Ligonier Banner., Volume 31, Number 3, Ligonier, Noble County, 23 April 1896 — Page 3

' THE GREAT. : Who are the great? They who don diadems royal and rare, They who the laurels of victory wear, They who intrepidly dark dangers dare—- ; Are these the great? . e Who are the great? They who have mounted to fame’s monument, They who have nations’ destinies bent, They who to thund'rings of wisdom give vent— Are these the great? : Who are the great?’ They who've commanded the praises of men, They who have wielded the sword or the pen, They who have conquered ten thousand times ten— : J : - Are these the great? ; ‘Who are the great? : Hearken! the answer comes filtering through The beautiful Heaven's illimitable blue: “There is only one greatness that God holdeth true, : The good are the great!” : —Susle M. Best, in Zion's Herald. s o . ‘ /, ff’-“!-l" ) /’/}ﬁ!d‘ 2 N : A\ -m@’f/ & TTE A Y “E o . SRNEE ) : - O ey (RN ) GapllanGialls Feiriz (Copyright, 1894, by the Author.) CHAPTER VIL—CONTINUED. Long before Turner and Kelly could “sight” a single Apache, the Apaches had caught sight of them. Darting from rock to rock, slinking from tree to tree, away sped the lithe, sinewy fellows out “of rifle range. Only a few long distance or random shots were exchanged between Turner and the invisible scattering foe, and Crane’s fellows, sending up stentorian cheers from the stream 1 bed below, drowned for the moment \ the roar of the waters. Throwing out ilsome keen shots as skirmishers to prevent the reappearance of the Indians, Thornton and his troop leader signaled Crane to fall back to a point where the Sandy flowed in smooth tranquil reach for a hundred yards or so, and there, one side climbing down the heights, the other climbing up, the officers were able to compare notes. The first question was as to Cranc'’s losses. Several horses killed, three abandoned and two men wounded. “But,” said he, ‘‘they’ve cleaned out some Mexican outfit @ mile up stream. We almost caught them at it.” And 80, leaving the wounded with the guard and attendants to make the best of their way back to the old post, the two commands again pushed on up stream, Crane on the lower and Thornton folJowing the upper trail, both parties in single file. Turner kept the front well covered by a few skirmishers. Half an hour’s march brought them around a wooded point, and there deep down in the gorge, just at the spot where Sanchez camped that luckless night two years before, under the burning blue of the midsummer skies, lay the wreck of another ‘‘outfit.” Flood and fury had scattered the possessions of the former party broadcast down the canyon. Fire and flame and Tonto bullet or barb had huddled those of the second into a blackened, -hideous heap. Crane had followed, in very truth, the .trail of the raiders at Kelly’s ranch, but the murderérs’of the luckless Bustamente were his own countrymen—the robbers of Kelly’s corral were Manuel Cardoza and the genial Muncey. Here were the stiffening carcasses of the old sergeant’s pets; here the half dozen pack mules, packs and all; here the mutilated remains of the poor devils whom Cardoza had abandoned, for up the ecanyon went the shod hoof tracks of American horses. Overtaken by Apaches, two well mounted leaders had left their humble followers to fight it out as best they could, and who could be the cowardly pair but Muncey and Cardoza?

Extinguishing the smoldering fires, gathering up such contents of the saddle bags and apparejoes as were undamaged by the flames, Crane’s party, watched by Thornton’s from the opposite heights, slowly. remounted and set forth on their return. ‘‘lf Foster comes through the mountains with his troop tell him we'll join him at the old post in a few hours,” sang out the major from across the stream. ‘“We've got to come back for something to eat soon, as we scout to the north side, and if this be a specimen of Apache business,” added Thornton to himself, as he slowly remounted, ‘“M’s too complicated campaigning for me.” - And so by noon that sultry and long remembered day, after burying. the murdered Mexicans under cairns of

