Ligonier Banner., Volume 29, Number 24, Ligonier, Noble County, 20 September 1894 — Page 3

THE OLD MILL MYSTERY

By Arthur W. Marchmont, B. A.

futhor of **Miser Hoadley’s Secret,” *‘Madeline Power,” **By Wiose Hand,” ¢ llsa,” &ec., &e.

™ [Copyright, 1892, by the Author.]

CHAPTER XXL—CONTINUED.

“Why?” asked the girl. ‘“Why serious or desperate? What is known to anyone? What is suspected except by you?n ‘ 8 “You don’t mean that unkindly, I _hope; though you are strange to me to-night,” he said. -“How can I be anything else than suspicious? Think Jfor a moment. There was the quarrel with Mr. Coode, the breaking into the mfll%,gthe finding of the neckerchief, thetaking of the papers, the discovery of that steel bar wrapped in one of the missing papers, the flight, and now the unwillingness to give any intelligible account of his movements.” “I didn’t say there was any unwillfngness,” said Mary, frightened by -the staggering accumulation of facts. “No, you'did not say so, lass, I know. But can I suppose you would not have -been ready enough with the explanation if he had given you one? What I havé said has frightened you; and you are pale at the mere mention of these facts. But I have not wished to terrify you; only to try and let you see how other people will look at them when they are known.” The girl hung her head and bitherlip in agitation for a minute, yet thinking deeply and intently. Then she lifted her face and looked at her companion. “When they are known. Will they ever be known?” she asked, in & voice that was unsteady and low. ‘“Why mneed they be known?” ' “What do you mean?” asked the man by way of reply. “Most of these things are known only to you,” she said. ‘‘Why, then, is it necessary to speak of them?” Reuben Gorringe rose from his chair ard walked once or twice with hasty gteps up and down the little room. *Then he stopped by the side of the girl. ¢ “You would have me continue to Xkeep all this as a secret?”’ he asked, and bent over her as he spolke. -+ “You have said you are our friend—“Tow'’s friend and mine.” She looked ap in his face, and spoke in a pleading, supplicating tone. ‘‘Can you not do this out of your {riendship? I know he has never done what is said against him. I know it; I feel it in ay heart. I would not ask this if I did not know that Tom’s heart in this ids as innocent as my own. He could mot do such a thing. There can be no harm therefore in not increasing the difficulty of proving his innocence. You are not bound to speak out what you think. - Ah, Mr. Gorringe, do help us. For God's sake, help us.” - She rose at this, and, standing by him, took his hand and carried it to her lips, and looked imploringly into his eyes. ’ = . . “Do you know all that you are asking me to do?” he asked, rather hoarsely. ’ © “I am askiug you to help one who is innocent from the dangers of injustice and wrong,"” she said. - “What if he be guilty?” he asked. *‘Then think what I am doing. I am helping to set at liberty a man who could do such a deed as this—and to put you into his power.” His voice sank to a whisper as he said this, and his eyes avoided her troubled gaze for a moment. ‘‘That is asking me to do what frightens me,” he said. “If 1 know that he were innocent—if I knew it, I say; if all were. explained to me —it would be different. But the fear that ;ou, whom of all women on this earth would give my life to keep from danger, might possibly have to encounter such a risk, stays me. If he is not innocent. and my silence sets him at liberty, I am the instrument of putting Yyou into the power of a man who could do a deed of this awful character.” ‘1 am not afraid,” said Mary, with a smile which was eloquent of her confidence in her lover’s innoceuce. “So you need not be.” ““You do not look at these factsasl do. No, Mary, it cannot be. Until I know that you would not be endangered I cannot keep silence. Listen; my belief is this: He went to the mill wishing to convince Mr. Coode of his innoeence of the other charge. They discussed it, quarreled, and probably in sudden fierce and violent wrath he struck the blow which proved fatal. I will not, even to save Tom Roylance, , subject you to the risks which simi- . larly sudden violence might mean.” “Weould you rather that an innocent, man suffered?” **No, only I would rather that the whole case were fully inquired into and the truth discovered.” . “You are hard, very hard to move,” she cried. ‘ “If I am hard, it is for you,” he said, bending over her. “You know why I ‘have taken this interest in Tom. It is "not for him, or for his sake. He is no more to me than the click of a shuttle. It has been for you, and for you alone, my lass. You know how I love you; you know I-am a man who never changes, and that that love I will never alter. It is my life. When I saw him neglecting you, I said never a word; though I hated him for the misery I knew he was causing to you, and ] would have hounded him from the place.” But I held my hand for your sake, lass. I had sc¢hooled myself till I eould wish and plan and scheme for your happiness, even with another man. I meant well by Tom; and then that ugly business of the sick fund money crbfip_ed up. I smoothed it over —for your” salke, lass, not his. Then the mill accounts were wrong, and I tried to make things right with Mr. Coode. It was never my fault that things went as they did. The moment there was a chance I meant Tom to come back; and still it was all for your sake, Mary. I would have done fifty times, aye, five hundred timesasimuch, if it meant your happiness. For I loved you, my lass, ah, as a lass has rarely been loved in this world.” He stopped as though his emotion had overzome him. ' “This will be for my happiness,” said the girl, awed by the strength of passion which had inspired the man’s words. . : : . ‘ “Nay,nay; g;fom hasdone what I féar he has, it might mean, not happiness for you but comstant danger. There: is but oue thing that would let me do: What y@‘,’kfl. e m soian P TRA LN : ‘;’th‘é\,i'af, that?” cried the girl, a quick, eager light flashing from her ~ “If you consent to hdve his guilt or (nnocence left unsetiled by keeping

