Made Goods to be Marked for Identification. In an opinion handed down in the case of the People vs. Hawkins, Judge Alton B. Parker, while presiding over the New York Court of Appeals, passed upon the guestion of convict made goods. He paid: . { “It is now too late to consider the subject generally from the point of view of the political economist, for the people, in whom reside all power, have set at rest that question so far as this State is concerned. This statute neither prohibits nor attempts to prohibit other States, or the citizens of other States, from putting prison made goods upon our markets; nor does it prohibit our own citizens from buying or selling them; if it did, then, concededly, the statute would be in violation of the commerce clause of the Federal = Constitution and void; it simply requires that prison made merchandise shall be so branded that our citizens shall know where the goods they are buying were made.

“This they have a right to know, for they voted to burden themselves with additional taxation rather than longer to permit a competition which they regarded as a public wrong, and they are, therefore, entitled to such legislation as will permit them to know the truth in regard to articles offered them for sale, in order that they may not, through lack of information, have forced upon them that which they would mot buy advisedly. The commerce clause of the Federal Constitution does not stand in the way of their having such information, inasmuch as the Constitution of this State establishes a public policy in the working out of which the Legislature may go to this extent at least under the police power of the State.” :

PRAISE FROM THE ENEMY.

Paying his respects to Judge Parker, J. Sloat Fassett, as temporary chairman of the Republican New York State convention, at Saratoga, said: “Of the Democratic candidate I have rly the kindest words to say personlly. He is a high type of man, with a é%ean personal and official record.”

AT FERD ACKERMAN’S, LIGONIER

ORGANIZE. One of the most important dutles in connection with a campaign is that of thorough and efficient organization. Speakers may awaken enthusiasm, devotion to principles may inspire degire for success and wrongs, long borne by a people, may incite distrust of and resentment %g:lnst the party in power, but these things all go for naught in a campaign unless they find expression in a compact organization which is designed to bring out the entire vote of the party on election day. Such a work cannot be begun too early or be prosecuted with too much vigor. The expectation that every man will come out and vote is often disappointing, and nothing is more common than for party managers to find the vote falling off on election day and be wholly unable to account for the slump. The effective remedy against such a condition is organization—an organization that will impress. upon every Democrat the fact that his vote is necessary to success. The best way to do this is to hold precinct meetings-from time to time, encourage the voters to attend them and allot to each some particular part in the work of the campaign. Votes are made among the thinking, discriminating class, not on election day, but during the earlier stages of the campaign, and it is in heart-to-heart talks, such as” would come from neighborhood meetings, that Democrats could be most sensibly impressed with the necessity for each to bear some part in the work of the campaign.

The State Central Committee expects to supply speakers for all localities and there will be a liberal distribution of literature bearing upon the issues, but outside of these and more effective than these, will be the organizations which can be perfected in precincts or neighborhoods if active Democrats will take hold of the work. Let the effort be made now in every pre¢inct in this county. The party is united, the Republicans are on the defensive, and organization—systematie, earnest, effective—is only wanting to assure success.

A PARKER CONSTITUTION CLUB

Republican Disregard of Constitution Leads to Formation of a Notable Club.

~_One of the most important clubs of the campaign has been formed in New York. It is projected by men who are devoted to principles and who have determined to do all they can to stay the aggressions of the Republican party upon the constitution, both at home and abroad. .

If there is one thing more than another which has caused thinking men to turn to the Democratic nominee for the presidency it is the disregard of President Roosevelt and his advisers for the restraints that the constitution imposes. It has been overridden time and again by the administration at Washington, and there is a wholesome fear throughout the country that the precedents set by Mr. Roosevelt will lead to even worse conditions should he be elected.

Out of this fear has come the Parker Constitution Club, an independent organization formed in New York, and whose object is to provide the Democratic campaign managers with authentic information bearing),upon the disregard of precedents and/legal limitations of authority of which President Roosevelt and the Republican leaders have been guilty. A permanent organization. has been formed with the following officers: President—James .C. Carter. ;

Vice Presidents—Wheeler H. Peckham, John E. Parsons, Joseph Larocque, John G. Carlisle. Secretary—William C. Osborn. Treasurer—William E. Curtis.