M “\VI" ST A fil o T D R P AN (GBI /A /',":"",' 7 ",:_})l/"1, llkl ) W?‘ il AP YGQL lEN—w Tl SN Vsl B A A 8 \\\\\\\\ //?!‘ \VW/’./, N / _l3‘%//1/ ~p VNG B = T ) — i PEAE - Sl AN W o = - = NT=O~ “'WE'LL JOIN HIM AT THE OLD POST.” stones, Crane and his wearied men were jogging back within hail of Signal ~ Butte, while Maj. Thornton, with Turner and some twenty hungry troopers, pushed northward, determined to scout the Socorro to the Prescott road. Turner still kept his skirmishers ahead. There was no telling where the Indians might open -on them from rock or precipice or tree. Kelly, raging in his heart to think that he had lost his mules and herdsman through such scoundrels as Muncey and Cardoza, attached himself closely to Turner, with whose judgment and foresight he was now greatly impressed. It was extremely hot and the water in the canteens utterly undrinkable. The horses, teo, were suffering, but it was impossible to.get them down the steep to the dashing stream, so even when after ‘an hour’s weary marching over the upland trail they came in sight of ~ the broad valley of the Sandy above the range, Thornton decided to go on down to the lowlands and water before atarting on his return. It was high -~ noon, hot noon, a scorching noon, and the men's eyelids were blistered by the fierce rays of an unclonded sun. They were hungry, tco, for not'one had had bite-or sup sines coffee at dawn, but ~ they, 'b&#ﬁt‘,‘dgr ‘plug ‘tobadco and 5%&&13,@,%& e e ment of rmblﬂ'g @ﬁl ~ theold trail that wound beside the

Sandy not an Indian had been seen or heard of. Now there rose into midair a little dust cloud far out near the Prescott road telling of some party in rapid movement. ‘‘Muncey and Cardoza skipping for all they're worth,” hazarded Kelly. but Turner shook his head. ‘That cloud’s coming this way,” said he, ‘“‘and coming fast—and it’s some of our own people.” : And so it proved. Less than half an hour later, down by the splashing waters, the two detachments came together. Comrades of the same regiment, yet from stations miles apart. The sunburned, dust-covered fellows from far up the Sandy rode in to the welcoming ranks from Retribution. “What news of the Indians?” was naturally the first inquiry, and rapidly, officer to officer, man to man, the two parties exchanged views. The captain of the little party from Camp Sandy was a soldierly fellow, Tanner by name, and with him were two or three experienced scouts. Al Zeiber was one, a man who knew Apaches and Arizona even as their old guide, Buffalo Bill, knew the Pawnees and the plains. “There isn’t a hostile west of the Sandy this day,” said he. ‘“They’ve all had their ‘jump’ and done what damage they could, and now they're skipping back to the Mogollon country.” But Zeiber looked grave and troubled when told of the deeds of the previous night. “They are little detached war parties,” said he. ‘“We may strike one of them down near the springs, but I doubt it.”

In brief conference the officers decided what should then be done. Tanner sent his lieutenant with a scout- and twenty men down along the north face of the Socorro to find Foster and follow full speed any of the straggling Apaches whese trails they might discover, hoping even yet to recapture Leon. Then the pack train came up and presently cook fires were blazing in the timber and from' the Camp Sandy supplies 'a hearty dinner was served out to Thornton’s men while Tanner proposed his plan. “My instructions,” said he, ‘‘were to leave an escort of twenty men here at the ford for the general’s ambulance. He is hurrying down from Prescott and should be here by sunset. We have a little party to meet him at the ranch over toward Willow creek. Now, you and your men and korses need a few hours’ rest. - Suppose you stay here with your detachment and I'll take my men and see what we can

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The sun went down red in the western sky. The smoldering fires in the Sandy bottom beganto glow with the deepening twilight. Qne after another the troopers began to}waken, stretch and yawn and ask if further news had come, and just at nightfall one of Tanner’s sergeants brought in three jaded civilians--Ferguson and his friends. All night they had hunted Muncey without success. All day they had hidden from Apaches, who at dawn, said they, were thick as leaves in Socorro, and Ferguson was loud in disgust at the escape of two arch thieves. And not ten minutes after they came in from the south, covered with dust and drawn by six spanking mules, with a dozen grimy troopers as escort, the general’s big black ambulance drove in from the north.