these facts concealed, you mmust de ready to accept the counsequences of leaving the issue in doubt.” ‘“What do you mean by consequences?” asked Mary. :

*“You must act as if he could pot prove hisinnocence.” The man’s voice was hoarse and hollow with nervousness as he said this.’ : “Well? What does that mean?”

“That in the first place you two must keep apart.” Then came a long silence. The girl broke it. .

“Vou mean that the price of your silence is to be our separation?” : She spoke in a hard, clear, cutting monotone. :

“I mean that if he cannot prove his innoeence, I dare not trust you to his keeping,” answered Reuben Gorringe. *ls there anything more?” “I love you, Mary,” he burst out. “I love you with ailmy heart and strength and soul.” I will give up my life to make you happy. If you are parted from him, I can offer you a shelter in my heart. You shall never know a shadow of care or misery. I will give upmy life to you, my love. Trust me, my darling, and I swear that you shall never repent it.”

'"He shook with the forece and rush of his passion, and as he bent over the girl the sweep of her hair as it touched his face made him tremble with excitement. .

““Would you marry a girl who cannot love you, and who might grow to hate you for the manner in which you had won her consent?” " He knew from the words that she had seen his purpose. But he cared nothing for that now. “I love you,” hesaid. *“‘Such love as mine must find its counterpart. DBut I care mnothing for that. I love you. That is enough for me. Give me yourself. Let me have you with me always. To be able to see your face, to listen to your voice, to try and win your love. That is enough. My God, I would be content to marry you though you hated me like sin or shame.”

Mary was silent. Not-because she doubted herself, or doubted what her answer would be. But instinctively she began to feel that there was something she did not understand—something that was not on the surface.

] cannot answer now. Give me time to think, and leave me-now,” she said. . oo

Reuben Gorringe took her hand and pressed it to his lips, and when she did not seek to withdraw it his heart beat quick with exultation.

CHAPTER XXIL TOM S STATEMENT.

All that night Mary wrestled with the problem which Reuben Gorringe had set her.: Strong as her faith in Tom’s innocence was, what Gorringe had said had been sufficient to make her understand the extreme danger In which he stood, and the dire need for his having a shrewd and clever man to defend him. She saw, too, what a vast diffcrence it would make if the evidence which Reuben Gorringe alone possessed were kept secret. Yet, what a price was that asked for silence. Could she pay it? If there were no alternative—if no other means remained for saving Tom’s good name and honor—she would do it. But there was no time in which that issue could be put to the test. It was the most hopeless feature of the whole plan that she had to say at once what course she would take. It was not to be a last and desperate course; but she had to judge for herself what would be the probable results of a trial in which the evidence would be produced, and to decide before it could be tried.

Out of all the confusion of thought one determination came. She would see Tom, get the whole of the facts from him and then try to judge of the chances.

. Early the next morning she went to the police station, and succeeded in making arrangements to see him before the case came on before the magistrates. .

To her dismay, however, she was not permitted to see himalone. She spoke to the police sergeant who was to be present, asking him to leave them together. '

‘“We are lovers,” she said, simply; and she looked so piteous that the man —who himself was unmarried and in love—was touched. . ‘

“I must carry out my instructions; but—"" and here he looked cunningly at her—*l ain’t got eyes in the back of my head, and whispering ain’t forbidden.” Thus Mary gained her way despite the law, and when the lovers met they had an eager, whispered conference. She told him what Reuben Gorringe had said about a lawyer. Then she questioned him. : “You must tell me what passed on that Friday night, Tom.” *“I tzld .you I would rather not, Mary,” he dnswered. . -“But ‘my dear, I must know. It must all be made known. You will have to account for all your time on that Friday might.” s - Tom hung his head, as if ashamed to speak. - e *‘You’'ll hate me, lass, when you know, and may be turn from me; and then T won’t have a friend left in the whole blessed world.”. °

