Ligonier Banner., Volume 36, Number 36, Ligonier, Noble County, 5 December 1901 — Page 2

Sends His First Annual Message to the Senate ~ and House of Representatives. MAKES RECOMMENDATIONS ON IMPORTANT QUESTIONS, - Eulogizes the Late Presidéfit McKinley and Advocates Stern Measures for Anarchists—Proposes Trust Legislation Along the Lines of Publicity —Favors Government Construction of Irrigation Works— Utges Construction of Isthmian Canal and Laying of Pa- "~ cific Cable—Asks Legislation for the Colosies and ~ Reciprocity for Cuba—Would Exclude Chinese. o

The following is a comprehensive summmary of President Roosevelt’s méssage to €Ongress: The president begins his first annual <ommunication with an official announceanent of the death of the late President McKinley, and a eulogy of his former «<chief in which he says: “Jt is not too much to say-that at the #ime of President McKinley's death he was the most widely-loved man in all the United States, while we have never had mny public man of his position who has been so wholly free from the bitter aniamosities incident to public life. His poJitical opponents were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute 4o the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and gentleness of character which so endeared him to his close asso«ciates. To a standard of lofty integrity in public life ke united the tender affec+tions and hoéme virtues which are all fmportant in° the makeup of - national <haracter. A gallant’ soldier in the gredt war for the union, he also shone. as an -«example to all our people because of his sconduct in the most sacred and intimate of home relations. There could be no personal -hatred,. of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration for the welfare of others. No one could fail to yespect him who knew him in public® or private life. The defenders of those muraderous criminals who seek to excuse their ¢riminality by asserting that it is exer= <cised for political ends inveigh against wealth and irresponsible power. But for this assassination even this base apology «annot be urged.” -

“The shock, the grief of the country, are ‘bitter in the minds of all who saw the -dark days while the president yvet hovered between life and death. At last the bight was stilled in the kindly eyes. and the breath went from the lips that even in " anortal agony uttered no words save of forgiveness to his murderer, of love for ‘his friends and of unfaltering trust in the -will of the Most High. Such a death crowning the glory of such a life leaves -us with infinite sorrow, but with such pride in what he had accomplished and in This own personal character that we feel the blow not as struck at him, but as struck at the nation. We mourn a good and great president who is dead, but ~While we mourn we are lifted up by the splendid achievements of his life and the srand heroism with which he met his death. ; . :

“When we turn from the man to the nafion, the harm done is so great as Y excite our gravest apprehensions and to deimand our wisest and most resolute ac{ion. This criminal was a professed anarchist, inflamed by the teachings of professed anarchists: and probably also by 4the reckless utterances of those: who on the stump and in the public press appeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and ereed, envy and sullen hatred. The wind is sowed, by the men who preach such doetrines, and they. cannot escape their share of responsibility for the whirlwind that is reaped. This applies alike to the deliberate demagogue, to the exploiter of sensationalism and to the crude and foolish visionary-who for whatever reason apologizes for crime or excites aimless discontent. e ot ;

““The blow was aimed not at this prekident, but at all presidents, at every symol of government. President McKinley -was as emphatically the embodiment of “the popular will of the nation expressed through the forms of law as a New Engdand town meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment-of the law abiding puryose and practice of the people of the town. On no conceivable -theory could ‘the murder of the president be accepted .as due to protest against ‘inegualities in fhe social order’ save as. the murder of -all the freemen engaged in a town meeting could be accepted as a protest against wthat social inequality whieh puts a male #actor in jail. Anarchy is no more an expression of ‘‘social discontent'’ than pick4inz pockets or wife beating.” : In the same connection -he makes .strong recommendations as to how the -nation should deal -with anarchy. He arges that the preaching or teaching of anarchy be not permitted, and requests smengress to enact legislation that will prevent anarchists from foreign countries landing upon our shores. He would also Have the federal -courts given jurisdiction over any man who Kkills, or attempts to . Xkill, ‘the president of the country, or any - person who is in line for succession to +he presidency. He has no fear, however, that the country will ever fail into anArchyy e LR 5 3

‘“The federal courts should be given jur“fadiction over any man who Kkills or at“tempts to Kkill the president or any man who by the constitution or by law is in dine of succession for the _ presidency, ~vhile the punishment for an unsuccessful attempt should. be proportioned 1o the <normity of the offense against our institutions. Anarchy is a crime against the whole “human race, and all mankind should band .against the anarchist. His crime should ‘be made an offense against the law of mations, like piracy and that form of man .stealing known as the slave trade, for it 4s of far blacker infamy than either. It should be so declared by treaties among all civilized powers. Such treaties would &£ive to the federal government the power «©f dealing with the crime.” : : The Trusts, . The president sees cause for congratu@dation lor the nation in the business conditions of the present, but sees in the ‘treanendous and highly complex industrial -development which ,went on with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter half «©f the nineteenth'century’ a serious social problem for the present and future. He <oes not believe that the old laws and old customs are sufficient to regulate the ac-' -cumulation and distribution of wealth of _the present time. He does not attribute “fhe creation of great corporate fortunes to the existence of a protective tariff, “nor 10 any other governmental action, but to natural causes in the business world, op«erating in other countries as they operate in our own.’”’. In this connection he says: “The process has aroused much antagomism; a great part of which is wholly without warrant. It is not true that as the rich have grown richer the poor have ABrown poorer. On the contrary, never before has the average man, the wageworker, the farmer, the small trader, been =0 well off as in this country and at the present time. There have bewabuses {,onnect_ed with the accumulation -of wealih, yet it remains true that a fortune accumuiated in legitimate business ~can bhe accumulated by the person spe--cially benefited only on condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon wothers. Successful enterprise of the type which benefits all mankind can only ex--ist if the conditions are such as to offer Zreat prizes as the rewards of success.” But while he realizes existing condi‘tions, he emphasizes the fact that congress #n providing remedies must act with caution, as the men and corporations ‘“who have built up our commerce and driven our wailroads across the continent have done great good to our people, and without #“hem the material development of which “we are so justly proud could never have taken place. Moreover, we should recogmize the immense importance to this ma#terial development of leavi{lg" as unhamwered as is compatible with the public ®ood the strong and forceful men upon whom the success-of business operations inevitably rests. The slightest s(zudy-.ot ‘business conditions will' satisfy anyone «<apable of forming a judgment that the @personal equation is the most important factor in a business operation; that the Tousiness ability of the man at the head of Aany business concern, big or little, is usualIy tfie factor which fixes the gulf between siri inigl success and hopeless failure.” Another reason for caution in trust legisjation which he gives “is to be found in the “international commercial conditions of to.day. The same business conditions which ihave produced the great aggregations of ~corporate and individual wealth have .made them very Potem factors in interwational commercial competition. Busicness concerns which have the largest aneans at their disposal and are managed ; take the ‘in the strife for com‘mwa‘qstwmczaamf@umfl_ 8 of