Executive Committee—William B. Hornblower, Francis L. Stetson, John G. Milburn, Howard Taylor, James W. Gerard, Jr. v

The declaration of principles arraigns the present administration for disregard of the constitution, refers to the policy of the chief executive, and says: e ‘ )

“This venerable and beneflcent policy President Roosevelt has undertaken to reverse, and in its place to set up a policy of autocratic force. He has shown that a president who has the will to usurp legislative funetions, to exalt the power of the executive above the constitution and to commit our nation to violations of international justice, easily finds a way. His course, while filling the vacancy made by the death of President MeKinley, can only be taken as an earnest of what he will do if the American people, by electing him president. shall approve his tendencies and methods.

“Here is the issue which every citizen must now decide. The statesman who until recently was chief justice of the highest court of New York is the leader of those who stand for constitutional government of this country, strong and enduring in the union of liberty and law.”

Judge Parker had eight years yet to serve on a $17,000 a year job, but he resigned. Senator I:ailbanks has only two years to serve on a $5,000 job, but he i5B hanging on like grim death. .The judge feels -certain of his election, while the senator feels equally certain of defeat. Mr. Fairbanks is losing heart early in the game.—Winchester Democrat.

Alva Green, editor of the Otwell Star, the only Republican paper in Dubois county, has renounced the Republican party and will support the Democratic tickets. He says that he is still a Republican, but President Roosevelt is too erratic to be intrusted with power, and the best interests of the country demand his defeat.

FROM BRYAN'S COMMONER. ° The gentlemen who complain that presidential campaigns unsettle business are finding difficulty in securing the proof this year. ‘Republican leaders are explaining by sayipg that Mr. Roosevelt wrote those bzgoks long years before he ever entertained an idea of running for the presidency. < ' Speaker Cannon’s touching reference to “Pilgrim’s Progress” seems to fndicate that Uncle Joe has arrived at the “Slough of Despond” stage of the campaign.

Of course Statistician Wright will not overlook the fact that on the day that dressed beef in Chicago went up 2 cents a pound the price of beer came down $2.50 a barrel.

The outlook in Indiana and New York is such that Mr. Addieks grows more confident of being able to fix up & deal for Delaware with the managers of Mr. Roosevelt’s campaign. Of course those disgruntled Filipinos must understand tnat the President’s expressed desire for peace has no connection with those who object to the g. 0. p. policy of imperialism.

“From Lincoln to Roosevelt” is the title of a pamphlet just issued by the Republican national committes. The pamphlet is a short one, but the distance covered is immense, and down hill all the way. !

It is reported that Mr. Cortelyou will succeed Mr. Payne as postmaster general. Mr. Cortelyou is much more successful as a successor than he was as a public official charged with the duty of investigating and prosecuting illegal trusts and combinations. The Topeka Herald says that “every strike settled 'before election is a blow to Democratic hopes of success. How about the packinghouse strike? The &. 0. p. is welcome to all it can make out of that.

Secretary Shaw couldn't see a $41,000,000 defieit with a microscope, but he managed to see the little surplus of $6,000,000 with his naked eye at a distance of 1,800 miles. The g. 0. p. optics always were in need of a firstclass oculist’s services. -

It is noticeable that the papers clamoring loudest for the policy of “teaching the people self-government” are also loudest in their support of the party whose policy is to let the trusts do all the governing in this country. A POPULIST'S TRIB‘UTE. William V. Allen, former TUnited States senator from Nebraska, has gliven out a letter in which, while maintaining that he is still a Populist, he pays a high tribute to Judge Parker. He says he has studied Parker’'s legal opinions and has found him to be clear on the trust proposition aud that he has been consistent throughout his judicial career, being able, conscientious and fearless. Senator Allen concludes his letter thus: coa

“Thus it will be seen that, whatever may be said of Judge Parker’s poltical belief in the gold standard, his judicial opinion of the authority of the government to restrain monopolies and of the jurisdiction of the courts to enforce anti-trust legislation is strong. Being the chief judge of the highest judicial tribunal of a state in which monopolies have their habitat, Judge Parker must possess a strong individuality and a pleasing personality to win the confidence of the people to the extent of intrusting him to administer this office.

