Ligonier Banner., Volume 35, Number 31, Ligonier, Noble County, 1 November 1900 — Page 2

Observations:of Capital Correspond- : ent on Rcoseyelt and o ‘ Hanna. i RAMBLINGS OF REPUBLICAN LEADERS. Working People of New York Have No Use for Roosevelt—Hanna's Skulking in Bryan’s Territory— Financial Operators Are Against Bryan.

= [Special Correspondence.] Republican managers are hoping that Roosevelt's western trip has injured his voice enough that his New York campaign may be curtailed. New York shows every indication of going democratic, and Roosevelt is likely to increase the Bryan. vote by going over the same territory this week. The working people of New York state have no use fgr Gov. Roosevelt. He has always posed to the public as an objector to sweat shops. yet during his term of office he reappointed an ingpector of licenses who was notoriously in league with the contractors who “sweat” the tenement house workers. Large quantites of ready-made clothing are manufactured in the tenement district of- New York c ty. Wage-work-ers of all classes and many other citizens - have for years labored to separate the home and the workshop. This, partiy for the ‘benefit of the workers and partly to protect the public health. It was found that garments made in sweat “shops are ready carriers of the disease germs . with which they were often impregnated in the unsanitary homes of the tenement house workers. After many years of effort laws had been passed regulating the manufacture of clothing in these districts. Each contractor was obliged to comply with certain conditions and - take out a license. The license inspector was the judge whether the law was being observed or not. His position is one of great importance. Yet TRoosevelt reappointed a man who was known to favor the contractors and wink at_wholesale evasion of law. Then, too; Roosevelt will have an opportunity in New York city and state to explain to ths wage-workers why he favors government by injunction. He cannot deny that he did so in an article he wrote to the Review of Reviews two years ago. The files of the magazine are easily obtainable. Next Roosevelt will have the pleasure of explaining to the inhabitants of trust-dismantled towns how that condition makes them prosperous. There are a number of towns in New York state where the trusts have closed factories and practically ‘wiped out the town. ! For Roosevelt to Explain. The farmers in that state wiil be pleased to hear Roosevelt explain why he did net punish the- caral . ring thieves, as he pledged himself to do before being elected governor. All the citizens will desire some explanation of why he has systematically neglected his duties as governor for the lest two months in order to prance about -the country in a rough rider suit and tell tales of his brawery which originated solely in his own imacgination. . ;

It will be interesting to know why Gov. Roosevclt has not prosecuted the ice trust, about which he talks so volubly when he is outside of his own state. It will be only fair for him to admit at home, that a majority of the stockholders in the aforesaid trust are republicans. While he is about it he migh! tell the public confidentially why he has not published Mayor Van Wyck's letter to him in relation to the ice trust, forwarded at least two weeks ago. : Just at this season-of‘the year the coal trust is cccupyinz more space in the public mind than the ice trust. Roosevelt might explain why Hanna has not actually secured that beggarIy ten per cent. advance in wages for the coal miners. More than a week ago Perry Heath announced to an awe-stricken public that Hanna held the whole situation in the hollow of his capacicus hand. and (hat he by his might as a political bess had forced the coal combine to give the men an advance in wages. Now Roosevelt, being next to Hanna, the most prominent republican in evidence, might tell us just how it happens that_ the miners are still out of employment, and the public s paying two dollars a ton more for coal than it did four weeks ago, when the strike began.

Hanna's Bravado. Hanna found tke management of the republican campaign so little to his taste this year that he could not deny himself the satisfaction of going into Bryan’s country—when the latter was absent—and abusing and villifying him. Likewrise Hanna traveled over Senator Pettigrew’s country, but lacked courage to meet his fellow senator in joint debate. It is l'noticeable,that Hanna failed to disprove any of the statements acout his own political crookedness that Pettigrew had spread on the congressional record during the closing days of the cession. Hanna has increased the fusion vote in both South Dakota and Nebraska. It is a pity he cannot be induced to speak in his home state. The workingmen of Cleveland are anxious to ask him a few questions. They - have ready the recora of his blacklist and destruction of the Lake Seamen’s union. They want to ask him:about the Bessemer iron ore trust in which he has large interest. In Ohio Hanna would have able-bodied men to talk . to, not parades of school children and deputations of reservation Indians . and ladies’ McKinley ciubs, The campaign’ is more argumentative in the - east. The democrats and populists in South Dakota and Nebraska practically, ignored Hanna. In Olio the -Bryan workingmén would come to - his meetings and ask him hard questions. : . e v g .. One Cause of Low Wages, - The. wage-workers have it pretty ~elearly in mind that one reason why they get such low wages in this time ~ of trust prosperity is that the prod- ~ mep of their labor must be m;td&; tg pay. dividends—not .on actual invest v{r&’éflm _ worth of watered stock. The New .~ ¥York Herald of September 28 esti-

