Ligonier Banner., Volume 34, Number 28, Ligonier, Noble County, 12 October 1899 — Page 7

% BRI C ) ¢ €. O K ; ‘\\ (0 g‘} (A TS ‘ | } O 73> Q¢ 2 : \ N\ §.LSEVETT YEATS. [Copyright, 189 s; by D, Appleton & Co. : All rights reserved.] . CHAPTER XXI. : THE RESCUE OF ANGIOLA. : .. The next day, as the big gun from the citadel boomed out the twelfth hour and all the bells of the town clanged forth the time, five horsemen rode through the gate of St. Angelo, whose- doors were spread wide open. The single sentry on duty paced sleepily up “and down; he was longing for his noontide siesta, and the guard of a half-score of Baglioni’s lauces lay with their armor off, basking in the mellow sun. A subaltern oflicer, who had evidently dined to some purpose, -reclined on his baek, half in, half out of the shade of a few olive trees that grew to the left of the gate, and the ruby on his cheeks showed up all the brighter against the green of the grass on which he was stretched. The ~ horsemen were myself and my four followers. We had taken the route I went the day before with Gian, and the plan I had formed was this: On my gaining admittance to the house Jacopo and Bande Nere were to put themselves at the door and engage the guard there in conversation. Gian and the lackey were to hold the horses. As soon as I ascertained the pesition of Angiola’s room 1 would blow shrilly on a whistle I had purchased fer the purpose.’ My men at the door, who were armed with arquebuses as well a 8 their swords, would hold the nassage, and I should try and account for the Cavaliere Paolo and bear off the prize. If we succeeded, we could easily make the gate, and then, the road to St. Jerome lay open Lefore us. The fact that the attempt was to be made in broad daylight, too, would be a safeguard, as no onc would deem that such a deed, usually done under cover of night, was to be adventured at this hour. 1 had partly paved the way for my entrance by my call of yesterday, and was provided with a sufliciently plausible story to keep the cavaliere engaged, whilst 1 took stock of his surroundings. Jacopo, too, had been carefully drilled as to how he was to announcé me, and the question resolved itself into hard hitting, and a little luck. I had dressed myself with particular care, wearing my bufl coat under a gay jerkin, and a short. ~ velvet cloak hung from my shoulders. This almost gnla attire was-to act as a further blind, and give all the appearance of a mere visit of veremony. There was, of course, the possibility of my being refused admittance, und of the Cavaliere Paolo declining to see me; but this was not probable, and if it did “happen I was ready for a bold stroke, and for this Bande Nere carried with him a grenade with which to blow open the door. As it turited out, however, we had no difficulty on this score. On reaching the house I plavced up, and saw a face peering at us " threugh the caging of one of the windows above, but it was almost immediately with-_ drawn. Jacopo dismounted and knocked firinly. The same performance, I have described, of cpening a grating was <gone through, but on my name being mentioned the porter'shut his peep-hole, there was the sound of the remnoval of a bar, the clank of chains, and the door swung open with a sullen groan, disclosing a hall, in which stood two men, completely armed, their arquebuses at the ready in their hands, whilst the doorkeeper himse!f, a sturdy knave, stood full in the entrance, swinging a bunch of keys. - S - “Is the Cavaliere Paolo Baglioni within ?”’ I asked, as I dismounted, taking it for granted I was to bereceived, from the preparation I saw was made. “He Is, signore—be pleased to follow.” With a warning glance to Jacopo I stepped in, finding myself in a hall of middle size, the walls discolored with age, and chipped and cracked in many places—clearly the Casino Baglioni needed repairs. At the end of the hall was a_spiral staircase, whose stone " steps, worn to a hollow in the middle by the passing and repassing of feet, marked its great age. Up this narrow stairway I followed the man, until we reached a corridor, hung on each side with rusty suits of ar‘mor and old and tattered banners. The place was very damp, and there was a musty smell about it, as if no pure air ever came tßat way. It was evident that the cavaliere was -on the alert, for a man was on guard here, armed like those below, with sword and arquebus. To him my guide addressed timself. - “He has come,” he said, jerking his thumb bac%vards atme. . e “Well, announce him,” said the sentinel. “That is for you,” answered the janitor, “T had enough of Pluto this morning.” With this he turned on his heel and ran back downstairs, jingling his keys. The sentry stood still, however, and after waiting for half a minute I spoke, my blood rising a little within me. “Will you be good enough to announce the Cavalfere di Savelli—on an urgent affair % : : : The man turned round to a closed door bebind him, rapping at it with his mailed hand. From inside I heard a shufiling noise, a heavy body lurched against the door, and . there was a scratching.at the wood. No answer, however, camé to the knock. “Knock again,” I said, a little impatientIy, and this time a deep voice called out: “Enter ; I placed my hand on the door to open it, when the sentry spoke with unexpected civility? . . “Take care of the beast, signore!”