the world. Amerieca has only just begun to assume that commanding position in the international business world which we believe will more and more be hers. It is of the utmost importance that this position be not jeoparded, especially at a time when the overflowing abundance of our own natural resources and the skill, business energy and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign markets essential. Under such conditions it would be most unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our nation. “Moreover, it cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost inevitably endangers the interests of all. The fundamental rule in our national life, therule which underlies all others, is that on the whole and in the long run we shall 20 up or down together. There are exceptions, and in times of prosperity some wi}l prosper far more and in times of adversity some will suffer far more than others; but, speaking generally, a period of good times means that all share more or less in them, and in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a greater or less degree.” ‘He points to the fact that in the past “the igrorant or reckless agitator has been the really effective friend.of ‘the evils which he has been nominally opposing. In dealing with business interests for the government to undertake by crude and ill-considered legislation to do what may turn out to be bad would be to incur the risk of such far-reaching national disaster that it would be preferable to undertake nothing at all. -The men who demand the impossible or the undesirable serve as the allies of the forces with which they are nominally at war, for they hamper those who would endeavor to find out in rational fashion what the wrongs really are and to what extent and in ~what manner it is practicable to apply remedies.” " Remedies for the Trust Evil. . But while he says the above is true, he yet sees many evils for which there shouid be remedies provided. Of these evils the chief is ever capitalization, ‘‘because ol its many baleful consequences.”’ e says: “The conviction of the American people that the .great corporations, known &as trusts, are in certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare, is based upon sincere conviction that combination and concentration should be not prohibited, but supervised and within reasonable limits controlled, and in my judgment this conviction is right.” = As a remedy for these evils he says: ‘“The first essential in determining how to deal with the great industrial combinations is knowledge of the facts—publicity. In the interest of the public the government should have the right to inspect and examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in interstate business. Publicity is the only sure remedy which we can now invoke. - What further remedies are needed in the way of governmental regulation or taxation can only be determined after publicity has been obtained by process of law and in the course of administration. The first requisite: is knowledge, full and complete —knowledge which may be made public to the world. > G

‘‘Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint stock or other associations depending upon any statutory law for'their existence or privileges, should be subject te proper governmental supervision, and full and accurate information as to their operations should be made public regularly at reasonable intervals.”’ - ‘“The : large corporations, commonly called trusts, though organized in one state, always do business in many states, often doing very little business in the state where they are incorporated. There is utter lack of uniformity in the state laws about them, and as no state has any exclusive interest in or power over their aects it has in practice proved impossible to get ‘adequate regulation through state action. Therefore in the interest of the whole people the nation should, without interfering with the power of the states in the matter itself, also assume power of supervision and regulation over all corporations doing an interstate business. This is especially true where the corporation derives a portion of its wealth- from the existence of some monopolistic element or tendency in its business. There would be no hardship ‘in such supervision. . Banks are subject to it, and in their case it is now accepted as a simple matter of course. Indeed it is, probable that supervision of corporations by the national government mneed not go so fards is now the case with the supervision exercised over them by so conservative a sftate as Massachusetts in order to produce excellent results. ‘“When the constitution was adopted, at the end-of the eighteenth century, no human wisdom could foretell the sweeping changes, alike in industrial and political conditions, which were to také place by the beginning of the twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as & matter of course that the several states were the proper authorities to regulate so far as was then necessary the comparatively insignificant and strictly localized corporate bodies of the day. The conditions are now wholly different, and wholly different action¢is called for. 1 believe that a law can be framed which will enable the national government to exercise control along the lines above indicated, profiting by the experience gained through the passage and administration of the interstate commerce act. If, however, the judgment of the congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass such an act, then a constitutional amendment should be submitted to confer the power.” 1n connection with the irusts he recommends legislation creating a cabinet officer, to be kpown &s secietary of omine.ce, whose d ties wouid be to Jdeal with all qu:stions concern’i.g commerce, latcr and ths merchant marine. - Would Exclude the Chinese. The message con:ains a strong recomriendation for t! e reenactment at unce of the present Chinese exclusion act, in which connection he says: ‘““Wages are higher to-day in the United States than ever before in our history and far higher than in any other country. The standard of living is also higher than ever before. Every effort of ,cgislator and administrator should be bent to secure the permanency of this condition of things and its improvement whersver possible. Not only must our labor be protected by the tariff, but it should also be protected so far as it is possible from the presence in this country of any laborers brought over by contract or of those who, coming freely, yvet represent a standard of living so depressed that they can undersell our men in the labor market and drag them to a lower ievel. 1 regard it as necessary, with this end in view, to reenact immediately the law excluding Chinese : laborers and to strengthen it wherever necessary in order to make its enforcement entirely effective.” ; . “The national government should de\mand the highest quality of service from its employes and in return it should be a good employer. If possible, legislation lshould be passed in connection with the interstate commerce law which will render effective the efforts of different states to do away with the competition of convict contract labor in the open labor market. So far as practicable under the conditions of government work provision should be made to render the enforcement of the eight-hour law easy ‘and certain. In all industries carried on directly or indirectly for the United States government women and children should be protected from excessive hours of labor, from night work and from work 'undger unsanitary conditions. The gov~ernment should provide in its contracts that all work should be done under ‘‘fair’” conditions and, in addition to setting a high standard, should uphold it by proper inspection, extending if necessary to ‘the _subcontractors.. The government should forbid all night work for women 1 children as well as excessive overtime. For the District o,t‘Cqumfifi;fiaj good factory law should be passed, and, | as a powerful indirect ald to such laws, provision should be made to tumt?b n;;gg_.g,lleg:; the existence of which is 1\"_:11 0 our capital Gltfi.fitfifl!fifl‘

