Ligonier Banner., Volume 29, Number 13, Ligonier, Noble County, 5 July 1894 — Page 3

By Arthur W. Marchmont, 8.. A. Author of *¢ Miser Hoadley’s Secret,” ** Madeline Power,” **By Whose Hand,” ~ : ¢t Isa,” &ec., &c. ' [Copyright, 1892, by ‘the Author.) CHARTER VII—-CONTINUED. “Stand back there!” he cried, in a threatening tone. “If you try to attack me I'll raise every soul in the village. I know your game, Jack Dilworth; but it won’t do with me.” “Come ‘on, Jack,” cried another of the men. ‘Leave the scallywag alone. “‘We shall have achance yet of squaring things up with him.” “I shan’t,” replied the man, doggedly. He had been drinking. ‘I mean to have a go at him now. Look out for yourself, you young devil,” he called to Tom, and as he spoke he made a savage run to thelatter, struck furiously at him, and tried to wrest away his stick. : But he reckoned without his host. Tom brought down the stick with a heavy blow on his assailant’s arm, and, parrying the blows aimed at him, struck out with his fist, and caught him on the chest and sent him staggering back. ' - The man changed his tacties then, and, stepping back a pace or two, made a running kick at Tom with all his force. Tom stepped aside and avoided the kick, and then struck the other with all his strength on the leg. With a cry of pain and foiled rage, he fell to the ground, cerying to the others to help him. [ They were enraged, and, seeing the issue of the struggle, with a few muttered threats they closed round Tom to attack him. =~ = °

*Kill the young devil,” shouted the man who had been knocked down. “If you don’t silence. him there may be no end of trouble out of thisjob. Here, help me to get up, I'll socn do for him,” said he, with a horrible oath.

“Don’t you think you five bullies have about done enough?” said a calm, even voice, just at this jancture. All the men looked up at the words and found that ‘they were being watched from the upper window of one of the cottages by a man who was observing the whole scene leisurely. . . *Who's that?”’ growled the man who was lying on the ground. , “Oh, you know very well who it is, Jack Dilworth, just as well as Dick Crook there, or young Tom Roylance himself. You'd better give this kind of game up, all of you. You, Tom, needn’t be so handy with that bit of oak of yours. You might have broken Jaz2k’s leg,” and the speaker, Peter Foster, a elog and boot maker, laughed. “Jack’ll bear ye a grudge for that; seeif he don’t. You're not the lad to forget you've been knocked over, Jack, are you?” ' The man whom he addressed growled out an oath by way of answer, and his companions coming to the conclusion that it was no use carrying the scene any farther lifted the fallen Dilworth and hkelped him. away, leaving Tom alone and master of the field. “You'd better go home, Tom Roylance,” said the old clog-maker, with a drylaugh, *‘and be thankful that you're able to walk the distance instead of being carried, clogs foremost.” . ‘*Aye, you've saved me a cracked Iskin, Pete,” said Tom, and with a cheery good night he walked away homewards with some words of warni{ng from the old man. ! After that, bad blood and black looks: wer® to be seen in many direc: tions. Tom said nothing tg either Mary or Savannah for fear they should be alarmed on his account; but he began to take precautions lest he should be again attacked. Theonly person he told svas Reuben Gorringe. ““Some of the strikersare getting a bit restless,” he said. ' , “How do you mean?”’ asked Gorringe, looking ’keenly at him. ‘Have you heard anything outside?” v **Last night there was an attempt to give me a thrashing,” and Tom told him briefly what had happened. - “Do you knoyw the men?” asked Gorringe. . **Oh, yes.” ' “Then we’ll prosecute them. I care nothing for their threats, but when it comes to attacking those who stand by me, it’'s a different thing. Look here.” He gave a short laugh as he took out from a desk half a dozen threatening letters, written in™all sorts of angry language and threatening violence if he" did not give way to the strikers.