mated that the nine men who met in Pierpont Morgzn s office to confer on the anthracite coal strike owned or controlied $2,500,000,000 worth of securities. » The interest and dividend on this large amount must come from labor. Most of it is fictiticus value. but the interest must be paid just the same. These securities are owned by a small but enormously rich class of people living in financial centets. Of course they are opposed to the eleection of Bryan. They know that his administration will force them _to make public the character of their capitalization. They know that with Bryan president it will be difficult for them to starve men to the limit now endured by these in the coal fields in order to declare dividends. With a representative of labor as a cabinet officer the conditions of the wage-workers and the prices paid for their labor will be quite as impcrtant as any other branch of government. All the trusts are trying to frighten their employes into voting for MeKinley, but ccercicn does not work as well as it did in ’96. 'sne workingmen have concluded that the time has come to make A stand for the right to cast a Iree ballot. The democrats propose to see that the Bryan votes are all counted, too. Their precinct organization is jpretty thorough, and will be a great protection to the voters. : ADOLPH PATTERSON.

RANK IMPERIALISM. A Specimen of the Monarchical Predilections of McKinley - : B Bocmers, ) i It has come at last:: In this free country, the republiz founded Dby Washington ‘and upheld by Thomas Jefferscn and Abraham Lincoln, & public print of republican of course, is openly advocating the establishment of a/monarchy. Here is an excerpt fror{gthe Des Moines (la.) Globe of recent da'te: “We believe it is better and will be safer if we admit that practically we have passed the period when this country can or will safely remain republican in form.” . : Here is another quotation from this anti-American sheet: “For a long time thinking people who have large commercial interests have felt unsafe with our present form of government and now is a good time to do away with our obsolete constitution and adopt a form of government that will be logical with expansion ideas and give ample protection to capital.” . The Globe then says that “a constitutional monarchy is the most desirable plan we could adopt.” Is not this a near approach to treason? But is it not the natural result of the imperialistic ideas and tendencies ~of McKinley and his bosses? . ' : A few days ago the firm of Bentley & Olmstead. shoe manufacturers and dealers of ' Des Moines. announced trat if bryan was elected they would close their place of business on- the morzing of No vember 7. This bold attempt to coerce their employes into voting for McKinley was checkmated the same day when J. K. Laycock, a - retired boot and shoe man of Des Moines, anncunced that he had organized a v‘corpm'utinn of Towa capitalists to engage in the wholesale boot and shoe ‘business, the same as is now being conducted by Bentley & Olmstead, in the event of Bryan's election. Mr. Laycock also guaranteed to hire every’ employe of the firm of Bentley & Olmstead at an advance of ten per cent. over the wages they now receive.

In commenting on this effort to intimidate and dictate to workingmen, the Globe, the ulira imperialistic paper published in Speaker Henderson’s state, not only ‘indorses and warmly applauds -the bulldozing tacties of Bentley & Olmstead, but advocates the election of McKinley as the best way to establish- a monarchial form of government in this country. The inference, of course, is that under King McKinley 1., or Emperor McKinley, the poor downtrodden capitalist would not have to persuade and intimidate the laboring man into doing his bidding—that is too humiliating—for his majesty, the first monarch of the United States of America, would compel by force of arms the common people ‘to bow in mute subjection fo his will, which of course would be that of the moneyed classes. : This republican organ, the Gldbe, says-that Bentley & Olmstead’s action is what nearly all large corporations, manufacturers and business firms will do before election day, namely: “Practically force their men to vote for McKinley.” : It then asks: ‘“And why not? Men who furnish the brains and money, the great strain necessary to compete in business, should not permit, knowingly, the men who get their support from them to so vote as to greatly injure their business, and further increase the difficulty of doing business. This threat by manufacturers, railroads and money lenders was what elected Mr. McKinley before and it will do it again this time. ' “We have no objection to what Mr. Olmstead did or what the railroads and manufacturers did in 1896. lln fact, it is the only way. MecKinley's election can be assured.” - : Frank, isn't it? Yet the editor of the Globe is simply. voicing the wishes, ideas and plans of McKinley, Hanna et al. The common people must be subdued, the masses must bow down in adoration before the classes, a small coterie of -men, Americans in name only, must rule over and dictate to millions of their countrymen. That is McKinleyism. It is also despotism. —National Bemocrat.. = .= 1 ——Finance, trusts, expansion, militarism are the theines, history is the lesson and fidelity to the constitution the duty, and it is because William J. Bryan has proven the great honesty of his‘soul, the dignity of his manhood and his loyalty to the faith of the fathers of the republic that he has found suth place in the hearts of his countrymen.—Buffalo Times. e ——lf Mr, McKinley is reeleeted it will be by the men who conple their support of him with a fisnk admis: sion that they are sorry to feel obliged to give it—N. Y. World,

WARNING TO MOTHERS.