First to emerge from the interior was a snappy aid-de-camp, followed quickly by the grave, quiet mannered chief himself. ;

“What's the truth about Muncey’s party?” asked the aid in a gasp. “He and a Mexican rode by us like mad—said they’d been cleaned out completely and were so demoralized they couldn’t stop.” :

“Only a case of diamond cut diamond,” answered - Thornton, briefly *“They had been running off horses mules and boys for what I know, and the Apaches caught them red-handed. These gentlemen,” said he, indicating Ferguson and his party, “want them for horse stealing, Kelly for murder and mule stealing, and all of us, I fancy, for boy stealing.” : A tall man in scouting dress was backing out of the ambulance at the moment, helping a bright blue-eyed lad to alight. He turned in quick anxiety as the general asked: “What boy?” _

- “Leon, sir. Little Mac Duff. If he wasn’t with Muncey I'm sorely afraid the Apaches have got him.” Whereupon the blue-cyed boy burst into tears. ¢Oh, father,” he ecried; ‘“have we come too late, after all?” CHAPTER VIL o Maj. Cullen, hastening back to the field of duty, had made much quicker time than even he had thought possible. Alighting from tge Central Pacific oxpress at the Oakland wharf at eight o'clock of the fair June cvening, the lit tle party was met by an aid-de-camp of the general commanding the military division of the Pacide, whose headquarters were in San Franecisco, and as they steamed across the beautiful bay toward the great city of the Golden Gate, with its myriad lights and rivaling the reflected images of the stars, the latest tidings from Apacheland were unfolded. The militgé:y tclegraph, the pioneer of its kind, thad not 't'llw”en' been strung across the Mohave desert, and all communication between Arizona and the nearest telegraph station—Dram Barracks, at Wilmington,

on the California coast—was by courler or buckboard, and it was here, instead of in Arizona, that for a time the department «commanders had been allowed to establish their office. It was here that the news of the revolt at the reservation was received by the new commander; here that he wired to Cullen and received his reply; here, a few days later, that there was brought te him the tidings of the general uprising. Unlike his predecessors, the new general commanding this remote field decided that the place from which to direct operations was not Drum Barracks, several hundred miles from the scene, but the heart of the Indian country, and thither he went fast as ‘“‘buckboard” could bear him. :

“Till Cullen he’ll find me somewhere in the Sandy valley or Tonto basin,” he said to his adjutant general as,he drove away, and this message was ‘placed in Cullen’s hands, as, with his silent and devoted wife by his-side, and Randy looking eagerly into his face, he was borne swiftly over the dancing waters. “That means that the general expects them to leave the mountains and raid the mines and settlements,” said he, reflectively. ‘‘What’s the first stage or steamer down the coast?” :

“Nothing now before to-morrow night,” was the reply, ‘‘unless you can catch the Maritana. She’soff for Santa Barbara and Wilmington with supplies and ammunition in about an hour.” Mrs. Cullen gave a little shiver and drew closer to her soldier husband’s side, but said no word. She knew that what he conceived to be the soldier’s duty would rule. : ‘“Then you and Randall will go with Cap. Thorp to mother’s,” he gently said, after a moment’s thought, ‘“and I will take the boat.” ! But when the Meritana sailed that night the major’s family went with him. Mrs. Cullen calmly announced her intention of going back to Arizona with her husband, and accepting the warmly proffered hospitality of the general’s wife until their new quarters should be in readiness. The mail buckboard went on across the California desert within an hour of the Maritana’s arrival, and while Mrs. Cullen was cordially welcomed by the little colony of army wives and mothers at Wilmington, her husband and her only son hurried on to overtake the chief. It was with infinite misgivings that she let Randall go, but the boy pleaded with all his heart and soul, and the father decided. I promised him that he should cross the desert with me,” he said, ‘‘instead of going round by sea, as he has, both ways, thus far, and he will be as safe at Prescott or Camp Sandy or Retribution as he is here—and Mrs. C.’s house is crowded now. He is wild to meet Leon again, and the two ¢boys can remain together at the post =while I'm in the field. I'm only afraid the fun will be all over before we get there.” ; : And so it was settled.