“Tom, Tom, don’t even-hint such a thing. Who should h@\j}&ur friend if not I, your promised wife? Tell me all.” : “I was with Savannah all that evening.” ; The words came out slowly and reluctantly, as if dragged against his will. *“With Savannah!” cried Mary, in astonishment. “I'd best tell you the lot, my lass, and then you’ll see why I've been ashamed to mention it. After you and I parted, and I had promised to stop and face out the matter of the money, I meant to keep my word. I did, indeed—" Mary kissed him to let him feel that she believed and forgave him—*‘l waited a bit, and then started to go to the mill, as I told you I would, to have a talk over the matter with Mr. Coode. I was going there when I met Savannah. 1 don’t know how it is, but she has always had a sort of influence over me. [ don’t know what it 'is. When I'm away from her, I can’t understand myself; but when I’m with } her, she can malke me do pretty much what she pleases.” ' . ‘“She shall mnever do that again, Tom,” whispered the girl, pressing his ~*She stopped m¢ golng and made me go with ber instead. - We stayed near hérigottage for o tims, and presently. ‘we walked away-¥4im’'t ‘know what ‘é‘-:gnd went along the Presburn road half-way to the vown, I should think; and then--well, § ean't tell you

all that passed. I don't rightly know myself, I fancy. But the old idea and longing to run away came over me. She said she knew about the robbery of the money and that I was disgraced if I stayed in the place; and—well, my lass, #’ll hurt you to hear me say it, maybe; but you wanted me to tell the truth—she made me promise tc go away with her for good, and I was that beside myself that I was hot and eager for her to doit.” ¥ ‘“What, then?’ asked the girl, who was trembling in dread of what had yet to eome. . : “]I must have been mad, lass, I think. Anyway, I did just what she told me, and asked never a question. She told me to go back and get such thingsasl cared to have with me, and then to walk over to meet her at Presburn and to go on to Manchester by the early morning train.” ) : - ‘““Yes,” said Mary, again in the same low, trembling voice. *“‘We parted at a spot close about three-quarters of the way to Presburn —it must have been somewhere about ten o’olock. I was home this side of midnight—and I've never seen her since!” il

“What?” cried Mary, in a very different voice. ' ’ : “I’ve never seen her since,” he repeated. ‘I hurried home, said a few words to my father to prepare him for what he would hear of my running away from the charge of theft, and with Savannah—for I knew it must all come out—and got away out of the house asquick as possible. I thought you might be coming, and I dursen’t face you—mad though I was—and I rushed back as quick as my legs would take me to Presburn. DBut I could see nothing of Savannah. I lingered about the streets all through the night until the dawn, and with the earliest train was away to Manchester. But I saw nothing of her, and have seen nothing since. That’s the truth, lass, on my honor.”

The telling had been painful enough for them both; and at the close Mary remained buried for a minute in deegp thought. Then she lifted her arms suddenly. ‘and threw them round the man, embracing him with such passion and fervor as he had rarely known.

She clung to him. thus until she re covered her self-command. i

“Time’s nearly up,’)said the police sergeant at this moment, and without turning his head to look round. This served to quicken the girl's thoughts. S ‘‘There are some questions I must asfl,” she said. ‘“We must try to keep calm. How came you to place a small steel bar behind the books in your parlor? I{found it on the Sunday after you had gone away.”

““A small steel bar,”?he said. ‘“There’s not such a thing in the house that I know of. Where do you mean?” She told him all, except that she had found blood stains on it; he repeated his denial of any knowledge of the thing, and was full of surprise-at what she said.

“Did you ever get hold of the papers relating to that money affair?” she asked him. “‘One of them was around the bar.”

“I never saw them except in Mr. Coode’s hands on Friday afternoon. Certainly I never took them.” “It is strange, very strange,’”’ replied Mary. ‘‘Another thing I told you—that a witness swears you were close to the mill on Friday night. You were seen breaking in somewhere about ten o’clock, and that a handkerchief of yours was found close by the very spot. Can you suggest anything to show where this mistake can be cleared up?” ‘ ‘

“Certainly, I can. Sgvannah herself will prove that I was not near themill. I did not leave her on the Presburn road until past ten; and then I'd six miles to walk back to Walkden Bridge. That is clear enough.” “And the neckerchief?* ,

“] gave 1t to her,” he said, ‘“I gave i} to her some days before—one night when we were walking together”—he made the confession shamefacedly and reluctantly—‘‘and she had not returned it.” :

“You gave it to Savannah?” ecried Mary, somewhat excitedly. “But if you gave it to Savannah now came it in the mill that night?” she asked. “It is reckoned as proof of your having been there at a wrong time on a wrong errand. Whatabout Savannah?” Tom looked at his companion, and his face was pale. “I have been asking myself that question ever since you told me yesterday at Manchester about the scarf having been found,” he said. - : “I’m-sorry to interrupt you two,” said the police sergeant, turning and coming to them; ‘‘but time’s more than upl & : f“Good-by, Tom, then,” cried the girl, throwing her arms around his neck and kissing him passionately and hastily. ‘‘Keep heart, dear, and we'll soon have things all cleared. God bless you, sweetheart,” and with a smile of loving confidence she hurried away. . The chief thought in her mind was that at last all fear of Savannah’s influence was at an end, and being =& woman that assurance gave her infinite pleasure. Then she puzzled over what could possibly be the meaning of that neckerchief being found where it was. If it meant anything seriousto Savannah, she would be sure to deny that Tom had ever given it to her. The sama reasoning applied to her evidence about their having been together in the evening and until so late; and Mary pondered long and anxiously over the best way of approaching the girl with the view of getting from her the truth. s i