2 | “The beast—what beast?’ I asked, pretending not to know anything of Pluto’s existence. o _ “His excellency’s bear—do not fear it--else it might injure you-—cospetto! Butitis ~a perfect fiend if you run from it. It killed a poor woman the other day.” “Thanks, friend, I will beware,” I answered, and pushed open the door, springing back a yard as I did so, for with a short roar that echoed through the house a huge bear rose on his hind legs and struck out at my face with his claws. “Diavolo! go back,” shouted the sentry to the brute, and I whipped out my sword; but the animal merely stood .in the open doorway, making no further advance, his great jaws open and puffing like a blacksmith’s bellows. - . - “Cospetto! excellency, call off the bear,” shouted the sentry again; indeed he seemed positively to hate the animal, and from inside caAme a low, deep-toned. but mocking Jaugh. “Come back, Pluto—down, you brute—down!” then there was a heavy “thud,” the tinkling of shivered glass, and the bear, dropping on its fore feet, shambled back into the room. I was considerably startled and not a little angry, but, concealing these feelings, stepped boldly into the room, keeping my drawn sword still in my ' hand. ; , E 8 “The Cavaliere di Baglioni?” I inquired. “At the Cavaliere di Savelli’s service,” “and a tall figure rose from a lounge chair and surveyed me. 1 confess that my heart began to beat a little fast when I saw the man against whom I was to pit myself. He was far above the middle height, and proportionately broad. His grizzled hair, part- - d in the middle, hung down straightly to his neck, and a thick gray beard and mus- . tache hid his mouth aund chin. A ecruel hooked nose, simost, Hebraic in share, was - eyes. His complexion was deathly pale, and by the light which fell from the barred win- - dow I saw beneath the skin the little red ;*I }« i i e SR

to bits, after being flung at Pluto. The bear was now beside his master, facing me, his huge head held down and swaying from side to side. We remained for half a minute staring at each other, and then Baglioni spoke again, with his deep, sneering accent: “Is it usual for the Cavaliere di Savelli to pay visits with a drawn sword in his hand ?” “Is it usual,” I replied, *‘for gentlemen to be received by having a savage beast set at them?”’ : .

“Oh, Pluto:” and he touched the bear; “Pluto was not set at you, man—you would not be here if he was.” .

; ‘“Probably—if, however, you will call the beast to one side I would like to discuss my business with you, cavaliere.” ‘ “Shut the door and sit down there,”” he replied, “Pluto will not disturb us—you can put back your sword. It svould avail you little,” he grinned. ' . It cost me an effort, but I did as I was bidden, and Baglioni sank back into his lounge, the bear still standing and keeping its fierce eyes on me. Its master, however, kept running his hand up and down its shaggy coat, whilst he asked, in his measured voice: “Well, and to what do I owe the honor of this visit?” “You would prefer no beating about the bush?” . “It is my way.” “Well, then, cavaliere, I have come from Rome with a special object, and that is to ask you to change sides und to use your influence with your cousin, Count Carlo, to do likewise.” I follow the head of my house.” “Exactly. You are aware that His Holiness 18 now over 70 years of age.” “The lambkin of God, Alexander—yes.” “Well, he cannot go on farever, and if he were to die it is an end to the Borgia.” - ‘“Ho! ho!” he laughed, “it is an end to the Borgia—Cavaliere, your employers are mad. It will take not a little to break Cesare—Cesare Borgia, Duke of Romagna, Imola and Faenza, Marquis of Rimini, Count of Forli, Lord of Pesaro and Fano, Gonfaloniere of the Church—good for a low-born bastard—ch? Ho! ho! break Cesare! Not }-Ou.” = “‘Stronger trees have fallen, signore—remember, we have France and the Florentines on our side, and 20,000 men, under Tremouille and Trevulzio, are not 20 miles from you.” : . I was playing a risky game. If I did suc“ceed in inducing this man to listen to my proposals, and he ‘actually persuaded his cousin to do likewise, it would be a terrible blow to the Borgia. On the other hand, I ran the immediate risk of being arrested and kept a prisoner or killed outright. But it was the only way to gain time and look about me; and whilst Baglioni reflectively stroked his strange pet, making no reply to my last speech, I glanced cautiously but carefully around the room. Like the passage outside, the walls were hung with old armor and old flags. Time had defaced the pictures on the ceiling, and such furniture as there was was old, and the coverings of the chairs and tables moth-eaten and winestained. The stale odor of wine mingled with the must of a long untouched room, and everywhere, on the tables, on the chairs, and strewn here and there on the floor, were cards. Evidently the cavaliers had a weakness in this direction, and like lightning it flashed upon me that if he were a gambler the game was probably in my hands, and I would drop policy and turn to the cards. My thoughts were interrupted by Baglioni, who Dbroke the silence: “What evidence have you to show you are the person you represent yourself to be?”’ ~ “I can offer you none. In matters like these one does not carry evidence about—but if you like to send a trusted messenger to Rome, to theCardinald’ Amboise—see the reception he will get—or, nearer still, to Tremouille 7’ -

“And why come to me?”’ “Because of your infiuence with your cousin, and because you are a man who will play for a big stake,” andl risked the shot. His eyes flashed and his hand stopped in its movement through the fur of the bear. - “My influence with my cousin is—that,” he snapped his fingers, “but a big stake—yes—l like playing for big stakes.” I stooped and picked up a card, holding it idly up between my finger and thumb. “This, what I propose, is a bigger stake than you could ever get on the'king, cavaliere,” and with a twist of my wrist I sent the card from me; it hit the wall opposite with a smart tap, and then floated slowly and noiselessly down to the floor of the room. .