Many a time before the boy had been ‘ his father’s companion in mountain hunt or scout, but never when the Apaches were swarming as at this moment. ‘‘We shall find none of them east of Date creek,” said Cullen, “‘and east of there our escort will be too formidable for them to jump. Have no fear for him.” But what mother could banish fear for the safety of her only boy? No one saw her parting with the brave, eager, blue-eyed little fellow. Devotedly though he loved her, he was soldier all over, like his father, and eager th act the soldier’s part—ecager to go with him to the seat of war, over mountain pass and desert and treacherous stream bed, regretting, if anything, that there was no likelihood of encountering Indians on the way. Her heart was wrung—yet;like many another army mother of the old army days, she simply had to face the inevitable. . She was to follow within the fortnight with the general’s wife and their party of ladies, children and servants by steamer around Old California and up the gulf tc the Colorado. By the time they reached Fort Yuma the outbreak would probably be all over and the Indians back in their mountain homes—the troopsin garrison. It was one of those temporary separations mothers elsewhere marveled at and declared impossible, but that army mothers wept over, yet bowed to. Night and day for fortyeight hours while she prayed for them within sound of the Pacific surges, father and son whirled rapidly eastward, across the turpid Colorado, resting only an hour at Ehrenberg where they changed buckboard, mules and driver, then on again by starlight, gradually rising from billow to billow of the long leagues of desolation to the wild and picturesque scenery of the Sierras, then through resinous forests of pine, through rocky canyon and winding gorge, until they were landed, stiff and sore, dusty, hungry and thirsty, among the log huts of the little garrison at old Fort Whipple, catching the department commander just two days before even that impatient soldier thought it possible. | Then, after a refreshing bath anda few hours’ rest in the general’s own big ambulance, and escorted now by wary troopers, away they went for the valley of the Sandy. Everything indicated, said the chief, that the Indians, after wiping out the Santa Anita settlements, ‘ had swooped upon the lower valley while the garrison at Retribution was in its state of transition, and very probably they had made it lively for Thornton. Couriers had rushed to Col. Pelham at Camp Sandy with orders to send strong columns southward at once, one of them following the valley to meet the general at the fords just above Apache canyon. Away sped their strong six-mule team down through the fertile Hassayampa, across to the broad valley of Willow creek, changing mulesand escort at the mountain ranch and getting all manner of startling news and rumors on the way. Away at last for the Sandy, passing early in the afternoon, while Randy was dozing in his corner, the foamcovered, dust-begrimed pair, Muncey and Cardoza—'‘‘too badly stampeded to stop and tulk,” said the sergeant commanding the escort, ‘‘but shouting that they alone had ecscaped.” : “We should reach Retribution by midnight,” said the genmcral. “And just wwon’t I hunt up Leon and walke him and hoag him the moment I get there, and won’t he be amazed?” said Randall, joyfully. | TO BE CONTENULD.] S In His Line. ' : “Who twas the first man to make a ‘mountain out of a molo kiN" *Oh, some real estate dealer, I supPR g, L e W 0000 . orom g vSO DAT © LATE 4t breakfast—burtied for dinner—cross at tea. o o o

MR. CARLISLE’'S POSITION.

The Right Thing Said and in the Right Place. 1

- The attitude taken by Mr. Carlisle in his letter to a friend concerning his possible nomination for the presidency i§ worthy of the man.: The secretary of the treasury is charged with some of the most important duties resting upon this administration. He could not, without neglecting these, enter into a rough and tumble struggle for the presidential nomination. In this respect, he sets a worthy example to those senators and representatives whose custom it has been to absent themselves from Washington for weeks while congress is in session in order to secure their own renomination. In the next place, Mr. Carlisle is rightly concerned far more about the declaration of principles of the demoeratic party than about its candidate. A mistake in selecting a leader may be rectified. Its consequences are but temporary. But a mistake in a party platform reaches far into the future, and remains an embarrassment and a source of weakness to that party until a generation arises that has had time to forget the blunder. , |

In the present instance, a false step would be more than unfortunate; it would be fatal. The failure of the democratic party to declare for sound money and against silver monometallism in its national convention this year would mean, must niean, party disintegration and the absorption of democracy by populism. It is the existence d4nd not merely the success or defeat of the democratic party that is at stake. Therefore, Mr. Carlisle acts the patriot and the loyal democrat when he sets this issue in the forefront and subordinates to it any personal ambition that he may entertain. First of all, let the fight be made for