streets, where the inhabitants can live under conditions favorable to health and morals.” . . 5 ‘aun tne labor unions of the present he sees lilch that is good, in which connection he says: = ‘“*Very great good has beén and will be accomplished by associations or unions of wageworkers when managed with forethought and when they combine insistence upon their own rights with law abiding respect for the rights of others. The display of these qualities in. such bodies is a duty to the nation no less than to the associations themselves. Finally there must also in many cases be action by the government in order- to safeguard the rights and interests of all. Under our constitution there is much more scope for such action by the state and the municipality than by the nation. But on points such as those touched on above the national government can act. “When all is sald and done, the rule of brotherhood remains as the indispensable prerequisite to success in the kind of national life for which w 2 strive. Each man: must work for himself, and unless he sp works no outside help can avail him. But each man must remeraber also that che is indeed his brother’s keeper, and thatswhile no man who rcfuses to walk can be carried with advantage to himself or anyone else, y=t that each at times stumbles or halts, that c¢ach at times needs to have the h:lping hand outstretched to him. To be permanently effective aid must always take the form af helping a man to help himself, and we can all best help ourselves by joining together in the work that is_ef ¢ommon interest to all.” {:; : The Immigration Laws, He pronounces our present immigration laws unsatisfactory. In which connection he says ‘‘we need every honest and ‘efficfent immigrant fitted to become &an American citizen, every immigrant who comes here to stay, who brings ho2re o strong body, a good head and a resolute purpose to dc his duty well in every way and to bring up ais children as law-abiding, God-fearing members of the communiiy.” But he says: “There should be a comprehensive law e¢nacted with the object of working a threefold improvement . over our present system. First, we should aim 40 exclude alsolutely not only all persons who are krnown to be believers in anarchistic principles or members of anarchistiz societies, but also all persons who are of a low moral tendency or of unsavory reputation. This means that we should reGuire a more thorough system of inspecticn abroad and a more rigid system of exam.nation at our immigration ports, the fovmer being especially uecessary, “The second obiect of a proper immigration law ought to be to secure by a careful and not merely perfunctory educational test some intelligent capacity to appreciate American institutions and act sanely as American citizens. This would not keep out all anarchists, for many of them belong to the intelligent criminal class, but it would do what is also in point —that is; tend to decrease the sum of ignorance s£o potent in producing the envy, suspicior; malignant passion and hatred of orcder. out of which anarchistic sentiment Inevitably springs. Finally all persons should ke excluced, who are below” a.certair standard of economic fitness to enter our industria! field as competitors with American labor: There should be proper proof of personal capacity to earn an American living and enough money to insure a cecent start under American conditions. This woulé stcp the influx of cheap lahor and the resultirg competition which gives rise to so much of bitterness in American industrial life, and it would dry un thq springs of the pestilential social cond:ztmns in our great cities where anarchistic crganizaticns have their greatest piossibility of grewth., . ‘‘Both the educational and economic tests In a wise immigration law should be designed to protect and elevate the general bcdy_, political and social. :A very close supervision should be exercised over the steamship. companies which mainly bring over the immigrants, and they should be held to a strict acceuntability for any infraction of the law.” The Tariff,

The president does not desire any change in the present tariff schedule except where such may be made in reciprocity treaties, and recommends the adoption of reciprocity treaties and the %eneral.policy of reciprocity as a means of opening the deors of foreign nations to our commerce, in which connection he says:

‘“Every .application of our tariff policy to meet our shifting national needs must he conditioned upon the cardinal fact that the duties must never be reduced below the point that will cover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. The well being of the wageworker is a prime consideration of our entire policy of economic legislation. - ' “Subject to this proviso of the proper protection necessary to our - industrial well being at home the principle of reciprocity must command our hearty support. The phenomenal growth of our export trade emphasizes the urgency of the need for wider markets and for a liberal policy in dealing with foreign nations. Whatever is merely petty and vexatious in the way of trade restrictions should be avoided. The customers to whom we dispose of our surplus products in the long run directly or indirectly purchase those surplus: products by giving us something in return. Their ability to purchase our products should as far as possible be secured by so arranging our tariff as to enable us to take from them those products which we can use without harm to our own industries and labor or the use of which will be of marked benefit to usy

“It is most important that we should maintain. the high level of our present prosperity. We have now reached the point in the development of our interests where we are not only able to supply our own markets. but to produce a constantly growing surpius for which we must find markets abroad. To secure these markets we can utilize existing duties in any case where they are no longer needed for the purpose of protection, or in ,any case where the article is not produced here and the duty is no longer necessary for revenue, as giving us something to offer in exchange for what we ask. The cordial relations with other nations which are so desirable will naturally be promoted by the course thus required by our own interests. ‘“The natural line of development for a policy of reciprocity will be in connection with those of our productions which no longer require all of the support once needed to establish them upon a sound basis, and with those others where eithbr because of natural or of economic causes we are beyond the reach of successful competition. : *I ask the attention of the senate to the reciprocity treaties laid before it by my predecessor.”’ The Merchant Marine,

The president pronounces our merchant marine ‘“‘discreditable to us as a nation and insignificant to that of other nations‘whlch we overtop in other forms.of business,”’ and says we ‘“should .not longer submit to conditions under which only a trifling portion of our great commerce is carried in our own ships. Of this he says: ‘“To remedy this state of things would not merely serve to build up our shipping interests, but it would also result in benefit to all who are interested in the permarient establishment of 4 wider market for American products ard would provide an auxiliary force for the ravy. Ships work for their own ccurtries just as railroads work for their terminal points. Shipping lincs, if established to the principal countries with which we have dealings, would be of rolitical as well as commercial benefit. From every standpoint it is unwise for the United State: 1o continue to rely upon the ships of competing nations'for the distribution of ow. gecods.. It should be made advantageous tce carry American goods in American built ships.”” His recommendaticn on this subject 1s only that *“our government should take such action as will remedy these inequalities. 'The American merchant marine should be restored to the otean.” Finances,