The man’s eyes followed the card, and he myitered as if to himself:

““A big stake—yes—Carlo gives me nothing —I am his jailer—l, who in a single night bave lost two lordships to Riario, have now not a ducat to fling in the air, except what the niggard allows me.” . I did not like the part I was playing, but I knew enough of the state of affairs to be certain that D’ Amboise would richly reward the person who could detach Baglioni from the Borgla. I said no more than the truth, therefore, when I added, quietly: “You would have another lordship, or two maybe, to stake if my proposal were earried out.”

“Cospetto!” he said, “it is useless.”

“Then I am sorry,” I replied, rising as if to depart, “but must wish you good day.” “Diavolo! (Cavaliere, you are not going without some refreshment. Ho! without there,” and his deep voice pealed out like a great bell. . The bear, which had stretched itself on the floor, rose with a grunt, but Baglioni pressed its head down, and it sank back and began to hum itself between its paws, like an enormous bee, or rather with the sound a thousand bees might make. After a little delay there was a knock at the door, but apparently, as usual, the.person outside, whoever he was, did not feel disposed to come in. My host rose in anger and stepved across the room, followed by his beast, the latter passing unpleasantly close to me.

There was an altercation at the door; my host went out with his pet, and for a minute or two I was left alone. T moved my seat nearer to the small table beside Baglioni’s lounge, and, taking up the pack of cards, began to shuffle and cut them. The cavaliere came back very soon, a flask in one hand and a glass in the other. - “Blood of St. John!” he exclaimed, as he set them down with a clink on the table, “those rascals—l will have their ears cut offi—they fear this poor lamb,” and he fondled the great bear, which rose on its hind feet and began muzzling its master. “I am not surprised. Corpo di Bacco! The king again!”” and I flung down the pack in apparent disgust.

“Down, Pluto!” and Baglioni turned to me: “The king again. What was that you said ?” 2

“Cutting left hand against the right. I lost three times.”

“I lost ten thousand one night over cutting—but help yourself,” and he pushed the flask towards me, and then filled his own, which he drained at a gulp. “Come, cavaliere—you are in no hurry—cut me through the pack.” : : “With pleasure, but my purse-bearer is downstairs—will you permit me.to see him?”’ “By all means—the heavier the purse the better for me.”

““A favor—l cannot play with that beast near me—could you not send him away?”’ “Send him away—my familiar,” he said, with an awful smile. “No, no, Di Savelli—he is my luck; but I shall keep him at a distance if you like.” 1 rose and went down to Jacopo, and found him and Bande Nere already on friendly terms with the guard. 1 took my purse from him and found time to whisper a warning to strike the moment he heard my whistle. When I came back I was relieved to find the bear fastened by a chain to a ring in the wall. The chain itself was ‘weak and could have been snapped with _ease, but the animal made no effort to strain at it, and lay down as contentedly as a dog. ‘Baglioni had pulled a table into the center

of the room and was seated at it, impatientiy rufiling the cards. _ “Back at last,” he said, and his voice had lost its measured cadence; “heavens, 1 have not spread the cards for a whole year—what. stakes?”’ .

“Simply cutting the cards?”’ “Yes. It is the quickest game I know.” “Say a crown each turn to begin with.” We cut through four times, and I paid over two crowns. Baglioni laughed as he put them on one side; “peddling stakes these, cavaliere—make them ten crowns a cut.” ‘“Agrecd—three cuts and a shuffle.”

He nodded, and I paid ten crowns, feeling at this rate that my purse would soon be empty; but I saw that the fever was taking hold of him, and offered to double the stakes and won. From that moment luck favored me, and at the end of half an hour’s play the cavaliere had lost all his ready money, about 60 crowns, and owed fhe 500 besides. He did not take his losses well; all the Testrained self-command which he first exhibited gave place to a wild excitement, and his hands shook as he shuffled the cards, his white face paling whiter than ever. “Curse the cards!” he said, “I have no luek.” The moment had come for which T had been watching. Time after. time I felt inclined to strike a sudden blow, but held myself in.

“No more to-day, cavaliere,” I said, filling my glass; “I have business and must away.” A red flush came to his forehead; ‘I cannot pay vou at once,”” he said, in a low tone. “Tush!” I replied, ‘“the word of Baglioni is enough—but if you want a last try for your revenge I will cut you—" “Double or quits?” he burst in. “No, cavaliere,” and I dropped the words out slowly, “the five hundred against a five minutes’ interview with the Lady Angiola.”

He leaned back in his chair in amaze, and 1 went on: ‘“Listen to me, I only want five minutes’ speech with her—in!your presence if you will-——come, shall I cut or will you?”’ “Diavolo!” he muttered, “if Carlo hears of this—well, yes—l will cut first—the ten—a bad card to beat.”