[TO BE CONTINUED.] . - Horse Power of the Whale. An interesting study of the horse power of the whale has been made by the eminent anatomist, Sir William Turner,of the University of Edinburgh, Seotland, in conjunction with Mr. John Henderson, the equally eminent Glasgow shipbuilder. The size and dimensions of a great whale, stranded several yearsago od the shoreat Longriddy, furnished the necessary data for computation of the power necessary to propel it at the rate of twelve miles an hour. This whale measured cighty feet in length, twenty feet across the flanges of the tail, and weighed seventy-four tons. It was calcuiated that one hundred and fortyfive horse power was necessary to at: tain the speed mentioned. : Irism railways carry a larger propor tion of first-class passengers than any other ¢ountry in the United Kingdon. England heads the list in third-olass pussengers.

' THE SUGAR SCANDAL. Let the People Judge as to Where the ; Blame Rests. Self-righteous republicans put on a look of horror when discussing the sugar scandal. ‘The idea that a trust *should attempt to dictate legislation ‘in the United States senate! What is ‘going to become of us? It’s awfull” ‘ But what has caused the present scandal? Is it because the democrats ’ are in the majority in both houses and are willing to sell out to the great l sugar trust? No, the democrats in the !house are unwilling to give any protection to the trust and only five or six ‘ democratic senators are ready to help | it. Is it then because these senators | are holding ‘out for higher rates of | protection than the trust has enjoyed | under republican rule? No, this is not | the reason. It is not claimed even by ! republican senators that there is more | protection to sugar in the proposed i schedulg than in the McKinley bill. In fact, it contains smaller diseriminating ! duties on refined sugars than any re- | publican bill ever passed. ; The plain truth is that for the first i time in thirty years the sugar trust is I balked. Heretofore it could, by promises of liberal contributions in close states (such as was Rhode Island in’ 1892, where senator Aldrich was up for re-election), secure favorable terms in the quiet of the committeeroom. There ' being no ‘“‘squealing” by any republican in the house or senate the unholy bargain was ratified without any great public scandal. The great majority of the democrats, even in the senate, being unwilling to sanction any deal, the struggle of the trust for protection has been forced into the open. Hence the ‘ scandal. It ill becomes Senators Aldrich, Sherman, Allison, Hoar and { others, who have been the tools of the | trusts for twenty years, to mock at the l democrats. Only a few of the demo- ’ crats are even tempted by what caused the fall of all republicans. _ ‘ The majority of the democrats in | congress are neither protectionists nor hypocrites; the majority of the repubi licans—but we leave it to others to | judge them.—B. W. H. :

A PROTECTION PET.

The Amount of Boodle Divided by the : Sugar Trust.

In 1893 the sugar trust paid dividends of $16,500,000 on a rnominal capital of $75,000,000. The entire plant could be constructed for $15,000,000. This was under the McKinley law, which protected refined sugar and gave no revenue on raw sugar to the treasury. The McKinley law was purely a trust measure, with no effort to raise revenue. Its whole effect was to enable the trust to pay 110 per cent. a year on the actual investment. .

It is reported that several officials of the trust receive more than $lOO,OOO apiece in salaries. @ Sugar has been manufactured in America successfully sinee 1794—a hundred years. The trust was organized: in 1887. The republicans under Harrison found a highly profitable industry and a monopoly. They gave the monopoly free raw material, a protective duty of 60 cents on the 100 pounds and annual dividends of 110 per cent., beside the rich profits represented by princely salaries and millions laid away in the surplus fund. , This was McKinleyism and it illustrates protection. No care for the treasury, none for the wages of workingmen, none for the commerce of the country. The whole sugar provision of the Mc¢Kinley law consisted in bounties taken in one form or another from the people and given to private individuals. ; .

It is as plain as day that no govern ment can be honest as long as protec tion is the object of its revenue laws.— St. Louis Republie. |

WHAT WAS GAINED.

Articles That Are Made Free Under the New Tariff Bill. v

Among the salvages from the Wilson bill in the compromise finally passed nothing is more satisfactory than the additions to the free list.

To untax a necessary of life or an essential to industry is to afford complete relief from artificial burdens. It leaves no sophisticated questions as to whether the foreigner or importer, the merchant or the consumer pays. the tax. A free list is tariff reform completed. " The following are the more important additions made in the new bill:

Binding twine. : Petroleum, crude and Sulphate of copper. refined.

Copper ore ad bars. Nickel ores. Copperas. : Paintings. Cotton ties. Drawings, sketches. Fresh fish. Nursery stock., Hatters’ fur and plush. Farming implements. Flax, tow, hemp. Cotton gins. .