Under this heading the president recommends such legislation as will better safeghard against the dcranging influences of commereial crises and financlal panies and such as will make the currency of the country more responsive to the demands of domestic trade and comnmerce, . He points out the fact that the receipts from dities on ifmports ard internal taxes exceed the expenditures of the government, but counséls against reducing ?he revenues so that there wh! be the possibility of a deficit. d “But-aiter providing against any such contingency means shculd be adopted which will brirg the revenues more nearly within the limit of our actual needs.” He urges the necessity for strict economy in expenditures, but that ‘‘our national needs forbid us to be niggardly in the matter of providing whatever is actually necessary to our well-being.” : Inter-State Commerce, He points to defects in the .interstate commerce law, and recommends amendments to correct them, in which connection he says: ‘“T'hose who complain of the management of the railways allege that established rates are not maintained, that rebates and similar devices are habitually resorted to, that these preferences are usuallg in favor of the large shipper, that they drive out of business the smaller competitor, that while many rates are too low many others are excessive. and that gross preferences are made affecting both localities and commodities. Upon the other hand, the railways assert that the law by its very terms tends to produce many of these illegal practices by depriving carriers of that right of concerted action mfi,they claim is necessary to establish and maintain nondiscriminating rates. - ‘"The act should be amended. The railway is a public servant, Its rates should

be just to and open to all shippers alike. ''he government should see to it that within its jurisdiction this is so and should provide a speedy, inexpensive and effective remedy to that end. At the same time it must not be forgotten that our railways are the arteries through which the commercial lifeblood of this nation flows. Nathing could be more foolish than the enactment of legislation which would unnecessarily interfere with the development and operation of these commercial agencies.” : ' Agricultural Interests, '

The president cites the forest legislation of the past and the great good of forest preserves to the people, and says they will ‘inevitably be of still greater value. Ccntinuing, he says: ) ‘“At present the protection of the forest reserves rests with the general land office, the mapping and description of their timber with the United States geological survey and the preparation of plans for their conservative use with the bureau of {forestry, which is also charged with the general advancement of practical forestry in the United States. These various functions should be urnited in the bureau of forestry, to which they properly belorg. The present diffusion of responsibility is bad from every standpoint. It prevents that effective cooperation . between the government and the men who utilize the resources: of the reserves, without which the interests of both must suffer.. The scientific bureaus generally should be put under the department of agriculture. The president shkould have by law the power of transferring lands for use as forest reserves to the department of agriculture. He already has such power in the case of lands needed by the departments of war and the navy.” : : : Irrigation. Irrigation In.connection with the waste lands ot the weést is a question to which the president gives considerable attention, and makes strong recommendations for government assistance in reclaiming the waste lands by assisting in their irrigation and the control of water rights wherever that is possible, and of this he says: “In the arid region it is water, not land, which measures production. The western half of the Uxme{} States wouid sustain a population greate:,,r_hfi_n_t_ha_ul)éf our whole country to-day it the waters that now run to waste were saved and used*for irrigation. The forest and water problems are perhaps the most vital internal questions of the United States. : “‘ln cases where natural conditions have been restored for a few years vegetation has again carpeted the ground, birds and deer are coming back, and hundreds of persons, especially from the immediate neighborhood, come each summerito enjoy tl}e privilege of camping. Some at least of the forest reserves should afford perpetual protection to the native fauna and tipra, sgf_e havens of refuge to our rapidly diminishing wild animals of the larger kinds and free camping grounds for the ever-increasing numbers of men and women who have learned to find rest, health and recreation in the splendid forests and flower-clad meadows of our mountains. The forest reserves should be set apart forever for the use and benefit of our people as a whole and not sacrificed to the shortsighted greed of a few.” ‘“The forests alone cannot, however, fully regulate and conserve the waters of the arid region. Great storage works are necessary to equalize the flow of streams and to save the flood waters. Their construction has been conclusively shown to be an undertaking too vast for private effort. Nor can it be best accomplished by the individual states acting alone. Far-reaching interstate problems are involved, and the resources of single states would often be inadequate. It is properly a national function, at least in some of its features. It is as right for the national government to make the streams and rivers of the arid region useful by engineering works for water storage as to make useful the rivers and harbors of the humid region by engineering works of another kind. The storing of the floods in reservoirs at the headwaters of our rivers is but an enlargement of our present policy of river control under which levees are built on the lower reaches of the same streams.

“The government should construct and maintain these reservoirs as it does other public works. Where their purpose is to regulate the flow of streams the water should be turned freely into the channels in the dry season to take the same course under the same laws as the natural flow. “The reclamation and settlement of the arid lands will enrich evéry portion of our country, just as the settlement of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys brought prosperity to the Atlantic states. The increased demand for manufactured articles will stimulate industrial produetion, while wider home markets and the trade of Asia will consume the larger food supplies and effectually prevent western competition with eastern agriculture. Indeed, the products of irrigation will be consumed chiefiy in upbuilding local cénters of mining and other industries which would otherwise not come into existence at all. Our people as a whole will profit, for successful homemaking is but another name for the upbuilding of the nation.” He counsels against attempting too much at the beginning, but advises that we let experience on a small plan teach the possibilities of greater undertakings. He also cites the conditions under which the settlers of the west are attempting to buiid homes on these arid iands, and says: ‘The security and value of the homes created depend largely on the stability of titles to water, but the majority of these rest on the uncertain foundation of court decisions rendered in ordinary suits at law. With a few creditable exceptions, the .arid states have failed to provide for the certain and just division of streams in times of searcity. L.ax and uncertain laws have made it possible to establish rights to water in excess of actual uses or necessities, and many streams have already pasted into private ownership or a control equivalent to ownership.