I cut carelessly and faced my card. 1t wasabkmoe oo i

“Hell and furies!” he burst out. “You have won. Come, sir,” and, rising, he advanced towards the bear. “A moment, cavaliere. I said in your presence. I did not include Messer Pluto there in the interview.” i

He gave me an unpleasant look, but stopped short. :

“Very well,” he said, and, taking a large key from his girdle, went on before me. It cost me a great effort to keep cool; up to now my luck had been so great that every moment there was a temptation to put all to the hazard of one stroke.. I smiled under my beard as I thought of the imposing fool Court Carlo had placed in charge of his prize, and when I saw the huge shaking hand clutching the key I could not help thinking that nerves like that would never hold a sword straight, and that for all his size and courage the cavaliere was not a very - formidable foe. :

In a few steps we reached the door he wanted, and Baglioni, after knocking ornce, simply turned the key and pushed open the door. - .

Looking over his shoulder I saw a small but well-furnished room, and standing in the middle of it, in startled surprise at this sudden intrusion, the figure of Angiola. Quick as thought I made a warning gesture, and almost at the moment Baglioni turned round with:

““A visitor for you, madam.” She did not seem to recognize me, but at the warning gesture I made a faint flush came into her cheek. She stood looking at us half frightened, half indigndant, and at last spoke. “I do not recognize—"’ “Ugo di Savelli, madam,” and T bowed. Her lips curled a little as she answered:

“Well, Messer Ugo di Savelli—Cavaliere Ugo di Savelli, T should say—is it not so? May I ask your business? If it is any message froin your master I decline Lo hear It,” and she turned away with a motion of supreme disdain, thinking no doubt that I was a follower of Count Carlo. ; ‘

“Ho! ho!” laughed Baglioni at my look of discomfiture, ‘“the future countess can speak her mind. I pity Carlo. You had best cut short your five minutes, cavaliere, and come back to the cards.” .

At this moment I heard the bear whining below, impatient for his master, and I knew his bonds were all too slender to hold him. There was nothing for it but to save Angiola -in spite of herself. All this happened in a flash, and with my full strength I hit Baglioni below the left ear, just where the neck and head united. So sudden, so unexpected ! wag the blow that the huge man rolled over like an ox, and a short shrill scream broke from Angiola. My sword was out in a mo‘ment, and I stood over Baglioni. ‘A cry, a movement, and I kill you like a dog,” I gasped out, my breath coming thick and fast; “throw the key to the lady—pick it up, girl—quick—now run to the door and stand there—l am here to save you.” It was done at once, for Baglioni saw he must obey or die, and springing back I closed the door quickly and turned the key. Almost as I did so I heard footsteps hurrying below, and blew loudly on my whistle. The sound of the whistle was followed by an angry shouting that was drowned by a terrible “roar, and I saw Piuto before me, rushing up the stair, with the end of his broken chain still hanging to him. Baglioni was battering at the door behind me. He was safe enough, but my companion had dropped in a faint, and I wanted all my hands and all my nerve to meet the beast, who was now on the stairway. not ten feet away from me. Close to me was a heavy stool. I seized this and flung it at the animal with all my strength, and getting between his forefeet in caused him to stumble and slip back & balf dozen steps, but with ancther rpar Fluto gathered himself together and rushed up again, his jaws agape and white with foam. I gave him the point deep into his neck. It might have been a pin prick, and he dented the steel with his teetb. Rising to his feet he struck at me, tearing mv short cloak clean off, my shoulders, and then my sword was up to the hilt in his side and we grappled. My left cheek was once touched by his claws, and seemed to be hanging in ribbons; but although almost blinded with blood and choked by hisafetid breath I held my head well down and drove my dagger again and again into the beast. Angiola had recovered from her faint, and above the grunting of the bear, the battering at the door and the clash of steel below I heard her laughing in shrill hysteries. My strength was failing. I was about to give up all for lost when there was a loud report, and with a howl the bear fell backwards. My hand somehow fastened itself to the hilt of my sword sticking in the animal’s side, and the weight of him, as he fell back, and as I shook myself ciear, freed the blade. I stood half dazed, watching the huge black body sliding limply down the stairs, until it lay in a shapeless heap on the landing. Jacopo’s voice brought me to myself.

“For the love of God,"—q'u_lck, excellency—quick!” ;

God; I suppose, gives men strength sometimes for lis own purposes. And so it must have been with me, for I picked my dear up in my arms and half giddy and staggering made my way to the entrance door. I need not say I had no time to look about me, but Jacopo helped me with my burden. Lifting her to the pommel of the saddle. I sprang up behind, and, drawing my darung closé to me, with a shout of triumph I set free my plunging horse and let him go with a loose rein. ;

[TO BB CONTINUED.]

Hubby Helds the Record.