-“A careful reading of other judicial utterances of Judge Parker in a great variety of cases which came before the court of which he was the presiding judge clearly demonstrates his capacity and fitness for judicial work. His writings are facile, clear, perspicuous, and his reasoning of undoubted soundness and along the lines of the best judicial thought of the country on the trust question. They are marked by method, candor and care, which manifest that while he is conservative and therefore safe, he as at the same time fearless in the discharge of duty. “Such a man, other things equal, is much preferable for an exalted and responsible public position to one who is a lover of guns and martial airs and glven over to tinsel and spectacular display.” : No Constitution There. Associate Justice David J. Brewer of the United States supreme court caused a sensation in the International Congress of Lawyers and Jurists at the World’s Fair by saying regarding the Philippines: “The purchase’ which this great exposition commemorates was not the result of conquest and came not as the result of war.: A lawyer, not a soldier, made the transfer. The glory of the transfer is one of the laurels of our profession. “You can see twenty acres of Philippine life at the World’s Fair, but you cannot see a square rod of the constitution. Perhaps it is because it has been judicially declared that there is no connection between the two.” :

John W. Foster, former Secretary of State, who followed Justice Brewer, declared that the navy is too big. He sald he hoped that the Secretary of the Navy had not made the statement attributed to him, that he wished to make the navy of the United States equal to the greatest.

I went up and down your land four years ago as your candidate and in every speech I made I asserted that the question of imperialism was more fmportant than the money questiom, =William Jennings Bryan. _

Claiming Credit For Benefits Accruing From a Law Which They ‘ Denounced. : The chief claim that the Republi. cans make to credit is the fact that they ¢have steadily reduced the state debt since they came into power in 1894. It is notorious that the ability to do this came through the tax law of 1891, which was enacted by a Democratic legislature in the face of Republican opposition. The Republicans carried their opposition into the campaign of 1892, and at the state convention, which met at Fort Wayne, they adopted this resolution: : “We arraign the Democratic party of Indiana for enacting an unequal and unjust tax law. It imposes upon the farmer, laborer and householder an excessive and unequal share of public burdens. It creates a great number of unnecessary officeholders hitherto unknown to the law. To the burden of taxation, already too heavy, it adds more than $lOO,OOO for the fees, salaries and expenses of these officers and offices. We demand Jjts radical revision. We pledge ourselves to enact such amendments to the present law as shall relieve the farm and the home from the unjust taxation now borne by them; which shall place a just share of the public burdens on capital and incorporate property, and provide a more simple and less expensive method of assessment.”

Mr. i airbanks, then a candidate for the United States senate, was the permanent chairman of the convention and denounced the law in the foltowing language: “The present odious tax law is a Democratic measure, passed to rescue the financial credit of the state. I misinterpret the signs of the times if the people do not repudiate the law and the Democratic party at about one and the same time.

“There is one way to cure the tax law, and that is to radically revise it.”

At the time the convention denounced the new law as imposing “upon the farmer, laborer and householder an excessive and unequal share of public burdens,” agents of the railroads were gathering data along the several lines to show that the railroad companies were being assessed out of proportion to the farming lands through which they ran. * John T. Dye, general counsel for the Big Four railroad, presented the data to the State Tax Board and asked that the assessments of the year before be reduced. On the same grounds the railroads appealed to the courts.

This law has put the money in the state treasury to pay the state debt, and it is the same law that the Republican party joined hands with the railroads to overthrow. ¢ Self-Government for Filipinos. In a letter te Hon. John G. Milburn regarding the use of the term “selfgovernment” in his response to the notification speech, Judge Parker makes himself plain in respect to the policy he would pursue toward the Filipinos if elected president. Here is his letter: ! Lo