“They little know me,” said Reuben Gorringe, his eyes glistening with a hard light as. %e spoke. . ““By heavens, if they pulled the mill down stone by stone, and threw every spindle in a different direction, aye, and limbed me . into the bargain, I wouldn’t give in, now.” '“I don’t care to prosecute,” said Tom. “I'm for not giving way now; but Jack Dilworth got a good bit more than he gave me, and I don’t want to stir up more bad blood than’s necessary.” - : *“What, are you afraid of ’em, then, if you go too far?” asked Gorringe, with a sneer. - “No, I'm not afraid,” answered Tom, quietly. “‘But I'm none too fond of running for police help.” “Yes, but I wish to make an example of some of them,” returned Gorringe. “Then you'll have to find somebody else than me. I’'ll stand firm enough by you while the strike lasts; but I'm not going to be the means of putting those chaps in prison.” o Reuben Gorringe, looked aftéer him with a gleam of anger in his eyes. © “All right, you obstinate young puppy. Take your own lig’e now, while you can. You'll pipe a different tune by and by when things are a_bit riper. I wish they’d broken his thickidonkey’s skull for him. If they’d knocked the life out of him at the same time, it would have saved alot of trouble, too,” he muttered. : : The attack on Tom came to the ears of the two girls in a roundabout fashion. Mary’'s mother heard of itand told the g;:rls. “No, they didm’t hurt him, but he burt that Jack Dilworth. Pretty nigh broke his leg, so they tell me,” said Mrs. Ashworth. . "~ ' Mary was very frightened atfirst. *‘He said nothing to me when I saw him at ‘dinner time; but I thought he looked ill and worried.. Do mou think e ANMSR By S Srvont e Apyamopiige? she gsked. o ; ".'fionld think not,” snswered the old woman, with a short laugh. “I never knew the man yet that dida’t

shout lond enough when he had ever 80 tiny a tittle of ache or pain.” “But Tom’s not like others in that,” said the girl. ‘‘He might think I should be.afraid.” ; " Savannah lowered her head at this so that her face was hidden from the other’s eyes. - : . “I wonder why he hasn’t come in tonight?” continued Mary. *“lt’s the first night he’s missed for a long while. T hope he’s not ill.” ‘‘Afraid of his skin, I should think,” sneered Mrs. Ashworth, who did not like him, and had always tried to get Mary to marry Reuben Gorringe. _ Mary made no reply, but Savannah spoke. ‘ o , . “He’s very wise if he does keep in,” she said. ) “‘Savannah,” cried Mary, indignant at what sounded like an imputation of cowardice to Tom. ° : “I mean it,” she said; ‘‘for Gibeon Prawle and the men with him mean worse than you think. They mean murder!” She spoke deliberately, and her soft voice, full and sweet, seemed to vibrate through the little room. “You can’t- read these men' as I read them. Gibeon Prawle has a murderer’s thoughts.” ' “Savannah!”.said Mary again. ““It is true,” she continued, ‘I know the man by instinct. He is dangerous. I have caught his look fixed on Tom, and read it in murder. I have listened to -his'voice, and I heard in it crielty and -death. I know what I say—he means murder.” She looked at two scared, wondering faces that were fixed on her, and then laughed, strangely. v : “You think this queer talk for me. But it's true.” : “Lor! girl,” said Mrs. Ashworth, shuddering. ‘‘Whatever : puts such thoughts in your head? You make me feel creepy-all do“:rn my back.” “YWhy do you fix on Gibeon Prawle?” asked Mary. ‘‘He wasn’t one of those who attacked Tom.” . _ Savannah looked quickly at the other girl, and was on the point of saying something of what she and Tom had overhdard, when she checked herself and answered somewhat irritably. ‘‘Nonsense, Savannah,” cried Mrs. Ashworth, angrily. “It's rank downright absurdity to talk in that way. Anyone to hear you rant, K would think you mad, that they would.” Savannah started violently &at the words, and bent on Mrs. Ashworth such an eager, piercing look that both mother and daughter were startled. They had never seen so strange a light in her eyes; and in Mary the fear which she had felt on first seeing the other revived. ', )