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sound-money principles, and candidates will not be lacking. : ;

There is not a word in Mr. Carlisle’s letter; of course, from beginning to end, which can be construed as a definite refusal to accept a nomination under any circumstances. It is not believed that he would. All that he has? said is that he does not wish to obscure issues or divide forces in his party until its attitude on the currency question shall have been definitely determined; and that he does not propose either to slight the duties of his high office, or to use, as his predecessors have done, its great patronage in order to force himself upon his party as its presidential candidate. In both of these positions Mr. Carlisle commends himself to his party and to the country as a high-minded, honorable, old-fashioned democrat, worthy to bear the name and to be the chosen leader of his party if it should so declare. He has said the right thing in the right place, and the whole country respects and admires him for it.—St. Paul Globe. &

PLOT OF THE M’KINLEYITES. The Definite Meaning of the Ohio Man’s Boom, ; : It is not difficult even at this early stage of the game to penetrate the purposes of the republican leaders who are irying to shape tle. action of the St. Louis convention. The McKinley boom., which has been carried with vigor into all the states, has a definite meaning and intent. No matter what the wording of the republican platform may be, the nomiuation of McKinley can have but one significance. McKinley carries his own platform, and that platform is McKinleyism with all the wopd implies of privilege, legislation and political fatirying. The tariff barons and the fatfriers want MeKinleyism to be vindicated. They are anxious to secure a de--leat of the democratic anti-protection doctrine and a rebuke of tariff-reform legislation. The sweeping democratic victory of four years ago rankles in their breasts and stands as an obstacle 1n the way of their schemes of plunder. The election of McKinley weuld be taken as a vindication of McKinleyism and a return of the people to the policy of protection. The republican leaders find a strong hope of accomplishing this object in the democratic situation. They eould not hope to win on a straight issue of McKinleyism, but they see an opportunity to rehabilitate protection and slip McKinley into the presidency in the democratic wrangle over the money guestion. The fact that McKinleyism has been thoroughly beaten once will not check a republican return to it, if democratic dissensions over sixteen to one enable the republican party to win with MeKinley as a standard bearer. The vic--lory will be hailed as a popular vindication of protective poliey, tariff plundering will be renewed and the battle [for the interests of the plain people will have to be fought over again.---4t, Louis Republie. Lo s s

——There are people who incline to the opinion that the St. Lowis nomina-tion'-woulkl make a very apprepriate wedding present.—Washington Post,

A SIGNIFICANT SIGN. : Those Who Are Investors in Republican . Politics. “Twenty Bessemer steel companies, representing $400,000,000 of capital and producing half the world’s output, formed an organization yesterday at the Hotel Waldorf. - j “The price of steel billets was placed at $2O a ton. Last week they sold at $l7 and $lB.”—N. Y. Press. ‘ The above is quoted from the news columns of one of the most rabid and insistent newspaper champions of protection. It carries its own argument. These gentlemen met at the finest hotel in the world, and decided to increase the cost of steel to the builders of all structures in which these billets are used by 171 per cent. No one who observes building operations in the large cities can fail to understand how burdensome this will be upon contractors and buflders. There will be a crowding of expenses in other directions, and the workingmen will not reap any advantage. Upon all grades of men, from the housesmith to the tenant who occupies -the completed building, the representatives of $400,000,000 of capital have made a levy of 171, per cent.

This is of special importance just now because of the political relations of these gentlemen. The present tarift on thé products they control is 35 per cent. 'This tariff enables them to combine and raise the price three dollars a ton higher than the competitive level. But not satisfied with this enormous advantage, they are investing their money in a presidential campaign, in ibe hope of securing a still greater advantage over the consumers of the goods they make. The trusts and protected manufacturers are not investing their money in a republican candidate without substantial hope and expecta-

tion of reward. The New York Times says: . '

““It is a bad state of things, but so long as the success of the republican party is supposed by a large body of business men to be needed for the safety and progress of their business, we do not doubt that they will invest money in promoting it. Sooner or later they will see their mistake, as many of the shréwdest and most farsighted of their class have already seen it. But until that conviction spreads much further than it has yet spread, money will be used, and used freely, at every step in republican politics.” ;

The complete ownership of a party by large combinations of capital should be a sure handicap to success. We believe it will be.—Utica Observer.