Coad oil. J Salt. - g Ivory unmanufactured. Burr stones. Epsom and mineral Timber and lumber. salts. Wool. -

These, articles are all taxed in the McKinley law. The total decrease in duties under the new law, on the basis of the importations in 1893, has been estimated at $62,407,000. But this does pot by any means represent the entire saving to the people. The greatest tax under a high tariff is that which the mine owners and manufacturers are able to exact by reason of the restraint apon competition. The saving to consumers will be more than $62,000,000,— N. Y. World. ‘ -

o A GREAT TASK. The Difficulty of Overcoming the Consequences of Thirty Years of Robbery. The consequences of nearly thirty years of robbery by protected monopolists are not easily overcome. The democratic party has a great and serious task.: It has undertaken to reform the tariff and to turn back the prinziple of tariff legislation to the right method, the method that prevailed in framing the Walker tariff and the tariff of 1857. But it is met on the threshold of its reform work by a gigantic combination of interests that have been built up by the republicans, who have taxed the people to enrich monopolists in consideration of generous contributions to campaign funds. . It is a hard task, but the democratie party is making an effort to reform abuses. The people have determined to be rid-of the odious system which wrings millions of dollars from them through tariff taxes for the benefit of millionaires, and the democratic party is pledged to help them. oo : 1f there is too much resistance there may be more destruction than was contemplated. Carnegie, with his pockets bulging with the loot that had been stolen for him by the republican party, was the wisest protectionist of them all when heé advised his accomplices to aceept the Wilson bill, . = . i ‘There are men calling’ ‘thémeelves democrats who hold and practice republican principles, but the heart and mind of the party ére right and the

atruggle against the system of proteetion, which is a struggle for larger human liberty and less governmental ‘paternalism, will be carried on by the demoeracy of the country. The republican party is the servant and slave of monopolists. It is built on 11l gained wealth. The dmoeratic party is the party of the people and it will redeem its pledge to break down McKinleyism. It may be obliged to go slow, but it will go in the right direction.—N. Y. World.

Don’t Forget the Traitors.

The future policy of the democmt@ party is clear. It must not only continue its battle with republican trusts —it must also drive out of its own ranks all traitors. It must show no mercy to the Gormans, Brices, Smiths and Murphys who are in the employ of the trusts. The time has passed when we could hope for anything good from these democratic masqueraders. Drum them out of the party that they have disgraced. Pursue them to their political death. They have sold their honor for a mess of trust pottage; let them enjoy their pottage in peace—free from the cares of state. Every democrat in every state, misrepresented in congress by one of these trust pap-suckers, should make a vow to leave no stone unturned that will make the political paths of these traitors harder. Fill their places with honest democrats and the party will merit and receive the approval of a tax-ridden people.—B. W. H.

Era of Wage Reductions.

The Iron Age, a trade organ which is partial to high protection said on August 9, that “‘the tendency of wares, in sympathy with the tendency of prices for the past three years, is downward. The movement is resisted by all the means available to those ‘who are obliged to work for others, but its force is irresistible. The most formidable strikes known in our industrial history have been undertaken in the hope of restoring past schedules, but they have either been'successful in only a slight degree, or they have proved inglorious failures.” Undoubtedly the future historian will write of the McKinley era as one of wage reductions, formidable strikes and inglorious failures, but it was not expected that any protectionist organ would confess to to the truth before the election of 1894.

Wages in Cotton Mills.

The wage reduction at the New Bedford mills, which has led to a .great strike, is not warranted by anything in the new tariff. The new cotton schedule was made to suit the republicans, and Senator Aldrich pronounced it ‘‘the most scientific tariff on cottons” ever devised. Our cotton mills need no protection whatever. Their raw material is a home product. Secretary Blaine certified that the labor cost in American cottons is less than in those of England. The wages were not raised when the McKinley bill passed, and their reduction now is as bad policy on the part of the mill owners as a strike with violence is on the part of the operatives.—N. Y. World.

A Transparent Bluff.

It was a very transparent bluff that Gorman and Brice resorted to when they offered the house conferees free sugar. They knew that the easiest way to secure what they wanted for the sugar trust was to defeat the bill and leave the McKinley law in force. They knew that a provision for free sugar would do this. The homuse conferees were not deceived, but insisted that Gorman should make a poll of the senate and see whether a majority would stand by the free sugar clause before they accepted it. This Gorman could not do, and so the house conferees refused to swallow the bait.—Oakland County (Mich.) Post. \

On With the Battle.

“The campaign [for honest tariff reform] will go on,” says the Indianapolis News (Ind.). ‘‘This nation was not launched on its mighty career to die in a hole. The American ideals of freedom, equality and justice are imperishable, and they will be realized. The Gormans, and Brices, and Smiths will have their little day, and the whole corrypt and ignoble brood of law-buy-ers and law-sellers may do their worst, but the people will triumph.” '

The Challenge of The Trusts.