“Esopus, Ne ‘ Aug. 22, 1904. “My Dear Milburn—You are entirely right in assuming that as I employed the phrase ‘self-government,” it was intended to be identical with independence, political and territorial. After noting the criticism referred to by you I am still unable to understand how it can be said that a people enJoy self-government while another natlon may in any degree whatever control their action, but to take away all possible opportunity for conjecture, you shall be made clear in the letter of acceptance that I am in hearty accord with that plank in the Democratic platform which advocates treating the Filipinos precisely as we did the Cubans; and I also favor making the promise to them now to take such action as soon as it can be prudently done. = < “Thanking you for your letter, and with best wishes for you always, I am, S “Very sincerely yours, “ALTON B. PARKER. “John G. Milburn, Esq.” Parker Satlsfactory; Roosevelt Obnoxious. Smiley N. Chambers, United States district attorney for Indiana under the Harrison administration, has a very high opinion of Judge Parker, and it is evident from a recent interview that he is strongly inclined to support him. He does-not say he is for Parker, but when he declares that Parker’s personality is satisfactory to all the peopﬁe and that Roosevelt is obnoxjous’to many of the business interests of the country, he virtually says that the president is obnoxious to him, because he is intimately associated with business interests. Here is the deliverance of Mr. Chambers on this point: “The personality of Mr. Parker is satisfactory to the entire people of this country. " No one, Republican or Democrat, can object to him. The personality of President Roosevelt is obnoxious to many of the business interests of this country. The personality of the two candidates will cut a large figure in this campaign. “The Republicans are confronted by the same conditions as in the Blaine campaign of 1884—a very popular candidate with many classes of people—who failed to command the confidence of certain conservative and influential elements.”

Senator Fairbanks continues to hold to his $5,000 job. .

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f~ . IDEAL IMPERIALISM. ™4 ~ln his open letter to President Roosevelt, Josepn Pulitzer, owner and editor of the New York World, thus depicts the imperialistic policy which the president would saddle upon the gountry: : -

“To see imperialism full blown one must go to England. At home English Institutions are free. The cabinet is a committee of parliament. The king has: not a thousandth part:of your power and patronage.ﬁ He could not jump a doctor, even a very skillful and agreeable one, not even Treves, who saved his life—into a major generalship, or even a lieutenancy. He cannot appoint a fourth-class postmaster. He has none of the enormous powers over corporations which- enables. you, first, to make an inquisition into the secrets of every combination of capital; second, to smash one such combination as an example, and, third, to send that grand inquisitor Cortelyou, who was your own private secretary and later cabinet member for commerce and corporations, armed with all his de(adly secrets, to pass the contribution box among the others. - - “But the United Kingdom, with 43,000,000 inhabitants, rules over 330,000,000 people in non-self-governing crown colonies and dependencies. The welfare of one-quarter of the population of the globe is absolutely at the mercy of the governing classes of Great Britain. ' Three hundred million people in India, under the compulsion of 250,000 soldiers, live and work to furnish official berths to English younger sons and profit for English capitalists.” AN HONORABL/E RECORD Henry G. Davis Answers Effectively Some of the Early Campaign i . Slanders. )

When a man has come up through all the trials that beset the poor to a commanding position 'in the industrial world and no stigma has been cast upon his private or public record till he becomes a candidate for office; his record itself should be a sufficient-ans-wer to any slander that might emanate from the campaign. But in the case of Hon. Henry G. Davis, Democratic nominee for the vice presidency, we have a circumstantial denial from his own pen and one, too, that is a comiplete refutation of all that has been charged against him.

The denial of Republican charges is made in a letter to a friend, and Mr. Davis not only shows that the charges are false, but demonstrates beyond doubt that they could not possibly be true. The letter says: “I am glad to have your letter calling my attention to the publication placing me in an attitude of hostility to the laboring class. - No one who knows me personally or is at all acquainted with the circumstances of my life, will put any credence in the statement to which you refer. I thinkl can well claim that I belong to the laboring class. For many years I worked in the ranks as a wage earner, and I know what it is to earn my living by the sweat of my brow. On the other hand, I have been a large employer of labor in railroads, coal mines, lumber mills, etc.,, and have never had any serious trouble with our men. I can recall but two instances in which there were strikes, and chese were of short duration and peaceably settled. No man has ever been discharged from our service because he was a union man or been evicted from a company’s house for any reason. I think you will find that the conditions of the railroad man and the miner in connection with the enterprise I have directed will compare most favorably with those in other localities of the country. - “I have always believed, and my conviction comes from the hard school of experience; that, measured by the character of the work he does and the cost of living a man is entitled to full compensation for his services. “I am charged with having Instituted proceedings which led to an injunction against strikers by Judge Jackson of this state. The faect Is, I had nothing to do with the case and Kknew nothing about the matter until I read of it in the newspapers. The injunction did not apply to the men in our employ or pertain to them in any way. Very truly yours. H. G. DAVIS”