Polite Shopman (showing goods)— Here is sometihng I would like to call your attention to, madam. Iy is the very latest thing out. Mrs. Rounder (absently)—lf there's anything out later than my husband I'l}. take it, if only as a curiosity.—Tit-Bits

. N a TU3 I'HE OHIO CAMPAIGN. Started by John R, McLean at Hamilton. et et : Imperialism and Trusts Vigorously Assailed—Money Question Vital But of Secondary Im~ ; portance. The democratic leaders of Ohio got together at Hamilton, Saturday, September 30, and set in motion the state forces for the coming campaign. John R. McLean, candidate for governor, was in the van and spoke upon the issues, state and national. He said: ‘“Since the war with Spain, what has be,eé the history of the Philippines? Our war was against Spain, for the redress qf grievances, and not against the Philippine islanders, for conquest. When Spain was vanquished we hauled down her flag, and ours then floated in friendship. On Manila bay ‘and its shores it should have be@n thenceforward the symbol of liberation/in the land we had invaded in,hostility ‘to Spain alone. The natives were our friends. Their recognized leader jad returned to the -islands by invita}lion of the United States, and had been assisted to organize a military force, and established a camp at Cavite. He had summoned his people to the support of the United States military occupation in a proclamation, assuring them that the American flag meant liberty and independence for them. He organized a civil government. Not only were these proceedings not objected to, but he was addressed by Gen. Anderson, our chief commanding officer, as the commander of the military forces of the Philippine islands, and asked to furnish a map of the adjacent country for the use of Gen. Merritt, soon to arrive. He cheerfully complied. The amicable relations continued ' until Gen. Merritt, fresh from the white - house at Washington, took command, and made an order establishing a military line, which was to separate our .troops and the Filipinos into two hostile camps, and forbidding the entrance within our lines of any of Aguinaldo’s command. This order was the commencement of hostilities. In Favor of Expansion.

‘““The treaty cession of the Philippines by Spain to the United States does not conclude the question of future sovereignty. It places the determination of the civil-and political status of the inhabitants of those islands exclusively in congress. We are in favor of legitimate expansion, but opposed to an imperialistic. policy. We object to the methods that have prevailed, the character of the settlement chosen to make the Philippines a part of our country. We believe that a rational friendly course could have made the Filipinos our friends, and even at this time fairness and justice would bring peace. Diplomacy, that arm of all civilized governments, has not been tried. The military secrecy of the administration has led the nation to believe that beyond all declarations was the fact that England was in need of an ally in the orient and had made us play as an instrument for her interests. If the people of the United States want the Philippines and want a place in the councils and doings of the east, it can be had by honorable and open dealings. We: conderan the methods and doubt the wisdom of the Hanna-McKinley policy. ‘““Another menace to the pecple of the United States is what is known as the trusts. . They antagonize the law of supply and demand, substituting in their place limited outputs of prcducts at prices enhanced to the limit. Under the plausible claim for ‘a fair return on the investment’ their work is done. So friendly has the republican administration been to its creators that the trusts formed within the last two years exceed in capitalization all that had been organized before. " Individual effort is rapidly being crushed by them, and cur young men just coming on the stage of action look in wvain for fields of enterprise in which their fathers flourished and by which they developed our country. Shall this great people be bound hand and foot by the audacity, the aggressiveness of a few able men and let them becvme the permanent rulers where now they only béar temporary sway? We should not be Americans if we permitted it.

Trusts and “Bossism.”?

“We are told to-day that if we antagonize the trusts, if we fight their aggressiveness, their crushing tactics, we want to haul down the flag of the Philippines—that we want to destroy the fame of our great country. No one magnate of these great concerns saw fit, when the cry of distress went up from a people now our own, to lend their aid, their dollars or themselves for the cause; but individuals stood forth, and praise be that in many cases love of country, love of patriotism, stocd above what wealth had given. : “I come now to what stares the honest, liberty-loving citizen in the face—that thing known as bossism. We see favors dispensed, we see men rejected, we see decorations conferred, decorations withheld, all on personal ground. In our own state we sea a clique—a few men, headed by an aggressive, audacious, bold man—take possession. As I say, in our state, as well as nationally, they say who shall hold offices and -who shall not. In a great city of our state we find the people bound hand and foot, trembling under a dictatorship, vulgar, brutal, bold, which has become as the weevil, as the blight. Our business men should rise and overthrow the power assumed by this arrogance. No body of men working under a public franchise in that city is free from the demands and commands of this boss. It is necessary to go through his hands in order to make any contract, to get any recognition, to do any work. Individual business has been assailed, corporate business has been assailed, demands made, and, I fear, in many cases acceded to, because it was thought best in the interest of the helpless owners of property. “The dictator of the republican party in Ohio, as well as the nation, says the money question is wiped out, and no longer plays or should take part in our politics. If that be true, then more than ever the honest citizen, the business citzen, the tax-ridden citizen should rise in his might at this time, when only state and local conditions exist, shake off . the handcuffs of the blackmailer, stand forth for honest commercial transactions and for the welfare of our state and cities. Money Question a Vital One.

“The money question is also a vital one. It has ever been a contest between the government and would-be self-appointed agents. Money, we all understand, is but a something expressive of value. The public must have scmething in a tangile circulating shape to express their transactions. . That something is known as money, expressing value. In every state on one side is a great mass of people; on the other a body of men struggling for supremacy, who are ever ready to take up the troubles of the country and from their standpoint administer a remedy. To-day in this country, as a hundred years ago, this same class has striven to take the making of a currency from the people, from the country, from its representatives in CoOngress. > . 3

“The democratic party holds that the government, and the government alone, may issue currency, may coin its money. The democratic party has ever held that- it needs no brokers, no commission agents, between it and the people; that it was a government prerogative, a right belonging to the government alone. On the other side intriguing men are found who Want to strip the government of that power. It has ever been their aim to make a currency that should be as scarce as possible with which to carry on the business of the country. They wanted that they should regulate the amount of money, and then fix the price at which the people could have that money. Every artifice that cunning, that subtlety could command has been exerted to reduce its volume. We find silver sushed ‘out of its rightful place. We fiid a determined effort to substitute an interest-bearing note for a noninterestbearing one.