Bryan Shows How the Youth of the Land Is Disinherited by : the Trusts.

“I am glad to talk to an audience composed so largely of women,” said W. J. Bryan, in a recent speech, “for certainly in this contest the woman is as much interested as the man. Isnot the mother interested in her son? Is not the mother interested in making life worth something for her son? I wish that every mother in this land could study the trust question and learn her own conviction with it. She finds out about it when she goes to buy sugar and other articles controlled by the trusts and is told that the trusts have raised the prices. But tomy mind that is the least objection to the trusts. If the trusts raise prices we can simply ‘buy less, but when a trust monopolizes apn industry aand closes the door of opportunity against the young man and attempts to condemn a man to pérpetual clerkship under ‘monopoly and to servitude undera great monopoly, then monopoly strikes a severer blow than it does through the prices that it extorts. “Mothers, what would you have your sons do? Would you have your boys go onto the farm? Why, you know that to-day the farmer takes more chances than any other man, and has less influence in the government, at least he is less considered by those who govern. Are you going to have your boys go -among the laboring men and have but one ambition, and that to have a full dinner pail, and only to have that when the trust will let them have it.? Are you willing to let your son go into the anthracite coal region and take his chances at less than $1 a day, with powder at $2.75 a kezg? Are you satisfied to have your boy go there? Do you want him to go into a store? Don’t you know that to-day the trust is hemming the storekeeper about? Don’t you know that the trust is shortening credit? That is laying upon the retailer all the chances of business? Don’t you know that the trust is today compelling the merchant to agree not to sell. any but trust-made goods? Would you have your boy go into a big factory, that to-morrow the trust may come and bankrupt him? Would you have your boy have stock in a trust?

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The bigz stockholders will freeze him out before the year is over. What will you have your boy do? ‘Will you have him a lawyer? Why, the law business is gravitating tcward the offices of the large corporation attorneys, and the other lawyers are clerks in their offices. What do you want your boy to do? Isit not time that you were thinking? Is it not time you were using your own influence to talke this government back and place it on its old foundation and make it again a free government of the people, by the people and for the people, in which the humblest citizen may aspire to the highest reward in the political world? Is it not time that you mothers were thinking, and if an economic question cannot arouse you, is it not time that you were studying the army question?”

My, Bryan’s Trust Corrective. In his Madiscn Square speech Mr. Bryan outlined his trust corrective. To place on the free list every trust-made article. This would be compensation in part, at least, for the multitude the trusts have thrown out of employment. To require trusts to take out a license and submit to scrutiny in every state in which they operate and in which. they were not organized, scrutiny being presumably exercised in the state of their organization. These measures, he believes, will end industrial despotism which puts a trust price on every finished product and on every article of raw material entering into a trust product. He would squeeze the water out of the stock. After that process there would be, he thinks, honest corporations. Intelligent men may differ about the efficaciousness of Mr. Bryan’s trust corrective. At least all will eredit him with the brains to define a corrective and the courage to apply it if the people grant him the power.—Chicago Chronicle. : McKinley’s Evil Activities. Mr. McKinley has established colonies under the American flag, he has substituted military force for moral force in our national life, he has spat cn the declaration of independence and trampled on the constitiution, he has allowed the British flag to be hoisted over American territory in Alaska, he has sought to revive the extinct Clay-ton-Bulwer treaty and compromise our control of the Nicaraguan canal, he has treated the dying South African republic with brutal indifference to please his flatterers in England, he has supported and protected the trusts in their attempt to destroy competition and take away hope from the youth of the nation.—N. Y. Journal. j - ——We haye spent upward of $200,000,000 in ‘the Philippines, sacrificed the lives of 3,000 American boys and ruined the health of 18,000 others, and all for what? For the privilege of selling to the Philippines the beggarly amount of $1,080,149 worth of American goods. The value of the goods we have sold them since the battle of Manila would not pay for the powder we have burned over there. Is the game worth the candle?—Omaha World-Herald, = -

DEFENDS THE DEMOCRACY.