CHAPTER VIIL ; . DOUBT AND DANGER. The alarm which Mary had felt at Savannah’s| strange words and even stranger conduct -caused her some un¢asy wakeful thoughts during 'the night, and she resolved to tell her lover what had passed and what her fears were. ' She found an opportunity that evening. When she left work he was waiting by the mill gates. He was really waiting in the hopes of seeing Savannah, and when Mary came out alone his face ‘fell a little with disappointment. ' ' ' “Well, Mr. Truant, this is good of you to wait for me,” she said, joining him, her face alight with pleasure and love. ‘I think I shall have to begin and call you Mr. Roylance if I don’t see more of you than I did yesterday. Where were you last night. sir?” she asked, smiling trustfully and happily into his face.. » : The question bothered him. He had always been so open and frank with her that the mew necessity for practicing deceit perplexed and worried him. Yet he could not tell her the true cause of his absence. : So he said something about having been kept away in consequence of the trouble at the mill, and the girl was too glad to be with him to ebserve anything strange or hesitating in his manner. ' ' “Well, I have you now at any rate,” she said; ‘“‘and ‘as I have heaps I want to say I shall just take possession of you,” and she linked his arm in his to walk away. “Where is—where’s Savannah?”asked Tom. ’ ' : “Oh, we don’t want her for a bit,” answered Mary; ‘¢for to tell you the truth it’s about her I want to say a word or two. Look here, Tom, I want to ask you a riddle that has been bothering me. What special reason can Savannah have for thinking, Gibeon Prawle means to do you mischief?” “What do you mean, lass?” he asked, somewhat anxiously. - ‘‘Does that puzzle you?” she asked. “It puzzled me, I can tell you. Savannah thinks that Gibeon has some great spite against you, and that he is reckless enough to be dangerous. Can she have any reason? Does she krnow anything special about him? What can it be?’*

*‘How shall I tell, Mary?” answered Tom Roylance somewhat uneasily. ‘““You've seen more of her than anyone else in Walkden Bridge and ought to know.” He colored a little at thus evading the question. - “I don’t know anything of her in that way,” answered the girl, drawing %lpser to his side and taking a firmer grip ,of his arm, as if growing more confidential. ‘“‘But I'm going to make a little confession to you. Do you know, Tom, I think I'm afraid of Savannah.” ; ‘“Afraid of her!” cried Tom Roylance with a langh. ¢‘‘Afraid of Savannah! Why, she’s one of the gentlest creatures that ever breathed,” he cried, enthusiastically.. ) : “‘She may be; and [ daresay I'm very stupid and ridiculous, as you say, but Idon’t—l can’t'trust her. She—l—don’t know how to explain the effect she has on me. She sets my teeth on edge sometimes, and I shudder and am afraid of her.” ' : il “It's not like you to be so foolish, lass,” said Tom. ‘I thought you and Savannah were such good friends; but you women folk are always curious.” “No. Iknow I'm stupid; but I can’t help feeling as I do. Just think what she said about Gibeon last night.” And then she told him what Savannah had said, and the strange way in whigh she had said it. o ' - “It was only a strong way of putting her dislike and distrust of the fellow,” was Tom’s comment. ‘“We all distrust him, and know that he is a hot-tem-pered chap, likely to kick up no end of a fuss if he can do it safely. She must have-s&ma,rd- ‘that said a ';gfihd,rec_lf and fifty times about the place.” i “But what could she mean by haqug she could read murder in his looks, an all that?” i :