The sugar trust has thrown down the gauntlet of defiance before the people. The people will accept the challenge. This means that the trusts, having openly shown themselves inimical to the interests of the country, must be made.to feel the power of the people and to bow to :the will of the people. There cannot be two masters in this land; the people must rule alone; no combination can usurp their authority.—Boston Post.

A Protection Object Lesson.

What an object lesson in protectionl! The tariff-begotten, tariff-nurtured sugar trust takes the millions which the protective tariff has enabled it to extort as a tribute from the people and uses them to defeat the legislation which the people have demanded by bribing the peoples’ representatives! [t will always be so as long as we have class legislation in aid of private interests.—Oakland County (Mich.) Post. | : Thanks, Mr. Havemeyer, 3 ~ There is one consolation in all this infamous sugar trust scandal. The ‘testimony of the president of the trust, Mr. Havemeyer, that the trust contrib~ uted its money to both parties according as one or the other was in the ascendency must convince every sober minded protectionist that a protective tariff is absolutely inecompatible with honest elections and clean government. —Qakland (Mich.) County Post. . . ‘ 2 A Hypocritical Cry. ‘ The republican -journals are saying “ in chorus that the only way to insure safety against tariff disturbances is to Testure their party to power. This is refreshing impudence from the organs of a party that revised and tinkered the tariff twenty-one times in thirty years—nearly always upward! A campeign for a restoration of McKinleyism would be a queer guarantee of peace. and rest.-—N. Y. World. Anxious for the “Flood.” I see by ‘the McKinley papers that Eagland is preparing %o ‘‘flood this c¢ountry with woolens.” With a cold and perhaps a hard winter coming on, this is good news. English woolens are honest; they are notshoddy. They will not be sold here unless they can ‘be bought at a fair price. Foronel am anxious for the flood to begin.—Mechgpic, in N. Y. World. e g They'll Do It, e fié‘%&mtm‘ Gorman hasn’t self-res spect enough to get out of the demo¢ratic party the democrats of Maryland ought to have self-respect enough ! to put him.gut.—Oakland County Post.

LEGISLATION ON'SUGAR. How Republican Laws Have Robbed the People. = “Therehas been so much repub?ioan misrep~ resentation of the new sugar schedule and so much effort to confuse the public mind that it is no wonder that some are surprised to find’ that the sugar schedule of the tariff reform bill isa distinct and emphatic triumph for tariff reform. The best way to explain the sugar tariff is to tell the story of sugar legislation. There are three stages of sugar legislation—the republican stage before the McKinley bill, the stage of the McKinley bill and the present -rew stage of the democratic tariff reform bill. The sugar tariff before the McKinley bill was @ so-called revenue tariff on all sugar coming into the United States. It was a graduated scale of duties, rising with the quality or grade of the sugar. The average duty was about 24 cents per pound. *‘These duties, while chiefly for revenue, acted as & very high protection to the Louisiana sugar growers, but that was popularly supposed to be their only protective feature. There was no announcement in the bill that there was any protection for the sugar refiners. There was, however, hidden in that schedule of graduated duties a practical protection for the reflner. How much it amounted to was not generally known. It was not public property. It was probably one-half cent a pound. But the protection was there. It was a partof the protective system of the republican party to protect refiners and sugar farmers. So much for the first stage of the sugar tarift. : ;

- “Now comes the McKinley bill. The republican party, when it went into power after 1888, found the government in the possession of a very large revenue. It had a hundred millions of dollars a year surplus. The republicans saw that that was a temptation to the peeple and to their enemy, the democratic party, to cut down the protective tariff, because, as the government had more money thah it wanted, it was perfectly natural thatit should cutdown the taxes, and first of all the protective tariff taxes. To remove that temptation and protect protectian the republicans then in power made up their minds to wipe out the surplus first by largely increasing the expenditures ‘of the government by raising the expenditures to the billion-dollar figure: but that they did not think enough, so they also cut down the income of the government by cutting off the revenue part of the tariff on sugar $56,000,000 a year. They wanted to destroy the surplus and create a defleit, and they actually turned a surplus of $100,000,000 into a deficit 'of $70,000,000 s 0 as to remove the temptation of the people to cut down protective taxes. “But they did-not want to injure the protec= tive feature of the sugar schedule. They ™d not want to take off the protection to the refiners. Mark, however, that the situation in the refining business had changed. We did not make much objection to this protective duty in the old time, partly because most people knew nothing about it, and partly because at that time refining was free and the competition among refiners was very keen and kept prices down. But before the McKinley bill went into operation that had been changed. The compe= tition had ceased, and the sugar trust had risen up and made refining a practical monopoly. The McKinley people wanted to give the trust a big protective duty on sugar, but they did not want the government to get any revenue out of the sugar, and the consequence was that the McKinley bill arranged that all raw sugar coming into the country should come in tree, but no refined sugar or. sugar that could compete with that produced by the trust could come in free.