“We claim that the government, and the government alofne, has the power to coin and issue expressions of value. This is a rightful and just ground and one for which ocur party has always stood and will continue to stand. Government coining of money and the issuance of circulating rotes tire alike salely a government function. The government should declare what shall be money and what shall be its volume. issuance of circulating notes is no more within tie province of private banking corporation s than is the coinage of gold and gilver or tks issuance of goVvernment bonds.

Banks of depusit and discount are as neces» sary to business as the circulation of the blood is to the body, but they should not be allowed to issue any form of paper currency. 5 Should Elect Rich Men. “All legislation should have for its obJect the betterment of conditions. While capital should be protected, labor should also find a champion in the democratic party. Legislation is too often had that protects only the one, ignoring the other. Men of eapital, men of leisure, honest men, should shape the legislation of our state and national governments that the poor, that the weak, that those unable to defend themselves should find protection. Honest legislation should mean to ward off greed, to ward off evils that beset those unable to make their own fight. The object of legislation should always be for those weaker. As we try to defend the doves from the hawk, the lambs from the wolves, so should the- strong men, those whom: Goad has blessed with the ability to acquire fortunes and retain them, make every ef‘fort to protect those less fortunate. The great producing class of our country should always be the first care of the legislator. Those who have must concede; the poor, having nothing, cannot. The strong must care for the weak, the rich for the poor, the prosperous for those in adversity. And again, I say that all legislation should have for its aim the bettering of the condition of the man whose time is not his own, ‘and who must, in a certain sense, do the bidding of others. Above all, the man intrusted with power, the man chosen to execute our laws, should be selected with a iview of his fitness, of his knowledge of affairs, and, beyond all that, whose purpose is an honest one—one who could execute the laws as he found them, with favor for none, fairness to all. “The democratic party is a peace-loving party, a liberty-loving party, and will always stand forth as the champion, the conservatcr of the people. A partisan and unfair press seek to distort the objects, the motives of our party. I think our position can be embhodied in a few words: We stand for the right, we stand forliberty, we stand for the laws. Love of country before all.”” ~ THE FLAG FLAUNTERS. Republiean Imperialism Runs Riot When Polities Is in the Breach, - Republican politicians who are “crooking the pregnant hinges of the knee that thrift may follow fawning” areloud in their protests that the American flag once run up must never be Lauled down. .

This appeal to the bias of patriotism is made to excuse the war in the Philippines. But not all republicans are so bound to the imperial throne of Emperor MeKinley as to approve an unjust war simply because the president is moved by an unworthy ambition. Tormer Senator Henderson, of Misrouri, is an able republican, but he has ideas of his own concerning “hauling down the flag.” =

“I don’t believe,” says the former senator, “that you can drive a people to fall in love with anything or that you can shoot American patriotism into anybody. When the American flag ceases to be the emblem of liberty let it be hauled down. I know of but one flag, and that is the one which proudly floats ‘o’er the land of the free and the home

of the brave.” It will never float gracefully over a land of slaves.” But, worse than that, the flag in Sulu guarantees not only slavery, but polygamy as well. In further discussing this question, Henderson says: ‘I would now negotiate with the Filipinos to take Manila as a naval station, and then help them to establish a republi¢ of their own, the United States agreeing to aid them in the good work and to protect them from any threatened interference with their free institutions, they to return to us the $20,000,000 which Spain received from us on a defective title.”

This proposition coming from a republican is given here for what it is worth. It simply illustrates that Mark Hanna is much mistaken when he asserts that there is no political issue in the Philippine question. Not only is there a political issue in this question, but there is also a cause for differences of opinion among leading republicans.

Nobody wants to dishonor the flag, but no one dishonors it more than he who would make it a protector of slavery and savagery.—Chicago Democrat.

Commissions Without End.

President McKinley seems to have the same faithin commissions that Dr. Sangrado had in bleeding—that they are a universal specific. He has never neglected an opportunity toappoint a commission, and if a single one of them has done anything that justified itself history is silent. For foreign complications there have Dbeen commissions. - For domestic troubles nothing better seems-to have suggested itself than a commission. It took a commission to find out what was the matter over in Hawaii, in Cuba, in Porto Rico, in the Philippine islands. It took a commission to obtain the privilege of ending the war with a conquered enemy by paying $20,000,000. A commission of peace has been nosing around in the Philippines while war was going on and it is only now that it has been discovered to be out of place. Industrial troubles in this country demanded a commission. And of all the frauds perpetrated on the American public that industrial commission was perhaps the worst.—Peoria HeraldTranseript.

Right to Protest.