POINTED PARAGRAPHS.

——7Cnder the Wilson bill the shoddy mills are closed, while the woolei mills work overtime. — Illinois Statc Register. '

——Gov. Bradley’s fall from the pinnecle of favorite sonism is undoubtedly the most humiliating of the entire batch.—Chicago Times-Herald. ——The protected manufacturers could afford to pay higher wages if they 'did not have to furnish so mueh “fat” for republican campaigns.—Chicago Chronicle. :

——Mr. Carlisle is more interested in the platform which the democratic party should adopt than he is in the nomination it shall make, and he would rnot think of accepting the nomination unless the platform should be satisfactory. By the way, has anybody beard of a single republican candidate who is making any conditions on the subject of platforms? — Louisville Courier-Journal. : ;

——There seems to be a pause in th 2 MecKinley boom. Can it be that a combination is being formed against the sham Napoleon of protection? MeKinley stands for nothing but extreme protection, which means the robbery of the many for the benefit of the few, and it would be a national calamity for him to become president of the United! States. But before winning that honor he has two things to do—first, to win the republican nomination, and then o beat some good democrat. Can he do both?—N. Y. World.

‘The Republican Tarif.

The McKinley threat %o business shoujd be reckoned with by those merchanis and bankers who say that they will ‘oreathe more freely when congress adjonrns. Congress will adjourn some happy day, but the McKiniey canvass, the McKinley nominatica and election, if vhey come, will mean destruction of all business stability up to the summer of 1808 at least. No new tariff ean be migsed before that time, and meanwhile the shadow cast before it, the intriguing usnd pulling and hauling to fix rates in it, and the uncertainty which will at. tend both its terms and its workings will leave business gasping and struggling for two years more. Add to this the practical cértainty that if any tawiff at alf is passed it will have to be by goncessions to the silver repwh?ingxe, wund hence by a further unsettling of the currency as well as customs duties, and the prospect for business men will appear to be little short of what Dr. Johnwson called “inspissated gloom.”—N, Y.