Bryan and His Party Are Struggylng to Maintain the Principles of " the Constitution,

Senator Jones, chairman of the democratic national committee, has replied to many attacks which have been made upon William J. Bryan recently. Republicans have declared that Mr. Bryan if elected president would arbitrarily nullify the law which makes gold the standard of the United States money. They have also declared that if Mr. Bryan was elected he would pack the supreme court with democrats and populists. Senator Jones saye:

“It has been the fashion for the republicans for some yvears to denounce democrats as anarchists, revolutionists, ete., but all fajir-minded men will admit that at this time the republican party seems to have a monopoly of revolutionary suggestions. We see a secretary of 'the treasury in an effort to disturb the business of the country for political effect, suggesting that Mr. Bryan, in case of his election, would deliberately evade the law, with a purpose as unstatesmanlike and unpatriotic as his own in making these suggestions. Fortunately, Mr. Bryan has been before the public long enough for everyone to know that tricks and false pretenses are not among his weapons, and suggestions of this kind excite contempt. : “But worse than this is the fact that ~other men who should despise such pretenses aftfect to believe that in case Mr. Bryan is elected, he will pack the supreme court for purposes of his own. Can it be possible that the men themselves actually contemplate such revolutionary methods in case Mr. MeKinley is elected? If they do not find this danger in their own minds, it is difficult to conjecture where there distempered imaginations find a pretext for it.’

“I repeat that there is nothing in any democratic utterance upon which this false pretense of a fear of attack upon the supreme court can be founded. The construction put upon the expressions in the democratic platform of 1896, which were perverted and misconstrued as a basis for such charges, was unwarranted and untrue. Nosuch

| purpose has ever entered the mind of 2ny democrat, but, on the contrary, the leading idea with democrats everywhere is to return to the princinles of the constitution of the United States and to faithfully administer the laws as written.” - M’KINLEY’S PROSPERITY. Excess of Business Failures During the Last Year Shown by Re=- ‘ publican Authority, The Associated Press, one of the largest and most sophisticated corporations in the world, helplessly hands out the following under date of October 3. Readers will find it in some remote corner of the corporation sheets of the next day: Reports 'to R. G. Dun & Co. show | commercial failures for -the nine i months of this year to date. Comparison is made below of failures and liabilities this yedr and last for mnine months in different sections of the country: : Number. Liabilities. 1900. 1899. 1900. 1899. N. England.l,3B4 1,249 $18,512,286 $12,922,669 Midd1e.......1,660 1,368 42,969,931. 13,844,291 Southern ....1,290 1,179 11,657,073 9,290,240 Southwest .. 594 485 3,964,618 2,920,571 Cent’l we5t..1,466 1,228 17,4793,606. 14,804,020 Northwest .. 751 578 4,870,396 * 2,919,993 Pacific ....... 706 747 13,413,636 3,002,119 U. 5........7,851 6,854 $101,867,448 $57,703,905 It will be readily seén by the above figures that in the nine months of the present year the number of business failures in the United States exceed those of 1899 for the same time by 997. It will be noted that the liabilities for the same period of the same year. exceed those of 1899 by $44,163,583. Now, this should tell the tale. The ‘above dispatch is taken from the Oregonian of - October 4. The facts and figures are from R. G. Dun & Co.’s commercial agency, which has always been counted a republican concern. Now, then, when a republican boasts to you about “McKinley’s prosperity” show him these figures, which any doubter can verify in the Oregonian of October 4. The heading of the article is, of course, our own. An increase of $44,163,583 in failures in 1900 over a corresponding period in 11899 shows whether times are better or worse. Cut this out for reference. It floors the republican “prosperity” howler as flat as a flounder. Opportunity Carefully Neglected. The republican party has, ever since March 4, 1897, had all the power there is in the general government, in all its branches, to enforce all the laws there are 2gainst monopolistic combinations in réstraint of trade. It has also had, during that period of three years, all tlre power that any majority party in both branches of congress can have to | pass new laws for that purpose. The ‘anti-trust law of 1890, framed by two ‘of the ablest and most distinguished republican statesmen, John Sherman ' and George F. Edmunds,has been all thistimeinexistence. Tosay that that | law is of no use will not do, because under its provisions several monopolies in ‘restraint of trade have been successful|ly interfered with.—Baltimore Sun,