“McKinley gave thé trust the advantage of free raw material, then highly protected the trust's product. He gave the free sugar to the trusts -and the protected sugar to the people. Refined was taxed one-half a cent a pound and one-tenth of a cent extra if it came from Germany or France, on the theory that those coun tries paid bounties to their sugar growers. But while this arrangement provided well for the trust, the removal of the duties on raw sugars took away the protection of Louisiana sugar growers. This led to that extraordinary feature of the McKinley bill creating a bounty of two cents a pound on all sugar raised by the farmers of Louisiana, Nebraska, California and Vermont. It was the first bounty ever created in America, and it will doubtless be the last. So that was the situation in the MoKinley bill. The McKinley bill made the sugar tax a pure protective tax for the first time in the history of the country and created a bounty system. Sugar was now openly protected. There was a straight-out duty of. a half cent per pound on refined sugar. *Now, how did the republicansrepresent this action to the people? They went before the country with the cry of free sugar when they had only made free the raw material of the trust, and when they had given a protection of half a cent or six-tenths per peqind, which the people had to pay. They sought to carry the election of 1892 on the theory of free sugar when for the first time in 'the history of this country they had made sugar an openly-protected article, and that for the beneflt of the sugar trust alone. The reason the people were deceived was their unwillingness to believe that a great party would deliberately deceive them by such a statement, but that is what the republican party did. They were aided in their deception by the lower price of sugar. As.two and onehalf cents revenue duty had been taken off sugar, of course the market price of sugar was lower, notwithstanding the fact that the people were taxed half a cent by McKinley for the benefit of the trust. . - +Now we come to the third stage of this bill which we have just passed. The tariff reformers of congress want absolute free sugar, and they will get it if the people vote for tariff reform this fall. But they found the sugar trust intrenched in the senate. Now what was it intrenched behind? It was intrenched behind its old friends, the solid. republican party, the friends who had first protected, and, therefore, practically created it, and a few protectionists who call themselves democrats, but who by no ‘tests that now prevail are democrats.

+But did the tariff reformers fail? Were they defeated? Not at all; by no means defeated. The democrats were not able to get free sugar this time, but they got a great deal more than the protectionist majority wanted to give. They did not destroy the sugar truss, but they hold the battlefleld themselves. and the essential difference between the McKinley sugar tariff and the new sugar tariff is just this: The McKinley tariff gives the sugar trust half a cent protection. That half a cent protection of the McKinley bill has been reduced to about three-tenths of a cent by the new bill. The protective duty of the McKinley bill has been reduced :one-third in our bill. That is what we got by fighting We did not get the whole of our demand any more than we got free iron ore or free coal, but we reduced iron ore from seventy-five to forty, coal from seventy-five to forty, and we reduced sugar from fifty to thirty. ! ~The protectionists also included in the new bill a revenue duty of 40 per cent. on raw sugar on the avowed ground that the government needed the money in addition to the proceeds of the income tax, but really to restore to our sugar farmers half of the protection that was cut off by the democratic repeal of the MoK ley bounties. When the secretary of the tre€ ury said at the last moment that this reven duty was absolutely necessary the mouths of tariff reformers were closed, but either some other revenue must be found or expenditures must be cut down, for the tariff reformers will not be content until sugar is made wholly free. The protection of the trusts {8 now arrived at in shis way: It is 40 percent. of the average difference between raw and refined sugars abroad, or-the .cost of manufacture, which is 45 or 47 cents a hundred pounds, and the one-eighth cent differential. I called it 30 cents. 1t may be 1 or 2 cents more. Lot “That is the story of sugar. It isa fact that sugar has not adyanced since the new tariff went into effect. It reached an extremely low point last spring and early this summer and is a cent higher now than the lowest point, and doubtless a considerable portion of that advance was due to the anticipation of the revenue feature of the new sch@gule, though not all of it by any means. And i% another fact that sugar is selling at less now than it was a year ago under the McKinley bill.”—Franklin' MacVeagh's Speech at Jerseyville, Il ——The building trade ‘.xerywhere ought to realize great benefis from free lumber, .The senate bill removes the duties on logs, hewn and sawed timber, squared timber, sawed boards and plank, elapboards, hubs, laths, shingles and staves—in short, substantially everything - in the McKinley wood schedule except furniture, the duty upen which is reduced to 25 per cent. The value of the importsof these articles now placed on the free list was $10,000,000 in 1893, and $1,143,000 was paid in duties.—Pwston Herald. _ . ——While democrats are Being denounced by republican e%qmyflw cause wheat dropped to fifty cents, why is the same party not given credit FSORISe Gukn went up lo MKAy SURIRE. A A S P G P R R D e »fi’)‘r’s’gf’:""?g

BRASSY MR. M’KINLEY. The Ohio Napoleon Charges Democrats with Republiean Methods, | ' Gov. McKinley, in hisaddressat Bangor, recited the old story of the depression of business. which occurred while his tariff law was in force and began to give way as soon as it was repealed. He attributed the depression to the democrats, because they were in power, but net to his bill, because it was in foree. Well, the democrats are still in power, but the McKinley bill is no longer in force, and times are improving. 0 oL