*“Whoever controls a stream practically controls the land it renders productive, and the doctrine of private ownership of water apart from land cannot prevail without causing enduring wrong. The recognition of such ownership, which has been permitted to grow up in the arid reglons, should give way to a more énlightened and larger recognition of the rights of the public in the control and disposal of the public water supplies. Laws founded upon conditions obtaining in humid regions, where water is too abukdant to justify hoarding it, have no proper application in a dry country. ;

‘“ln the arid states the only right to water which should be recognized is that of use. In irrigation this right should attach to the land reclaimed and be inseparable therefrom. Granting perpetual water rights to other than users without compensation to the public is open to all the objections which apply to giving away perpetual franchises to the public utilities of the, cities. A few of the western states' have already recognized this and have incorporated in their constitutions the doctrine of parpetual state ownership of water.” The Colonies. : Considerable attention is given the colonies, and especially the Philippines. This section of the message begins by citing the needs of Hawaii and Porto Rico, of which he says: A “In Hawaii our aim must be to develop the territory on the traditional American lines. We do not wish a region of large estates tilled by cheap labor. We wish a healthy Americanh community of men who themselves till the farms they own. All our legislation for .the islands should be shaped with this end in view. The well being of the average homemaker must afford the true test of the healthy development of the islands. The land policy should as nearly as possible be modeled on our homestead system.” Of Porto Rico he says the island is thriving as never before, and is being administered efficiently. and honestly. He deems no legislation necessary except that concerning the public lands of the island. He calls, attention to the fact that in Cuba the independent government of the island will soon be in control, and in the same connection urges strongly the need of reciprocal trade relations with the new nation, upon which subject he says: “In the case of Cuba there are weighty reasons of morality and of national interest why the policy should be held to have a peculiar application, and I most earnestly ask your attention to the wisdom, indeed to the vital need, of providing for a substantial reduction in the tariff duties on Cuban imports into the United States. Cuba has in her constitution afirmed what we desired that she should stand’in international matters in closer and more friendly relations with us than with dny other power, and we are bound by every consideration of honor and expediency to pass commercial measures in the interest of her material well being.”’ 2500 For the Philippines he recommends much in the way of legislation, but again counsels caution that we go neither too far nor with too great haste. He says: ‘“We hope to make our administration of thie islands honorable to our nation by making it of the highest benefit to the Filipinos themselves, a,n%l as an earnest of what we intend to do we :point to what’ swe have . done. Already a greater measure of material prosperity and of governmental honesty and efficiency has been attained in the Philippines than ever before in their history.” ¢ A P He says we do not desire to do for the islanders ‘“merely what has elsewhere been done for tropic peoples by even the best foreign governments. We hope to do for them what has never before been done for any people of the tropics—to make them fit for Self-govemment after the fashion of the really free nations.” But the idea of the president Is that we cannot leave the }l§lands at this time, of which ‘he says: ‘“To leave the islands at this time would mean that they would fall Into a’ welter of murderous anarchy. Such a desertion of duty on our part would be a crime against humanity.” But he believes sufficient progress has

been made along the lines under which we have been working in the islands to warrant us in passing new iegisclation, but in this connection he urges the need of caution. He believes the time has come when the industries of which the islands are capable should be encouraged by granting franchises for their development, and of this he says: **Nothing better can be done for the {slands than to intrgduce industrial enterprises. Nothing wouid benefit them so much as throwing them open to incustrial development. The connection between idleness and mischief is proverbial, and the opportunity to do remunerative work is one of the, surest preventives of war. Of course no business man will go into the Philippines unless it is to his interest to do so, and it is immensely to the interest of the islands that he should go in. 1t is therefore necessary that the congress should. pass laws by which the resources of the islands can be developedi so that franchises (for limited terms of years) can be granted to companies doing business in them and every encouragement be given I!{9 Eihe incoming of business men of every ind. /

‘“Not to permit this Is to do a wrong to the Philippines. Thé franchises must be granted and the business permitted only under regulations which will guarantee the isiands against any kind of improper exploitation. But the vast natural wealth of the islands must be developed, and the capital willing to develop it must be given the opportunity. The field must be thrown open to individual enterprise, which has been the real factor in the development of every region over which our flag has flown. It is urgently necessary to enact suitable laws dealing with general transportation, mining, banking, currency, homesteads and the use and ownership of the lands and timber. These laws will give free play to industrial enterprise, and the commercial development which will surely follow will afford to the people of the islands the best -proofs of the sincerity of our desire to aid them."” The construction of a’ Pacific cable is also urged, either that the government lay such a cable to connect Hawaii and the Philippines, or that an arrangement be made by which the advantages accruing from a government cable may be secured to the government by contract with a private ¢able company. This- he deems necessary for both commercial, political and military considerations. ' . The Isthminan Canal, He calls attention to the need of an isthmian canal, and says: “Its importance to the nation is by no means limited merely to its material effects upon our business prosperity, and vet with a view to these effects alone it would be to the last degree important for us immediately to. begin it. While its beneficial effects would perhaps be most marked upon the Pacific coast and the gulf and south Atlantic states, it would also greatly benefit other sections. 1t is emphatically a work which it is for the interest of the entire. country to begin and complete as soon as possible; it is one of those great works which only a great nation can undertake, with prospects of success and which when done are not only permanent assets in the nation’s material interests, but standing monuments to its constructive ability.”