-~ b i e - TEE SUNDAY SCHOOL. Lesson in the International Series for November 4, 1900—The Unjust Steward. | ' [Prepared by H. C. Lenington.] THE LESSON TEXT. (Luke 16:1-13.) 1. And He said unto His disciples: There was a certain rich man, which had a steward; and the same was accused unto him that he had waste® his gcods. ¥ 2. And he called him, and said unto him: How is it that I hear this of thee? Give an account of thy stewardship, for thou mayest be no longer steward. 3. Then the steward said within himself: What shall T do? for my lord taketh away from me the stewardship; I cannot dig; to beg I am ashamed. 4. I am resolved what to do, that, when I am put out of my stewardship, they may receive me into their houses. 3. 8o he called every one of his lord’s debtors unto him, and said unto the first: How much owest thou unto my lord? 6. And he said: An hundr:d measures of cil. " And he saif unto him: Take thy bill, and’sit down qguickly, and write {fifty. 7. Then said he to another: And how much owest thou? And he szaid: An hundred measures of wheat. Aad he said unto him, Take thy bill, and write fourscore. 8. And the lord commend=d the unjust steward, because he had done wisely; for the children of this world are in their Zeneration wiser than the children of light. 9. Anc¢ Isay unto you: Make to yourselves friends of the mammon of unrighteousness; that, when ye fall, they may receive you into everlasting habitations. 10. He that is faithful in that which is least is faithful also in much; and he that Is unjust in th= least is unjust also in much. 11. 1f therefqgre ye have not heen faithful in the unrighteous mammon, who will commit to your trust the true riches? 12. And if ye have not been faithful in that which is another man’s who shall give you that which.-is your cwn? ‘ 13. No servant can serve two masters; for either he will hate the one, and love the sther; or else he will hold to :he one, and despise thg other. Ye cannot serve God and mam:mon. GOLDENTEXT.—Ye cannst serve God and mammen.~Luke 16:13, NOTES AND COMMENTS. The lesson plan comes under three heads: 1. The Circumstances. 2. The Parable. ! 3. Jesus’ Lessons and Applications. The Circumstances.—The little word “also™ in verse 1 gives us the key here,. . v ed . - . implyihg as it does that it belongs to the same group as the parables we have just been studying.” Jesus was continuing his after dinner talk at the house of the pharivee. He had spoken both to the pharisees present and also to the publicans. Now in the presence of these! He turns to His disciples. The Parable.—The parable story is a faimilisr one. But certain questions ar;fise regarding what classes of pecple the characters represent. In the first place, who was the rich man? In figuring out the appilication of most parables we may assume. that the chief character in the stery represents God, as in the parable of the gocod shepherd and of the prodigai son. We will probably go amiss if we msake such an assumption in this case. We know that Jesus while speaking to His disciples is in a ccompany of publicans and pharisees. The publicans in a sense were stewards. Their master was the governor of the province, or more remotely the Roman emperor. Looking at it from this standpoint we <o rot need to make every act of anx one of the characters coineide with our own views of right and wrong.

Ancther thing to take inio consideration is the act of the stewsrd. Juat in what did that consist? Dic he dishonestly discount his master’s billz? Or, was it that he had bees et rting from his master’s debtors morn than had been due, and kecping the balance for himeelf? Either theory is blausible as far as the text is conecerned, cnly the latter, makes the commendition of the action more eonsistent. and we will not have to accpunt for a seeming praising. of a iaad action. However, this in.rm‘]*:er.afiofi wiil no! have to be neeepted, as a stady of the words of the rich man will show not a commendation ¢f the manner ia whicg the steward ingratiated himsef, as of the faect that he did manage to gain for himself friends among his debtors. . Jesus’ Tessens and Applications.— (1) Makefriendsof the mammon of unrightecusness, or. better (according to the revised '-:ersién). by means of the mammeoen of urrightecusnpess. In other words, it is right to £o use money as to gain the gratiiude cf'cthers less fortunate. That is laying up treasure in. Heaven, : Money is calied the masamen cof unrighteousness, because often wrongfully acquired. and also because it is always a scurce of great temptation. (2)* The steward had been discharged becausze of ‘“Swvesting” or misusing what was intrusted to him. He had probably been urnfaithful in little things to begin, uatil he had become reckless with the larger interests intrusted to his ecre. (See verse 10.). ' ‘ (3) Unfaithfulness in = tiae things pertaining sclely to this life renders one unfit for those riches of the heart which are the more real, because they do not. consist of that wlich ecan be lost or des%royed. ) o {(4) One cannot be faithfnl to himself, who is unfaithful to others. (5) Mammon (money) i: to be a servant, not a master. You ecannot live for money and be faitixful to God. Serve God and use the things He puts into your hand in His service. Money is a good servant, but it is a cruel, exacting, destructive force if allowed to be more. e :

ODDS AND ENDS. 1t costs. £ 110,000,600 every week to ran the world’s railways. Bug eccentricities are being brought into a special collection by the British museum. It has now moths with male wings on one side and female wings on the other, butterflies with no “ore wings and insects witn an abnormal number of antennae or of legs. An optimistic English physician says that modern life is easier, safer and smoother than life 100 years ago; that young people are ' healthier, stronger and better prown than their great-grandparents, and that the complaints of increasing neurotic tendencies are wholly unfounded. When turned out at pasture all horses except those which are crippled by disease or injury lie down at night with their legs folded beneath their bodies. Some of the shortlimbed and thick-jointed animals, such as the elephant, hippopotamus and rhinoceros, find a difficulty in bending their legs under them after the manner of their more slender kindred. Hence they sleep ugon their :ijfhn in a piglike attitudp%;g;zzzv,_ e