Judges, college presidents, manufacturers, business men, railroad men, bankers, solid farmers and men of all avocations and callings in life are for Judge Parker because they know he is a safe, cautious and conservative man, one whose judgment is sound and whose mind is clear and well tralned. With him in the presidential chair, there will. be no jack-rabbit business or wild west strenuosity connected with the administration. < The solid men of the nation are for Judge Parker.—Columbia City Post. =

F° A HERO'S INDICTMENT ™Y " Captain 'Richn‘tmd P. Hobson, the hero of Santiago harbor, will make a number of speeches in Indiana this fall.. He is outspoken in his condemnation of thé attempt of the Republicans to appeal to race prejudice and attributes the recent unhappy ®econditions in the South direetly to the action of-the president. After referring to the lynching of two negroes in Georgia, Captain Hobson continued: “We must, however, calmly recognize the fact that this wave of lawlessness in Georgia and in other states has followed upon the heels of the recent action of the president in forcing the race question upon the Chicago convention and the Republican platform. In fact, the whole unhdppy situation in the South tha.t. ‘has grown worse .and worse with-the course of the Roosevelt administration, is due -to the flagrant violation of fundamental laws of nature, whether intentional or unintentional on the part of the president. - s L

. “The accepted interpretation of Mr. Roosevelt’s position on the race question means negro political domination where negroes are in the majority, or a return to the unhappy\pondi't‘fons of the reconstruction era, and means the mingling 6f the races in blood relations. By the laws of nature where two races differing in sociological status are found together in a political organism it is the higher and not the lower that should be intrusted with the grave questions of governing, and it is suicida]l for the higher race to intermarry with the lower.”

ROOSEVELT AND THE QUAKER.

In his life of Thomas H. Benton, page 37, Theodore Roosevelt thus: expresses his opinion of that quiet, peace-loving people, the Friends, who have done so much in every- community in which they reside to foster sentiments of brotherly love: . “A class of professional non-com-batants is as *hurtful to the real healthy growth of a nation as is a class of fire-eaters, for a weakness or folly is naturally as bad as a vice or worse, and in the long run a Quaker may be quite as undesirable a citizen as a duellist. No man who is not willing to bear arms-and to fight for his rights can give a good reason why he should be entitled to the privilege of living in a free community.” Roosevelt and the Farmer. President Roosevelt once lived in the West and he afterward conceived the idea of glorifying the cowboy and bronco-buster in a book. That was a thing about which no one need concern himself, for it was merely a matter of taste, but when the writer took occasion to make invidious comparisons between his heroes and the quiet, sober and industrious farmer and workingman, he presented an entirely different question. Here is the way he pictured the bronco-busters and farmers, mechanics and workingmen in his “Ranch Life and Hunting Trail,” pages 9 and 10: ] “They are much better fellows and pleasanter companions thah small farmers or agricultural laborers; nor are the mechanics and workmen of a great city to be mentioned in the same breath.” - s

Among the visitors to Esopus during the week was George Foster Peabody, treasurer of the Democratic National Committee. He said incidentally, that the first campaign contribution he received as treasurer was from an Episcopal clergyman over eighty years old. The clergyman wrote that, while he did not know whether he would live to vote isor Parker and Davis, he wanted to send a dollar bill, all he could afford, with the hope that the campaign fund would be made up of the dollars of a million voters, rather than the larger gifts of rich men.

Amonrg the salient features of the campaign, as it is seen today, is the action of the Parker Constitution club of New York, organized under very high auspices, many of whose members were supporters of McKinley, but are now accentuating the demand for “Constitutionalism versus Imperialism.” This is but one of many signs of-a rising tide of popular enthusiasm for a return to the historiciprinciples and traditions which lie deeply imbedded In the aearts or the American people. -

The great newspapers of the country are flocking to the support .of Judge Parker and there is little doubt but the independent press of the country will be largely for him before the campaign closes. Among the influential newspapers which supported McKinley but are now for- Parker, are the Washington Post, the Baltimore Herald, the New York Heral%‘the New York Times, the New York’ Staafs-Zei-tung, the New York World, -the Brooklyn Eagle and many other equally influential publications. P