But Gov. MeKinley says the mew tariff bill was “traded through,” and that this ought to eondemn it. Indeed! Well, let-us apply this a little further. How did :the’ McKinley bill get through? Was&th’ere‘no trading about that? = : :

The trading began before the Fiftyfirst congress was elected. In the dark days of the campaign of 1888, the trusts and combinations interested in protection, the rich manufacturing corporations that had been the chief beneficiaries of protection according to the admission of high republican authority, were advised that th® day of fat-frying had arrived. They heard the ngonizing appeal: ‘‘Help cash us, or we sink!” They put up the money to buy a presidency and a house of representatives, with the understanding that the taxing power of the government was to be turned over to them to do with as they pleased. ' More trades, however, were needed. The gentlemen up in Vermont, who make maple sugar out of some sort of combination of vegetable juices and chemicals, concluded that they would like to be paid by the government for conducting their business. They had an advocate in the senate, and they got what they wanted, though Mr. Blaine would not believe it when he first heard of it. The bill was in this way traded through. : ' This instance, however, and many similar ones that might be named was a trifle compared to the trade made over the Sherman law. The silver mine senators held the balance of power on the republican side. They notifled their fellow-republicans in the senate that the Sherman law, providing for the purchase of an ‘amount of silver substantially equal to the American product, was the very least that they would accept as their share of the booty. 'Thése men Iwere not in the senate for their health, or with any view of promoting the: public good. They were there for promoting their own interests, and they let it be known that the McKinley bill could not pass unless silver was taken care of,and they had their \:\ill. ‘The Sherman bill, in connection with other republican legislation, brought on the paniec. All the republicans, except the free silver men, said so in the spring and early summer of 1893, when they were anxious for' the repeal of the silver purchase clause. -In other words Gov. MecKinley traded his bill through, and brought on the panic. That is too plain for argument, and yet he has the hardihood to attribute the panie to the democrats, and tosay that the new tariff law is to be condemned because it was ‘‘traded through.” Atall events, it was not put through by a trade which brought on a panie.—Lounisville-Cou-rier Journal. e

BLESSINGS FOR THE PEOPLE. Benefits Which Will Accrue ‘from -the ¥ree Wool of the New Tariff. ‘Mr. Springer, who has for years made a special study of wool tariffs, estimates that the free wool of the new tariff will save to the families of the United States $141,000,000 a year. In the calculation Mr. Springer does not allow for increased consumption. He takes- the $37,000,000 of importations'in 1893 and the census year domestic manufaetures. of woolens, worsteds, carpets and knit goods and hosiery made of wool. On that basis of total woolen consumption he makes ‘his estimate of $141;000,000 saved each year. - Saving is not all. ° Woolen goods are so universally used that every man, woman and child is interested. The masses will be more comfortably and tastefully dressed. Houses will ge better carpeted. Retail merchants will turn their stock over faster. * Free wool will revive the woolen manufacture and enable our mills to improve the'quality of their goods. This one schedule of wool and woolens will - change for the better the style of living all over the country. It is'an example of -the benefits of unfettered commerce. - Unless another war gives the excuse and hides the deed the McKinley woolen tariff will never again deface the laws. The course of duties will be downward. Before many years we shall have a revenue duty of 10 per cent. on woolens, and our manufaeturers, exporting the. classes of goods they can make to advantage, will not take the trouble to fight against a public opinion enlightened by facts. —St. Louis Republic: : L

| POINTS AND OPINIONS. ; ——The croalkers can’t stop the return of good times. Kven the croak- ! ers will be singing jubilee songs soon. —Atlanta Journal. : § - ——lltis a significant fact that the | so-called ‘‘protected’ industries of our country are the onés which pay the poorest wages.—Albany Argus. 1 ——Tt is to be hoped that the labor ;’ vote will not lose sight of the fact that _the republican press is urging a general cut in wages.—Chicago lerald. ~ ——lt will be interesting tp discover which vicious combination the republicans prefer personified in a presidential candidate—Reed czarism strongly infused with McKinley protectionisny,. or Me¢Kinley protectionism strongly: infused with Reed czarism.—Chicago Herald. e - ——The republican papers will exult for a week or so now over ‘‘the victory: ip Maine.” 'Tom Reed would have ex= ulted more if Mc¢Kinley had not been: imported by Joe Manley to make that ante-election speech which will entitle him to claim a share in the results.— Chicago Times. = : j ~——Whatever its original purpose, the'irresistible tendency of the republican policy has heen to corrupt the government. The longer that policy was applied the more marked the tendency has been, and the sugar ‘trust lobby in and about the senate was its logical and inevitable outcome. The moment legislation isso iramed as to benefit certain private _interests, those interests will seek to .influence legislation, and the greater the profit to be obtained from the law‘malkers the more direct and wnrestrained becomes the bribery. The history of protection in the repub-