“Why, just- what a gypay might mean by saying she could read all sorts of rubbish in the palm of your haad. Remember; Mary, what gentle ways she has, and what lf’!indness she has shown tomy father.” *“lf you had seen her last night you wouldn’t have thought she looked very gentle,” said Mary, who was anything. but pleased to find Tom taking the othe er’s' part so readily. : : “Surely, you don’t wish to turn me against the lass,” said Tom.. *lt’s nof like you to set folks by the ears.” | “I am sorry I mentioned it at all,” replied the girl, and after that said no more on the subject. o Tom, finding that Savannah did not come home from the mill, soon began to get restless and:fidgety, and rose to go, thinking that she had possibly gone to sit with his father. - . “Must you go now?” asked Mary, feeling disappointed, and showing it in her looks. ~ “Yes,” said . Tom, fidgeting with his cap. “I have to get back to my father; and I—l have to go back to the mill. There’s something that Gorringe wants me to meet him about there.” ' “Very well. Of course, you know bést,” she said, as brightly as her disappointment would let her. He left then, and as soon as she was alone sgmething of her old misgivings troubled her. He had gone away twithout kissing her. But she tried even in thought to find excuses for him and consolation for hersglf. ’ ‘“The trouble at tlge mill makes him so anxious and worried,” she told herself, ““that 'he has no time even for me. Though I think he might have remembered to kiss me once. ' Heigho,” and then she sighed, as she put her hat on to go for a walk by herself., . She had not taken many steps when she met Reuben Gorringe, walking quickly, and carrying a small handbag. ' ' ““Ah, Mary,” he cried, as they met. “lam glad to meet you. I wanted to see Tom before he left the mill, but I didn’t catch him. .Tell him I've had information that he had better take care of himself; and not go wandering about too much by himself. Tecan’t stop now, as I've to catch the seven-ten for Presburn. Will you tell him?” “Yes, Mr. Gorringe, I'll tell him. Do vou think there’s anything serious meant to be done?” . - “‘Oh, no, nothing very serious. . But now that I've taken the fortunes of you two into my care, I want to make sure that you don’t run’ risks through sticking to me. Don’t be frightened.” “Is there no chance of things being settled?” she asked. . :

“Well, you're a stanch lass and I can trust you. I have good reasons to think that in a day or two the best part of the strikers are coming in. Don’t say anything about it. But I can trust you, I know.” “Yes, Mr. Gorringe, you may. I'll say nothing May I tell Tom?” : ~*“Yes, if you like. But don’t tell that girl who’s with you, Savannah Morbyn. I don’t trust her. Good night, Mary;” and he hurried off, Mary hurried in the direction of Tom’s cottage to tell him what she had heard. . _ .

1t pleased her also to think that as Mr. Gorringe was going to Presburn, Tom would not be wanted at the mill, and would be able to go with her for her walk; and in anticipation of this she' walked quickly and happily to his cottage. But Tom was not at home, and old Mr. Roylance did not know where he had gone. . “I hope he has not gone far. I don’t like his being out much just now. I wanted to see him about that ”’

The old man laughed—a confident, easy, proud laugh. o “You may trust the lad to give a good account of himself, I'll warrant thee, lass. ’Tisn’t on his account you've any call to fear, so much as for them as touches him. Ask Jack Dilworth, eh, ask Jack Dilworth,” and the old man chuckled.