Against the purpose of President MeKinley and his advisers to cut away from the historie policy and professions of this republic and adopt the British programme of expansion through slaughter and conquest and the holding of vassal states, with all that such a venture implies in the burdens of militarism and the forfeiture of our highest governmental ideals, parties and individuals who love /the republic of the fathers the best have a right to enter their solemn and indignant protests. It may be for England’s advantage to have us depart from our estate of progressive peace.and continental security and power and mix in the broils and rivalries of the old world nations, but certainly suech a departure will not result in the moral or material advancement of this republic.—Detroit I'ree Press. )

——The protective tariff system is one of the main pillars upon which the republican party rests. Occasionally one of them, like Washburn, is able tc gee the imjury which their work has done and is doing to the country, but when they undertake to recede from their position they will find themselves confronted, impeded and handecuffed by the immense money power which they have built up. The only hope of relief lies in democratic success, executive and legislative.—Bt. Joseph (Mo,) Gazette, S ; L s R S

M’KINLEY’S WAR.

The Philippine Policy of the Presia dent Is Based Upon Polities.

The pain and amazement of the MeKinleyites at the fact that anybody should be base enough to .desire to make party capital out of their gigantic blundering in the Philippines, is getting to be such that they can ne: longer contain themselves. They are beginning to explode with indignationand horror. While trying to win votes for you fellows out of the mistakes we fellows have made! Merciful heavens was ever such political turpitude heare of before? Col. Hay was aghast at the thought, in his letter to the Ohio re publicans. It is true that his horro: and disgust were a trifle too plainly theatric; his starts and gasps and stares were cleary stagey; yow all along saw that he would be perfectly willing to go off and take a drink with the villains when the play was'over; but he already has many imitators, ana we shall hear much more of the unspeakable conduct of party,opponents in holding a republican administration to account for the colossal failure of its Philippine policy. I Bear in mind, however; that the objection is not ito making party capital out of the Philippines, as such. It is only to making democratic party capital. The truth is, McKinley and Hanna had intended all the political capital that. could be made out of the Philippines strictly for themselves. For the democrats to interfere and c¢laim any of it is a pure perversion of-a sacred fund, and the courts should intervene. An injunction would, we think, be granted by any federal judge, restraining Bryan and other democratic orators from so much as mentioning the word Philippines. The president has an exclusive” property right to all the party capital which the Philippines can be made to yield, and what are we coming to if outsiders car break in and take it away from him? We know what. his adulators would have said if his plans had not gone so grié¢vously wrong. If Aguinaldo had groveied at his feet; if the Filipinos had haslened to submit to his usurpation and illegal proclamation, what a powerful argument the republicans would have seen in it all for reelecting the great, strong, inflexible, far-seeing, infallible man, who spake and it was done, who commanded and it stood fast! To demand votes for success in foreign complications is legitimate; but to say that votes should be ‘withheld on account of the humiliating failure—why, that is simply monstrous! Men who would do that would botanize upon a mother’s grave and traffic in their country’s shame. This is a republican, a McKinley, war, if it succeeds, but if it.goes on from one disgrace to anotheritisa national war, for which all are responsible, and to support which all citizens are bound to stand together.—N. Y. Post.

PROFIT AND LOSS.

Expense of Imperialism to the People of the United . States. .

When the administration gets ready to make a report to the people as to the profit and loss of the policy of imperialism, how will the account stand ? : Certainly not in favor of a policy which burdens the nation with taxes and gives no adequate return. , In 1890 the national receipts were $403,080,982 and the expenditures $318,040,710, and the army and navy cost tbe government $66,589,044. n

How does the account stand for the present fiscal year? The receipts were $515,960,620 and the expenditures $605,072,179, of which $293,785,359 went for the army and navy. o

While MeKinley’s administration has increased taxes and raised the revenue in every possible way, the deficit this yYear amounts to $89,111,559. Taxes have been increased 27 per cent. by the republican administration and the expenditure has doubled since 1390. Not only this, but the interest-bearing debt of the government has grown from $600,000,000 to $1,182,149,050. )

Now, what has McKinley to show for - . : . this enormous increase in debt and taxes? ) ) )

The war with Spain ended more than a year ago. This nation is supposed to be at peace with all other nations, yet war expenses go on at an increased secale, -

It will be difficult for McKinley to make his profit and loss account balance. The people of the United States are patriotie, but they are not imperialists and they will not long approve of a policy which costs much more than it comes to.-—Chicago Democrat. v

A Statesman Is Needed.

We are upon grave times. Great new issues have arisen, new questions of supreme importance have come into view, even since Mr. McKinley’s nomination little more than three years ago. While crediting him with h®gesty of intention, there is a feeling among a vast number of people that a president is needed more thoroughly equipped in statesmanship, more vigorous in determination and action, less dependent upon the promptings of advisers in his personsl circle, less subject to be swayed by populat clamor from conscientious conviction. We believe that with an abler leader the democratic party will carry the election next year, for the mass of the people are still and ever will be true to the principles upon which our country was founded and for more than a century maintained; and, although at times in numbers misled, or influenced for the maintenance of some appealing issue to sacrifice others, there is no doubt that they understand the present condition well. They know that the new era upon which the nation has entered calls for the services of a master mind and a stout heart.—Buffalo Courier.