.. A SHORT .CATECHISM. In Which the History of Recent Tariff Legislation 1s Briefly Glven—Fucts to Remember. i : ‘‘Did the _repul@ican party promise in 1888 to reform the high tariff?” “Its;did. All the leaders of that part%lwere pledged to tariff reform.” ‘““‘How did the the republican congress fulfill the pre-election promises?” , b v :: ‘‘By enacting the McKinley tariff, which raised duties far higher than they had ever been before.” A ‘““What was the immediate result of the new tariff?” | : . *‘A general increase in the cost of all articles on which taxes had been raised.” R . *Did the people approve of a .policy which increased the prices of goods?” ‘‘No; they protested against higher taxes and elected a house of representatives with a great democratic majority.” R ‘‘Was the country more prosperous after the McKinley law went into operation?”’ i : ' “Instead of bringing prosperity the increased tariff was followed by a general unsettlement of industry. Factories were-closed down, wages re--duced and many thousand of workers were idle.” b : “What was the popular opinion ‘in regard to the the effects of the high tariff after two years trial?” ' ~ ““That it was an oppressive and unjust measure, which should pe repealed ‘as promptly as possible. ” ‘“*‘How was this shown?"” - “By the triumphant election of a democratic president on a platform ‘which denounced the protective tariff as a robbery of the many for the benefit of a few.” ‘ ' - “What was the condition of trade’ ‘and industry during the latter part of 11892, while the republican administration was still in affice?”” ~ “Very depressed, mills closing down, failurers increasing and wages falling.” ~ “Did business improve-during 1893?” ‘ By no means. That year witnessed one of the most disastrous panics the country has ever experienced. Hundreds of banks failed, manufacturing was everywhere suspended and industrial stagnation and bankruptey prevailed all over the country.” | _ “‘How long did this condition of affairs last?” “Until September 1894.” “Was the McKinley taviff in full operation during all this period?’ It was.”’ ' , “Why did it not prevent the great panic?”’ : . “Ask Mr. McKinley.” ““When did the democrats enact a lower tariff law?” : “In July, 1894.” . ““When did it go into effect?” - ‘“At the end of August, in the same year.” ““How was business affected by the Wilson tariff?” ’ “Factories long closed started up again, idle men found work, merchants felt an increased demand for goods, and the country began to rapidly recover from the long-continued depression.” ' P ‘‘How was this shown?” “By the testimony of trade journals, the commercial agencies, reports of state bureaus of statistics, and the facts published daily by the press.” *‘Were wages reduced, as had been predicted by the republicans?”’ “Not in a single instance. On the contrary in the year following the passage of the Wilson tariff nearly a million workers had their wages advanced from 10 to 25 per cent.” ‘“‘Had anything of the kind been reeorded under protection?” : ‘““Never.” ' . “How did the Republicans explain the increased ‘prosperity under the reduced tariff?” : ~ ‘‘Some resorted to lying, declaring that business was worse instead of better. Others admitted a great improvement but that it was due to the belief that a protectionist president would take office in 1895.” *ls that explanation probable?” “You can believe it if you have to.” . “What does this brief history of recent tariff changes prove?”’ : “That higher protection was followed by a tremendous panie, which lasted until a moderate tariff brought a business revival and restored pros- | perity.” ‘ “In view of these facts what excuse is there for the republican agitation in favor of again adopting the MeKinley tariff?” ) : “Absolutely none.” . *“Will the people be foolish enough to vote for the party which broke. its promises of the campaign of 1888, and inflicted so much loss and suffering on the country?”’ ‘‘Hardly. They have learned something by sad experience and will, this year, as in 1892, support the party of low taxes and good times.” WHIDDEN GRAHAM.

STATE PROTECTION. Bringing Protection Down from a National to a State Issue. Although the constitution of the United States .declares that no state shall, without the consent of congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, a number of states, such as Pennsylvania, Ohio and New Jersey, have enacted license laws which practically prohibitthe carrying on of business within their borders by corporations from other states, unless a license fee is paid. If in violation of these laws a corporation of another state sells goods in one of the states requir. ing a license, its officers are liable to be arrestéd and fined if they are found within the state borders.

The object of these restrictions on interstate trade is clearly the same as that of the protective tariff laws, by which trade between this nation and foreign countries was so long hampered. The state legislatures which adopted the license system believe it good policy to compel their citizens to buy goods from those who manufacture or sell them in their own state. The license tax is simply another form of protective legislation, _ and can only be justified on the ground that the people of one state should not be perfectly free to buy or sell in all other states that they choose. This is the high-tariff doetrine applied to local trade. 3

Unless set aside by the United States supreme court, the war of local license taxes will probably be carried on nntil each state in the union imposes severe restrictions on the representatives of business interests in all other states. This will mean a decided lessening of interstate commerce and an increase of sectional and state jeslousies with probably new forms of diserimination