ALTGELD ON ISSUES. Former Governor of Illinois Arraigns' Republican Party. McKinley Administration Charged with Favoring Trusts and Carry=-: ing On an Expensive and Unholy War, John P. Altgeld, former governor of Illinois, spoke to an immense audience at the Chicago Auditorium, Tucsday night,:October 23, taking as his text the issues of ‘the campaign. In.the course of his speech he said: “The republican party once stocd for the people that did the work of the-izand; but it has gone clear over to ‘the other side. Mark Hanna has told us that this election is to be decided by the fuil dinner pail. See what. that means, my frignés. When Lincoln guided the republican party it s=aid that elections should be decided by great moral principles. When Hannsa guides it is to be decided by a dinner pail. Now, I have recently been over the west some, have been in the middle states, have been in the ‘east, trying to find out whose dinner pail it is that is to decide thic clection.

“I find that the property of the average citizen all over this ceuntry instead of rising in price is sinking in price; it is not his dinner pail. The farmers of America have to sell their products inthe world’s open competitive -market to a low average price level, that is as low now as it was in '95, and they have to buy their neccssaries in an arbitrary market, where they have to pay double what they should payj;: it is not their dinner pail. .- “Thousands of sma!l business men and manufacturers ail over this country have been squeezed out by the monocpolies; tens of thousands of young men are emerging to manhood and lcoking for a carcer and they find almost every avenue in -life; unless a little clerkship, closed to them by the: trusts; it is not their dinner pail. "Thousands of commmercial travelers inshis country are idle because they were'discharged by the trusts; ’tis not their dinner pail Hundreds of industrial establishments found all over this country have been closed by the trusts and the thousands of employes have been turned out; it is . not their dinner pail. The 80,000 iron workers of the Amalgamated union in Pennsylvania alone lately were forced to accept a reduction in wages of eight per cent.; it is not their dinner pail. In the anthracite coal region of Pennsylvania there are over 100,000 miners who have been working their lives out for one of the greatest monopolies on this continent and earning on an average $81.35 a day for mining and on an average 90 cents a day for labor. Reduced to the level of starvation, they were obliged to strike in order to maintain life; it'is not their dinner pail. - i Remember the Dinner Pail, - “The men and women coing the work of America find concitions getting harder and harder. They are sinking to a lower and lower level; it is not their dinner pail During the McXKinley administration the pcople of Indiana have had to increase their mortgage indebtedness $55,946. 745, It is not their dinner pail. Whose dinner pail is it, then? It is the dinner pail of the monopolies. The dinner pail of those men who e¢at the bread that is earned by the sweat of cther men’s brows; they.alonz get any meat or any pie out of that dinner pail. Does any intelligent ‘man believe that if the monocopolics carry this eleciion that then the trusts will be destroyed? Nay, the election of-}Mr. McKinley means that conditions will get worse instead of better. .

“You ask what will we get if we make a change? Let me remind you of this: Amid all of the vilification and misrepresentation e¢f the last four years no man in this country has dared to stand up and say that the trusts and syndicates couid control William J. Bryan. He stands for what Jefferson stocod and what Lincsin stood for. That is, the great masses of the American people. The question is, shall the government at Washington b& run by birds of prey or by the people wih are doing the work of the country and who make civilization possible?” o * Mr. Altgeld reviewed at length the tacit alliance between the present administration and the government of Great Britain. He criticised the president sharply for his failure to extend sympathy to the DBoers and for his willingness to cede a porticn of Aldska to England. Continuing, he said:

“In the spving of 1835 the democracy foreed the administration to begin a war of humanity for the relief of the Cubans. That war is the crowning glery of the close of the nineteenth century; never was there a nobler spectacle. A great people offered its blood and treasure solely for the cause of humanity. That war was fogght to a successful clese, and when it was over and when the purpose was achieved, then this administration, without an act of congress, which alone can declare war, used the armies ¢f thé United States .to becgzin another war in another hemisphere. Not forliberty and humanity, but solely fer conquest and for purposeg of subjugation. o “In February, 1898, two months before we declared war against Spain in behalf of Cuba, cur consul at Manila advised the department at Washington that rebellion was then raging in the Philippine islands and that Sparnish authority was going to be overthrown and that the Filipino pecople were already fighting for independence. Subszequently we ccoperated with these people. We furnished them arms. We asked their cooperation against Spain. They did all the fighting that was done on land against Spain in the Philippines. They established a government moceled after ours. Why, even Mr. Barrett, who is now supporting the administration, then declared that it was the best government that the islands had had. ~ Work of Filipinos. : : “We held Manila and a little territory 15 miles square and the Philippire government and the Philippine army captured the whole of the Philippine islands, took every Spanish fort and every Spanish soldier. Then at the suggestion oi the British ambassador and at the demand of the American syndicates we turned around and we did the meanest thing that any nation could be guilty of. .We began a war against our allies and for two years have been carrying on a war for ‘the sole purpose of subjugation and conquest. Bear in mind that there is no question of expansion before our people now. The men who talk to you about expansion are simpiy trying to mislead you. Expansion means development, enlargement and growth. We have expan®ed repeatedly. We “expanded in 1803, when we got the great country west of the Mississippi; we expanded in 1819, when we got Florida; in 45, when we got Texas; in ’4B, when we got New Mexico and California, and-in the '6o's, when we got Alaska. i “But in all of these cases it was provided that the new territory should form an integral part of the republic and that the inhabitants of the new territory should ke citizens of this republic. We extended the principles of free government to more peo--ple. We carried the blessings of the declaration of independence to more of the human race. Instead of being false to the basic principles of our government we were true to them and enlarged the area over which they were to prévail. That was expansion, that was growth, that was development, that was states:manship. And let me say I believe this'republic wall continue to develop, will continue to grow. . War Proves Costly. . ' ““According to the treasury reports, the war is costing us $100,000,000 a year. But, then, it seems they are juggling with their bookkeeping, for when we compare the appropriations made by the last congress with the appropriations made then and four years ago we find that the appropriations made now are $3,000,000 to $4,000,000 greater than they were then. In other words, this new departure, this attempt to subjugate the Filipino people, is in one form and in any other form costing the American people between $300;000,000 and $400,000,000 annually. Who: pays thfs? The men :and the women who do the work of America. The lawyers, the bankers, the Eelinon ot e e who s s administra 03“% - policy and are defending it do_not pay one farthing of and charge g‘\"‘“% ihot fos dateei Tt

e ————— e ————————————— e ———— which swells the burden. The pl"oa\.gctsot the field and the products of the shops pay these expenses. American sweat and American blood pay this vast sum. . ‘“What else does it involve for us? In December, 1898, President McKinley sent a message to congress asking that the regular army, which had generally consisted of from 22:060 to 24,990 men, shcouid be increased to 109,600 men. At that time the -Spanish war was over. We were at peace with the world. We hadn’t ever a frontier to protect ‘against Indians. We needed a smaller army instead orf a larger one. Yet the president asked that the rezular army be quadrupled. “““3f we were in danger why not call for volunteers? Volunteers fought the revolutionary war and. founded this repubiic. Volunte@ers cérove. the English eoff of our shares in 1812. Volunteers carried the American flag all over Mexico and ran it up on every fHagpole down there. Vol-unteers-fought the great civil war, formed a - battle -line that stretched from the sed to the far-away mountains, ard with their life blood wiped cut slavery and cemented this union.. In 1898 voluntesrs came to the front and drove an ancient despotism off of the western hemisphere. The glory of ‘the republic is written with the bloed and valor of her voluntesrs.: Yet here cocmes a president who wants not volunteers, but a regular army. . The Question of Trade.