“Aye, that may be, where it's one to one or two to one, and the fighting’s fair and. square and in daylight; but it’s another thing when cowards slink about in the dark, and four or five set on one,” answered Mary. “But ’twere in the dark last time, weren't it; and there were four or five to one, weren’t there, and Tom slogged ’em, didn’t he—aye, and would do it again. Have no fear for him, lass.” *I shall go and see if I can wmeet him,” she said. ‘“Where’s Savannah?” asked the invalid, as she was going. ' “I don’t know. Hasn’t she been here?” : i . “Not these two days,” said the old man, rather dismally. ‘Tell her I miss her bonn‘y face.” 5 When she left the cottage she did not know which way to go. ' Tom had ‘told her that he wanted first to- go to -his father, and then that he might have to go to the mill. But he had not at‘tempted to stay with his father, while, as Reuben Gorringe had left the town by'train, there could be no necessity to go to the milk Where was he, then? He must have had some other reason for not staying with her, and she asked herself what it could be. . . She walked slowly in the direction of the mill, but saw nothing of Tom, and, though she lingered about, chatting and keeping her eyes about her all the time, she saw nothing of him. Then she went out into the outskirts - of the village when the dusk had grown into darkness, and traversed some of the paths and byways that ran’ round about the mill. But she saw nothing of her lover; and when twilight faded into dark her nervousness deepened into serious alarm on his account. She resolved to go back to his cottage, and if he had not returned to ¢ause some inquiries to made. ; ' i When she formed this decision she was walking in a little frequented footpath. It was a warm night, but dark, the air a little heavy, though very calm and still. The girl’s thoughts were all of Tom, and she was adding ‘ largely to her fears by imagining many causes of harm. - : Suddenly she stopped. The sound of men’s voices fell on her ears, voices deep, gruff and angry, speaking words which riveted all her attention instantly. For she heard her lover’s name uttered threateningly and coupled with violent curses. ' ' [TO BE CONTINUED.] - Lot FLower jewelry in enamels and stones is pretty and populur, The en ‘amel petal, as in the wild roses and _pansies, hds each edge enerusted witk l FINE cat’s eyes are still in vogre, m ‘ are moonstoues. v |

© REED’S ROTTEN RANT. The Ex-Czars's Giratory [deas on the Sg ver Questin. . When a man gets the presidential | bee in his bonnet its bwzzing interferes with and prevents that clear concep- | tion of cause and effed and of conditions which should disiinguish an -aspirant for so exalted a station; and it also affects in a singuar manner the optic nerves, causing 'hem to present to the active brain a distorted picture of things and their lelations. It is only on this theory that one may account for this aberrirey so conspicu- | ous in so many of these ambitious patriots. We might citz distinguished instances of this from pur history, but | the present isrich enouzh, and weneed not point to any other than Mr. MeKinley, who insists thet the foreigner pays the tax; to Mr. Bland, who insists that as Adam dragged humanity down with him into sin; so silver has pulled the values of everythiig down with it in its demonetization. o But equally prominsnt with any in the present or the pasi who have had the wheels in their heads set in motion by the busy presidential bee, none is more, ‘few so conspcuous as Hon. Thomas Brackett Reed.of Maine. Mr. Reed is a stanch protectionist, one of those who laughed sesrnfully at the reciprocity dodge of Mr. Blaine as a delivery to the enemy of the keys to the gates of the fortress of protection. But Mr. Reed sees that Mr, McKinley has a dead cinch on thesingle question of protection; that there is a decidedly silver lining: to the couds lowering over his party; and he fancies if he can couple silver and prote:tion and reciprocity he will have tiree trumps in his hand to, McKinleys one. So we have him in his noted iaterview boldly announcing a new polizy. in which he proposes to drive proteition, silver and free trade .tandem. They are kittle cattle, and we shall wateh with interest Mr. Reed’s handling of the ribbons over his wild team. ‘ But there are some fallacies in Mr. Reed's statements thatare too plain to be hidden under any gzuze of rhetoric he may have at command. One of these is the effect of the demonetization of silver on the exports of the silver -using nations. They have bheen vastly stimulated by crafty merchantmen, who bought silver bullion at its market valve, took it to those countries, converted it into 20in and bought produce with the coin &t its face value, making a profit which they either pocketed or shared with the consumer in a reduced price. Tlis was mnot an original discovery of Mr. Reed’s; we rememmber that Senater Davis made something of the same statement in his opening speech at Crookston in the campaign of 1890, but which he did not again repeat, because his fellow campaigner, Gov. Merriam, told him, after the speech, that’ it was dashed mnonsense. e ' If this is a true fact, as the boys say, with a nice discrimination, we might confldently look to the trade returns of these countries to find confirmation of it in the increased-imports of silver, the decreased imports of gold and a great increase of imports of merchandise and exports of~§roduée. As India is the great silver consumer of the sil-