against the products of other states. Only a year or two ago the New York state legislature passed a law forbidding the use by any municipality in ' that state of stone, paving blocks, ete., cut outside its borders. This was a sample of the kind of legislation which may be expected when the policy of trade exclusion is generally adopted. All who believe that the freest eonditions for commerce are best for the whole people, should protest against protection in state as well as national iegislation. - WHIDDEN GRAHAM. : OUT OF HIS OWN MOUTH. Testimony of a Protectionist That Con- ¢ demns Him. A correspondent of the New York Tribune, a McKinley republican organ, writing from Raleigh, N. C, gives some interesting facts in relation to the recent growth of the cotton manunfacturing industry in that state. During the year 1890, says the writer, the impetus in the building of cotton mills throughout the state has been wonderful. . Wherever there is a railroad, and there is water power sufficient, thera . cotton mills are in course of erection. In Rutherford county there are now three mills going up, one costing $l,-. 000,000, another $lOO,OOO, and the third - to be built by Col. Frank Coxe, a nae ‘tive of this county. The stream on : which this latter mill is to be erected ~ ‘is'Main Broad river, and the power is excellent. The mill in all respects is - to be the largest in the United States. A railroad from Spartansburg, S. C., to the seaboard air line system at Hen- | rietta, in Rutherford county, is now in : course of construction, to be run by "this mill. The labor for this industry is trustWworthy. It is all white, and _ there are no strikes nor disagreements - between the owners and the operatives. . - Thus does the wicked Wilson law -continue its evil work of blasting the hopes of the false prophets of protection. The American people were warned that their industries would go to eternal smash if the sacred McKinley tariff was repealed. It was ree pealed, but instead of industrial stagenation we find the republican papers publishing such statements as the above. Evidently something must be wrong with protection theories if under a low tariff there is a wonderful boom in the cotton industry. Perhaps the capitalists who are investing mil. lions of dollars in these new mills have not heard that their successful opera= tion depends on a high taxation syse tem. And perhaps these practical business men know more about the conditions favorable to their industry than do the protection editors and poljiticians who are howling hard times ° and ruin, while manufacturers are going steadily ahead building new plants and making money. B.W. H

BALANCE OF TRADE. ' An Old Protectionist Trick That Should Not Fool Anyone, - . The McKinleyite press is greatly worried over: the alleged danger that our imports of foreign goods may exe ceed in value our exported products. It is claimed that increased imports are an evidence of unsound trade conditions, and the couutry is warned that unless the tariff is raised to the prohibitory point, terrible things will happen to American industry. - The balance of trade scare is an old protectionist trick. If there are any persons who are still frightened by it they have only to apply the same argument to the trade of their city or state, to see that it is wholly a high tariff delusion. Suppose that Rhode Island should annually receive from the other states products worth $10,« 000,000 more than the exports from ‘that state. Would that be a bad thing for the people of Rhode Island? Would it mean that .they were being ruined by an adverse balance of trade? Or would it not be a decided benefit to the people who were getting more things than they gave? It is true that they might have to pay for them some time, but payment would have to be made in labor products, thus equalizing exports and imports. No one could possibly be injured because they received more than the value of what they exported. ' ‘ Trade between the various political divisions of the earth is carried on on the same principles as between the American states. That Europe, Asia or Africa should send us more goods than we give them cannot in any way hurt us. If they are foolish enough ta continue giving more than they get, our people will gain. If they demand the balances due we profit bi the exchange of our surplus goods for theirs. And the greater the amount of wealth we can secure abroad in return for the smallest quantity of goods, the richer will the country become. . Protection’s Fruits. 3 The advocates of what they call the ‘“‘American” policy of high taxes and trade prohibition are not fair toward the country from which they stole their pet idea. China had a perfect system of *‘protection” for 2,000 years, rigidly - excluding not only foreign goods, but the pauper labor of Europe and America as well. .And the results of their selfish policy of trade exclusion are seen in' the stagnation of the Chinese people. Wages are lower than in any other countrv in the world. Modern means of transportation, comsmunication and production are prace tically unknown. The great bulk of the people live close to the' point of starvation. Physically and mentally they are inferior to all other civilized races. Will our protectionists exp lain why their system has had these effects, where it has been fully tested for so many centuries? !

Under False Colors. ~ The best evidence that the MeKine leyites are afraid to discuss their rote ten system on its merits, is found in their constant appeals to national pride under the pretense that they are the only true Americans. By assent~ ing that protection means patriotism they seek to delude the public into ignoring the evil effects of high taxation, for the sake of the pretended interests of the nation asa whole. If a high tariff cannot be justified by its effect on trade and industry, it is useless to try and bolster it up with false pretenses of ‘‘Americanism.” The real test should be, do high taxes bens efit the people? If not, it has no reas son for existence. R Warned. i 3 ' In further argumeént against the nomination of McKinley the Chicaga Tribunie (rep.) says: “In the last presi- ; dential election this county gave over 130,000 majority against the MeKinley ‘bill. It is good tactics from the dems ~ocratic point of view ;i.l!’g;P 20,000 to sa,memncmmﬁ§gk mw@ voted against McKinleyism in 1892 to vote in gnv'ox- of it in :im‘ P o