it 18 necessary first that we should remove from the independent peoples of the new world the fear that we are intending as soon as possible to “gobble them up” in the course of outr “destiny.” We ought not to have the hostility of American republies, but rather their loyal friendship. It is important to them as to us that the Monroe doctrine should be upheld, and if it be a fact that there is to the south of us a growing suspicion of us; or hostility toward us, the statesmanship and ‘the press of the United States ought ta go out of the way to remove such a sen-

- MR. HANFA’S SOLICITUDE. The Republican Boss I) Not Intere ' ~ested in the Philippine Question, Mr. Mark Hanna is zealous for the reputation of Admiral Dewey. He dislikes to hear politicians squatted at his ear suggesting to him that *“Glamis thou art and Cawdor and shall be king hereafter.” That does not'suit Hanna's programme. The king hereafter is to be of his own selection, and his mind is already made up as to the identity of that gentleman. It is very wrong to suggest to the admiral that he should go into politics. Politics would be the ruin of him. He occupies the highest position in the navy, and surely it is to his int€rest to be content with that. Itappears also to be to the interest of Mr. Hanna that he be content with that. . Hanna aoces not choose to remember that Grant had the highest position in the army nor to suggest that he should have becn content therewith. He was doubtless among those who encouraged the idea that Grant should be president, but since he is quite sure that Dewey will rise superior to all temptation and offer no impediment to the major why does Hanna so seriously apprehend the possibility that he may yield? Itis = goodold proverb: “Let the cobbler stick to his last,” and if Dewey is wise he will act upon it. If he does not he must take his ehances, even of offepding the potent political figure of this country, his monitor, Mark Hanna. ' Mr. Hanna in a recent interview said: “I do not know anything about the Pailippines; the only fight I am watchingis the one in Ohio.” These statements will be readily-accepted by his countrymen. Mr. Hanna does not knotw and never did know anything about the Philippines. He is not watching the fight out there, and apparently neither is anybody else, save to condemn it as utterly disereditable to the republic. As to the fight'in Ohio, of course Mr. Hanna will waich that very carefully. It involves his political fortunes and his personal pocketbook.—Chicago Chronicle.

AN ERROR OF REPUBLICANS.

Free Trade England Is as Prosperous : " as the “Protected” United

States.

The difficulty that our protecticnist friends find in fastening the credit for

increased prosperity on the Dingiey law is ‘largely due to the faet that “free trade England” is enjoying a similar prosperity simultaneously, and without any assistance from a Dingley law. If America, with the highest kind of protection, could show a record for prosperity while England with free trade suffers from industrial depression, the argument for protection would have the semblance of plausibility at least. But ex-Speaker Thomas B. Reed gives testimony that Great Britain is on the top of the crest of the wave of prosperity, as well as the United States. So if we are going to form a judgment as to the comparative advantage of proteetion and free trade, we have the puzzling condition of the same results under each system. The deduction to be drawn from the present conditions is that the ;prosperity we are beginning to enjoy comes from causes unrelated to tariff laws. )

In the days of the McKinley tariff and the Sherman silver law, under which de~ pression settled upon this country, the suffering- public was told to be patient and to rejoice that the McKinley law was causing industrial havoc abroad, if it was not producing prosperity at home. The misery of the Welsh tin plate makers was a picture that our protectionist friends gloated over continually. The sufferings of others were offered as a compensation for our own troubles. But now allischanged. Protection cannot point to industrial misery abroad as a triumph of protection. =On the contrary, free traders can point to prosperity in England and cite it as a triumph of free trade, with as much justice as our friends, the protectionists, claim the increased activity in this ¢ountry a triumph of protection.— Utica Observer.

PRESS COMMENTS.

- —Hanna says he belicves in “keeping everything you have got.” Yes, andgrabbigg all you can get. Here is a - man who lives up to his principles. —Chicago: Democrat.’ - ——Administraten organs are still harping away on Gen. Otis’ alleged incompetence, without having the courage or candor to admit tlrat McKinley is responsible for Otis, just as he is for every other feature of the war of conquest.—Columbus Press-Post. ——Senator Hanna can see no evil ‘in the trusts. Why should he? Isn’the depending entirely upon the contributions from the trusts to carry him safe1y through this fall's election? Hanna is for the trusts and the trusts are for Banna.—Canton (0.) Democrat. ——=Secretary Hay says in his letter to the Ohio republicans that the democrats really have no issues. As for “the rein of trusts,” this, he says, “the republicans themselves can manage, having all the requisife experience, both of legislation and business.” The republicans have so “managed” that under McKinley’s administration the number of ind'ilstrial trusts has increased to 540, with a capitalization of $800,000,000. Hasn't the coutnry had enough of the republican pariy’s “experience” in managing trusts?—N. Y. World. « —Mr. Hanna made. a “break” as soon as he opened his mouth to the interviewers in New York. “My obsérvations of England,” he said, “are that it is a country with a good politieal system. It is fully as good as ours.” If Mr. Hanna’s Ohio opponents are._ sharp, they will observe the implications ‘of this remark. It means that, in his opinion, a monarchical form of government is just as good as a republic. Some of Mr. Hanna's erities think that a monarchy is what he is leading us to.—Springfield Republican. e Rt L are striving ‘hard to decide upon the most available vice presidential candidate for next year. Their evident anxiety that Mr. MeKinley shall haveis significant. It means that they are e e L