“But we are to-get4rade. We are going to get-the markets of the orient in Wkich to sell the products of our fields and the products of our shops. Ah! my friends, there was a time when we had a home market that consumed all the praducts of our manufacturers when they ran day and, night. That home market has bLeen destroyed.. The purchasing power ef our people to-day is smaller in proportion to tha population than it once was. If it were not we would not need a foreign market for our manufactured goods. - »* ““Qur total trade with the Philippines has been between $3,0060,600 and $4,000,000 a yvear. Suppose it was to increase. Suppose ocur trade with China were to increase. Qur, total trade with the whele orient will not in 20 years equal what we now spend in one yvear aon this new imperialistic policy.- And the profits of the total possible trade with all the orient will not in 100 years equzl {vhat ‘'we now spend in one year, and such profits as ‘we get will go to a few syndicates and not to the American pecple who bear this enormous burden. “f‘But to settle the whole question as to tzade, the adminristration has entered into a written agreement with the other na‘tions of the earth to mairtain the open door in the Philippines and in the orient. You remember that last winter the administration journals claimed great credit for the administration because it had secured the written agreement of other nations ty maintain the open door. You ask wha's the .open door? Is that free trade? Nu, not-necessarily. Open door simply means that all the nations of the earth, our own included, are to trade on equal terms, pay the ‘same duties and cdharges and be subject to the same regulations. © **Well, if that is the case, if we get any trade, we will have to compete for it, witl _ we not? We will have to compete with the German, the Spaniard, the Englishman, the Frenchman, the Russian and with all other people that see fit to trade there, and we will get just such trade as competition gives us, and we will get riot. a dollar mcére. What are we to get for these $320,000,660 or $200.060,000 a year that we are spending on this imperial poli-! cy?” What are we to get fcr the thousands of American lives that we ars 'sending to the tropics to, die? Simbply ‘bloody hands, bleared eyes and seared consciences. But the president now tells us that divine Providence has guid<é us in everything- that we have done and are doing. - . Syndicates After Islands, . “Over here in the Atlantic is the island of Porto Rico. It has about 1.099,0¢0 of irhabitants; a peaceable, industrious, frugal, hospitable pecple. lln 1898 they welecomed ‘our army and cheered our flag. Gen. Miles issued a proclamation to theza people in: the name of the American re‘public in which he told them that we would make their island a part of our republic; that they should be citizens of our country and that cur flag wouid<{confer on them all the blessings that iticonferred on the American people. They w:eras willing to become citizens. -They =aid (o -Gen. Miles: ‘We trust you, we have confidence in the heror of your great ccuniry.” At that time they had 18 representatives 'in th® Spanish cortes. They wera not taxed without representation, they had free access to the markets of Spain and all of . cur . possessicns. We cut them loass from all that. We would not l:t Germany -or England or gny other country that would give them free markeis have - them. - o= ‘“Then we held. that peecple at arm’s length for a year and a half, during which they could not -trade withe any country without paying ruinous tariff. taxes.: We Teduced- them to actuzl want. Last winter the president sent a message to congress in which he referred to the Porto Ricans and said that plain duty reqguired us to make them citizens so that they could trade with our people without paying tariff taxes, and every patriot in this country, whether republican or dsmocrat, ‘said: ‘Amen! that is right.’ “Mr. Payne, chairman of the committee in congress that had the matter in charge, drafted a bill embodying the recommendations of the president. ¥e made 2 speech in support of that bill. Congress was rips to pass that bill. Then a trust magnate named Oxnard, of New York, hurried to Washington to prevent the passage of that -bill. It seems that it was not to the in‘terest of his trust to have these peopls made citizens. =~ - : Trust Magnate’s Power.

“To the astonishment of the American .people and the chagrin of the republicenss of this country, to the disgust of the great republican journals of our cwn city and elsewhere, this trust magnate forced Mr. Payne to suppress the bill he had drawn, to draw another bill embodying just the opposite principles. He forced congress to - pass that bill, znd, increcible as it may seem, he forced the president to sign that bill, which embodied just the opposite principles from those he had recommended just a few weeks before. This Porto Ricaw bill legalizes and puts upon cur statute books in the form of a law every one of the principles that KXKing -George fought for 130 vears ago. ‘“lf that bill is right, tken our fathers were wrong. If that biil ig right, then Washington was wrong. Our whole history has been a lie. It @oes exacily for Porto Rico what our fathers accused King George of doing for the American colonies. It overthrows the American principle of government, it formally adopts and establishes the-- European principle of government. Its passage is the most startiing, the most alarming act of this whole ceytury. History furnishes no example and the annals of man furnisn no parallel. .Cne trust magnate hurries from New York to Washington and compels the government of this mighty republic to changa base on a question that is fundamental in government. - e - *““One trust magnate is more mighty at Washington than the vcice of 75,000,000 people—l say 75,000,000 people because the democrats and republicans felt alike on this question. One of the great republican papers of eur city headed an egditorial with these words: ‘Shall it be Guty or shall it be plain infamy—which? But the voice of the republicans of America ‘does not count at Washington any more than the voice of the democrats. This ad= ministration wants to hear from the reDbublicans of the land only on election day. Tkey are a. great convenience to it on election day, but during the other 3641 days of the year the administration hears only the persistént pleading and demand of the organized greed eof this country. Once great moral principles were discussed in the republican councils at Washington; now only measures of spoliat®n receive any consideration.’ c : o “The party has traveled the immeasur‘able distance from Lincoln away down to Mark Hanna, and yet, in spite of this fearful exampleé, in spite of this humiliating object-lesson at Washington, there are men in this country so lest to truth, so dead to shame, that for the sake of carrying an election, for the sake of getting some miserable little offices, they are willing to insuit the intelligence of the American people by telling them fia‘gg they will only reelect McKinley that then the trusts will be restrained. =- = spent. $180,000,000 *in pacifying the