Of the new treaty recently concluded with England he says: ‘1 am glad to be able to announce to you }hat our negotiations on this subject with Great Britain, conducted on both sides in a spirit of friendliness and mutual good will and respect, have resulted in my being able to lay before the senate a treaty which ii ratified will enable us to begin preparations for an isthmian canal at any time and which guarantees to this nation every right that it has ever asked in connection with the canal. In this treaty the.old ClaytonBulwer treaty, so long recognized as inadequate to supply the base for the construction and maintenance of a necessarily American ship canal, is abrogated. It specially provides that the TUnited States alone shall do' the work of building and assume the responsibility of safeguarding the canal and shall regulate its neutral use by all -nations on terms of equality without the guarantee or interference of any outside nation from any quarter. The signed treaty will at once be laid before the senate, and if approved the congress can then proceed to give effect. to the advantages it secures us by providing for the building of the canal.” The Monroe Doctrine. The president sets forth the objects ot the Monroe doctrine, and the spirit in which it has been received by other countries, and in connection with it says this ration has not the slightest desire to acquire any territory at the expense of any of our neighbors, and cites our attitude toward Cuba as a guarantee of our good faith, Xe says- also that @ !‘this doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of any American power save that it in truth allows each of them to form such as it desires.” That ‘‘we do not ask for any exclusive commercial treaty with any other American state.” He says of this: | it Sy T -

‘“The Monroe doctrine should be the cardinal feature of the foreign:policy of all the nations of the two Americas as it is of the United States. Just 78 years have passed since President Monroe in his annual message announced that ‘the American continents are* henceforth not ‘to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any Furopean power. In othier words, the Monroe doctrine is a declaration that there must be no territorial aggrandizement by any non-Ameri-can power at the expense of any American power on American soil. It is in nowise intended as hostile to any nation in the old world. Still less is it intended to give cover to any aggression by one new world power at the expense of any other. It is simply: a step, and a .long step, toward assuring the universal peace of the wor by securing the possibility of permanent peace on this hemisphere.” The Navy, :

The president urges the continued upbuilding of the navy as a means of performing our international duties as well as a protection and safeguard for our international rights. He urges that our place as a first-class power necessitates the building and maintenance of a navy in -keeping with our place among the nations of the world, and says: “So far from being in any way a provocation to war, an adequate and highlytrained navy is the best guarantee against war, the cheapest and most effective peace insurance. The cost of building and maintaining such a nayy represents the very lightest premium for insuring peace which this nation can possibly pay.” He recommends both the construction of more ships and the addition of more officers and men as absolutely necessary, and says: “There should be no cessation in the work of completing our navy. So far ingenuity has been wholly unable to devise a substitute for the great war craft whose hammering guns beat out the mastery of the high seas. It is’ unsafe and unwise not to provide this year for several additional battleships and . heavy armored cruisers, with auxiliary and lighter craft in proportion. For the exact number and character I refer you to the report-of the secretary of the navy. But there is something we need even more than additional ships, and this is additional officers and men. To provide battleships and cruisers and then lay them up, with the expectation of leaving them unmanned until they are needed in actual war, wouid be wc?rse than folly. It would be a crime against the nation. “To send any warship against a competent enemy unless those aboard it have been trained by years of actual sea service, including incessant gunnery practice, would be to invite not merely disaster, but the bitterest shame and humiliation. Four thousand additional seamen and a thousand additional marines should be provided, and an increase in the officers should be provided by making a large addition to the classes at Annapolis. There is one. small matter which should be mentioned in connection with Annapolis. The pretentious and unmeaning title of ‘naval cadet’ should be abolished: the title of ‘midshipman,” full of historic association, should be restored. “Kvery detail ashore which can be performed by a civilian should be so performed, the officer being kept for his spe¢ial duty in the sea service. Above all, gunnery practice should be unceasing. It it important to have our navy of adeguate size, but it is even more limportant that, ship for ship, it should equal in efficiency any navy in the world. This is possible only with highly drilled ‘crews and officers, and this in turn imperatively demands continuous and progressive instruction in target practice, ship handling, squadreon tactics and general diseipline. Our ships must be assembled in squadrons actively «cruising away from harbors and neverelong at anchor. The resulting wear upon engines and hulls must be endured. A battleship worn out in long training of officers and men is well paid for by the results, while, on the other hand, no matter in how excellent condition, it is useless if the crew be rot expert. : : “We now have 17 battleships appropriated for, of which nine are completed and have been commissioned for actual gervice. The remaining eight will be ready in from two to four years, but it will take at least that time to recruit and train the men to fight them. It is of vast concern that we have trained crews ready for the vassels by the time they are commissioned. Good ships and good guns are simply good weapons, and the best weapons are useless save in the hands of men who know how to fight with them. The men ?’ust'be trained and drilled under a thorough and well-planned system of Fmgres;flve instruction, while the recruiting must be carried on with still greater vigor. Every effort must be made to exact the main function of the officer—the command of men. The leadmdg graduates of the naval academy should be assigned to the combatant branches, the Iline and marines.” . . T

: The Army, No increase in the regular army is deemed necessary at this time, but there are several changes in that branch of the goevernment service which the president recommends to congress. Chief of-these is thefgstablishmem of a staff department, and of this he says: : ‘“A general staff should be created. As for the generai statf and suppiy departments, they should be filled by - details from the lire, the men so detailéd returning after awhile to their line duties. It'is very undesirable to have the senior grades of the army composed of men who have come to fill the positions by the mere fact of seniority. A system should be adopted by which there shall be an elimination grade by grade of those who seem unfit Lo render the best service in the next grade. Justice to the veterans of the civil war who are still in the army woulid Seem to require that in the matfer of retirements they be given by law the same privileges accorded to their comrades in tne navy.” -

Another recommendation which the president makes in connection with the army is for the reduction of the ‘“paper work’'’ of the service, known to the public 4s “red tape.”” Of this he says: *

“Every effort should be made to bring the army to a constantly increasing state of efficiency. When on actual service, no work save that directly in the line of such service should be required. The paper work in the army, as in the navy, should be greatly reduced. What is needed is proved power of command and capacity tq work well in the field. Constant care is necessary to prevent dry rot in .the. transportation and commissary departments.”’ 5 ¢ -

He also urges the enactment of legislation in connection with the militia and national guard forces of the nation: that they .may be better fitted for active Service in time of war, and says: “Our militia law is obsolete and worthless. The organization and armament of the national guard of the several states, which are treated as militia in the appropriations by the congress, should be made identical with those provided for the regular forces. The obligations and duties of the guard in time of war should be carefully defined and a system established by law under which tne method of procedure of raising volunteer forces should be prescribed in advance. It is utteriy impossible in the excitement and haste of impending war to do this satisfactorily if the arpangements have not been made long beforehand. Provision should be made for utilizing in the first volunteer organizations called, out the training of those citizens who have alr2ady had experience under arms, and especially for the selection in advance- of the officers of any force which may be raised; for careful selection of tie kingd necessary is impossible after the outbreak of war.”

’ He praises the veterans of the civil war, the war with Spain and those who have i rendered the nation valiant service in the { Indian uprisings of the west and in the Philippines. and counsels continued Iliberality in the nation's dealing with them. . The Civil Service, . He recommends the enactment of legislation that will place under the rulings of the merit system many classes of einployes not now governed by it. His recommendation for this is as follows: I recommend the passage of a ‘law which will extend the clasSified seggice to the District of Columbia or will at least enable the president thus to-extend. it. In my judgment all laws providing for { the temporary employment of clerks | should hereafter contain a provision that flthey'be seleeted under the civil service aw.’ . . He also wishes the merit system to obtain in the government service in the colonies, and says: . “Not an office should be filled in the Philippines or Porto Rico with any régard to the man’s partisan 'affiliations ‘or services, with any regard to the political, so= cial or persomal influence which he may have at his command. In short, heed should be paid to absolutely nathing save the man’'s own character and capacity and the needs of the service. ) “The administration of these . isiands should be as wholly free from the suspicion of partisan politics as the administration of the army and navy. All that we ask from the public servant -in the Philippines or Porto Rico is that he refieet honor on his country by the way in which he makes that country’s rule a benefit .to the peoples who have come under it. This is all that we should ask, and we cannot afford to be content with less.” . Other Recommendations, Among other recommendations which the | president makes are those asking for leg- | islationthat willimprove the consular sery--1 ice along lines outiined in bills introduced at previous sessions, and he says that: “It is true that the service is now in the main efficient, but a standard of excellence { cannot be permanently maintained until the principles set forth in- the bills heretofore submitted to the congress on this subject are enacted into law.” . ! He believes the time has arrived when the Indian should cease to be treated as a ! member of ‘a tribe, but as an individual, and recomiends breaking up the tribal funds, putting a stop to the inciscriminate permission to Indians to lease their allotments and stopping the ration system. He recommends aiso the establishment of an .industrial educational system, and an endeavor to encourage the Indians to become ; cattle raisers rather than agriculturists { where their lands are unsuited to thé latter., | . Herecommends liberal appropriations for | the Louisiana Purchase exposition and an appropriation covering expenses incurred by the Charleston exposition in removing | government exhibits from the Buffalo exposition to that at Charleston. ‘ Another cf his recommendations is for a permanent census bureau, as it would in- | sure better, cheaper. and more satisfactory work in the interest of business, statistics, economic and social science. : ] The Postal Service,

He calls attention to the growth of the pos:ial system and to the fact that the annual deficit in this department of the government service has, been reduced to the small sum cf $3,823,727. This, he says, could further be increased and possibly a surplus shown but for the fact that many - publications are now securing the pound rate as second-class mail matter which are not entitled to the same under the law. Of this he says: : ‘“The full measure of postal progress which might be realized has long been hampered and obstructed by the heavy burden imposed on the government through the intrenched and well-under-stoad abuses which have grown in connection with second-class mail matter. The extent of this burden appears-when it is stated that, while the second-class matter makes nearly three-fifths of the weight of all the mail, it paid for the last fiscal yvear only $4,294,445 of the aggregate postal revenue of $111,631,193. -If the pound rate of postage, which produces the large loss thus entailed and which was fixed by the congress with the purpose of encouraging the dissemination of public information, were limited to the legitimate newspapers and periodicals actually contemplated by the law, no just exception could be taken. That expense would be the recognized and accepted cost of a liberal public policy deliberately adopted for a justifiable end. But much of the matter which enjoys the privileged rate is wholly outside of the intent of the law and has secured admission only through an evasion of its requirements or through lax construction. The proportion of such wrongly included matter is estimated .by postal experts to be one-half of the whole volume of sécondclass mail. If it be only one-third or onequarter, the magnitude of the burden is apparent. The post office department has now undertaken to remove the abuses so far as possible by a stricter application of the law, and it should be sustained in its effort.” £ : ’ The Chinese Difficulties. He calls attention to the satisfactory settlement of the Chinese difficulties of last year, and this nation’s part in the settlement, and says provisions have been made for insuring the future safety of the foreign representatives. Of the promises made by China he says: ; “The Chinese government has agreed to participate financially in the work of bettering tl?le water approaches to Shanghai. and to Tientsin, the centers of foreign trade in central and northern China, and an international conservancy board, in which the Chinese government is largely represented, has been provided .for the improvement of the Shanghai river and the control of its navigation. In'the-same line of commercial advantages a revision of the present tariff on imports has been assented to for the purpose of substituting specific for ad valorem duties, and an expert has been sent abroad on the part of the United States to assist in this work. A list of articles to remain free of duty, including flour, cereals. and rice, gold and silver coin and bullion, has also been agreed upon in the settlement.” Nations in Mourning. s “The death of Queen Victoria caused the people of the United States deep and heartfelt sorrow, to which the government ‘gave full expression. When President MeKinley died, our nation in turn received from every quarter of the British empire expressions of grief and sympathy no less sincere. The death of the Empress Dowager Frederick of Germany also aroused the genuine sympathy of the American people, and this syrnpatgy was cordially reciprocated by Germany when the president was assassinated. Indeed from every duarter of the civilized world® we received, at the time of the president’s death, assurances of such grief and regard as to touch the hearts of our people: n the midst of our affliction we reverently thank the Almighty that we are at peace with the nations of mankind, and we firmly intend that our policy shall be s;mil‘x .a,s‘ t?éf tinue tunbrotix‘: these ltnter. national atmiouq' of mut respect and ‘“d wu» --‘-4-;-“-..‘-,;.“-;-.:«._.__;. 3

- LIBERALS GIVE UP COLON. Government Forces Again in Posses= ‘sion of the Colombian City—- ©. . Terms of Surrender, Colon, Nov. 30.—~The terms of surrender agreed upon at Thursday’s conference. held on-board the United States gunboat Marietta apd at which the commanding officers of the Marietta, of theé British cruiser Tribune and of the French eruiser Suchet, Lieut. Commander MeCrea, of the Machias; Capt. Perry, of-the lowa; Gens.-Albap acd Jeflries, representing the governmens of Colombia, and Senor de la Rosa, who represented the liberal party, were present, are briefly as follows: Senor de la Rosa agreed to surrender the liberal soldiers now at Colon, with their arms, t6-Capt. Perry af noon Friday; Capt. Perry in histurn agreed to hand over .these men and their arms-later in the day to Gen. Alban, who, in his turn, guaranteed life and liberty to all men recently in armsagainst the conservative government of Colombia. The surrender of arms was to be bona fide in every respect, " At half-past 11 Friday morning -a large .number of marines and bluejackets from the Towa, the Marietta arfd the Machias landed at Colon and proceeded to the barracks. Here the arms belonging to the liberal soldiers were taken-ovér by the Americans in the presence of Capt. Perry, the com‘manders of the warships above-men-tioned, the American, British and and French consuls at Colon and a large concourse of peeple who sympathized with the liberals in their surrender: ; "

New York, NXov. 20.—A dispatch to the Herald from - Colon. Colombia, says: -Gen. Francisco Castro, who led - the goverament troops in the capture of the Barbacoas bridge. on Tuesday, was killed early Thursday morning during an engagement with the insuargént foree at Dohia Soldado. Gen. Castro Has been acting as second in command of the government force on the isthmus.. - ¢ - WRECK IN MICHIGAN. .t 7 - e P - ' Avwfdl Disaster on the Wabash Near Seneca—PDeath List About A Seventy-Five, e “Detreit,” Mich., Nov. 28.—One-of the most disastrous wrecks in the history of the Wabash railroad, or any other ‘.\licfiigun railroad, occurred at Seneca, Mich.; 'a ‘small way station about 70 miles. southwest of Detroit, between. seven -and 7:30 o'clock -Wednesday nzht JTrain No. 13, an emigrant train, with - two ,E-ng'i.hf-s-, west-bound, collided, lunder a full head of steam, with train -No. 4, east-bound, about- one mile from Seneca. -The result was.that fivie or . six coaches on the emigrant train were crushed and itsload of hu-. man freight sent into eternity in a’ moment, while one coach on train No. 4, Wwhich conzisted ofa parlor car, dmer and a bageage car, was also telescoped and four dead bedies have been taken from-the ruins. It is not-kwown how many people there were on the emigrant train. but the death list is about 75. The people 6n’ that train were caught like rats in a’ trap and erushed. Then the wreck caught fire and these who were not instantly killed were siowly roasted to deéath, and none of the few spectators who hastily gathered from the farm hotises near-by were able to afford aid. i It is said here that :the accident was the result of .a misunderstanding of orders, - TERRY TAKES THE COUNT. McGovern Is Knocked Out in Two . Rounds by “Young Corbett” at - Hariford. Conn, g

Hartford, Conn., Nov. 29.—Kndcked out in.the second rcund; of which one piinute and 44 seconds had elapsed, was the referee’s verdict_of the fistie battle between “Young Corbett,” of Denver, Col., and Terry MeGovern, of Braoklyn, who has held the featherweight championship unfiinchingly since he won ‘it from Gecrge Dixen 18 months ago.” Outwitted and outpointed with a fichter just the same as hinself, McGovern had to lower his'cn]é‘:s Thursday afternoon at the Nutmeg Athletic club to Young Corbett within six minutes from the start of the ficht. *“Young Corbett,” who, outside of ring parlance, is known as Billy Rothwell, of-Denver, Col., got the better of the eh‘nmpion in less than two rounds of fighting, and he did it so perfectly that there was no doubt about it. ; Hartford, Conn., Nov, 30.—Terry MeGovern!s - manager has challenged Young Corbett to ficht another battle of 20 rounds for $20,000 and has posted a forfeit of $2,500. = ¢ e i " Foothall, ~ Scores in the football games on Thursday: - Columbia, 40; Carlisle, 12. Cornell, 24; Pennsylvania, 6. Michigan, 50; Towa, 0. Wisconsin, 35; Chicago, 0. Vanderbilt university, 103 Nashville, 0. Grinnell, 5; Drake, 2. St. Louis, 25; McKendree, 8. Missouri, 18; Kansas, 12. Beloit. - 11; Milwaukee Medical college, 0. Ohio, 11; Kenyon, 6. Rarlham, 21; Wabash, 0. Indiana, 24; De Pauw,o. Minnesota,l6; I'linoeis, 0. Nebraska, 18; Haskill Indians, 10. Northwestern, 10; Purdue;s.. " George M. Pullman Dead. . . San Franciscq, Nov. 29.—George M. Puliman, son of the late millionaire car' builder, died at his country home in San Mateo Thursday morning, aged 26 years. He had beenill several weeks with pneunionia, but until Tuesday his condition was not considered serious. The deceased was married for the see~ ond ‘time a few weeks ago at Remo, Nev., to Mrs, Brazel.> .. -~

5 Spanish Statesman Dead. Madrid, ‘Nov. 30.—Francisco Pi ¥y Margall, chief of the republican-fed-eral party, died Friday. He was borm at Barcelona in 1820. ‘ Seven Buildings Burned. Plainfield, Wis., Nov. 30.—Seven buildings, all frame save one, valued at $30,000, with stocks valued at $20,~ 000, were destroyed by fire Friday night. The loss is covered by insurance. The fire was checked by the use of dynamite, with which frame buildings in the path of the flames were blown up.. . ~ The McKinley Estate. ~ Canton, 0., Nov. 27.—Appraisers of the- estate of President McKinlep fixed its value ag $200,000 and decided ‘upon $B,OOO as &t?\gnmtl allowanecey forthewilow, . _