ver nations, we might expect to see its effects there most marked. ~For the eleven months ending with: February, 1893, the latest return at hand, her imports of merchandise, stated in tens of rupees, of the nominal value of $3.66. amounted to 56,953,992, and for the | same period in 94 they were 67,403,097, a gain -of less than 11,000,000. The total value of her exports of merchandise during the same periods were 90,- | 468,044 and 91,522,006. respectively, | showing a gain of a little over 1,000,000 in ’94. ] The imports of gold into India were 1,484,110 tens of rupees in the eleven months ending with February, 1893, l’ against 2,908,956 for the same period in 1894, showing a gain of 100 per cent. in the latter term. - The inflow of silver, which should show a large increase if Mr. Reed’'s conjecture is accurate, { shows a hardly perceptible increase in ‘ the periods compared, the imports be- } ing 14,090,384 tens of rupees in the first and 14,219,024 in the second term, a gain { of less than 10 per cent., while, as .noted, gold imports increased 100 per cent. : ' Thus, accepting Mr. Reed’s own test, i we find his statement contradicted by the facts. We have not the figures at | hand for the silver countries south of us, but have no doubt they show the same proportions. Whatever of increase there is in exports, especially of grain, is due, not to Mr. Reed’s absurd ' cause, but to the development of the g agricultural resources of those coun- ' tries, stimulated by our own policy of obstructing the exchanges of the con- ' suming mnations with ourselves. Mr. ' Reed’s new hobby may have wind and music enough to carry him through L the next national convention, but it “will break down before it reaches the ! federal capitol.—St. Paul Globe.

M’KINLEYISM AND TRUSTS. Significant Facts Brought to Light in the 4 Sugar Squabble. . The head of the sugar trust frankly told the senate investigating committee that the trust contributed, as its books would show, to democratic campaign funds in democratie states, and to republican campaign funds in republican states. It did not contribute to the funds of the minority party in any state. The trust had no politics but the politics of ‘‘business.” It did not contribute to promote the success of any party or its principles, but it did contribute to promote the interests of the trust. That was the politics of ‘‘pusiness.” < It was after the publication of this precious testimony of the boss of the trust that the McKinley organs repeated the stale falsehood that the pending tariff bill favored ‘‘the octopus sugar trust because its members are democrats who donate freely to the campaign funds of that party.” The organs assume that their readers read their editorials but do not read their news dispatches from Washington.. After H. O. Havemeyer, Mr. Searles, another conspicuous member of the trust, appeared as a witness before the committee, and in the course of his examiunation the following colloquy shed light on an important point: Senator Allen—You may state briefly what difference, in your judgment, there is between the McKinley act and the pending act as the senate proposes to amend it, or has amended it, to the American Sugar Reflning company; which is the better act for you? x : Mr. Searles—The McKinley bill by far. Senator Allen—How much?. Mr. Searles—l think one-half. That is what I think. The protection in the margiua to the refiner In the proposed schedule is not over onehalf of what it is in the McKinley bill. : How did it come to pass that the MeKinley tariff was made better ‘‘by far” -the sugar trust than the senate

schedule is? Was it because the mem= bers of the trust are republicans *‘who dopate freely to the campaign fundsof -that party?” Inillustrating the manner in which the trust practiced the pol--itics of business, H. O. Havemeyer mentioned Massachusetts as a repubsican state. Neither he nor his brother, Theodore, who testified later, would wive particulars, but it is an unavoidable infereuce from their general staterents that the trust contributed to republican campaign funds in states’ where the investment would be businesslilkke, such as Ohio and Illinois. - And from the testimony of Mr. Searles it is to be inferred that the McKinley congress was paying a political debt [ when it made a sugar schedule by far” - more favorable to the trust than the serate schedule is. ' . ’ There was a nice little speculation |{n the McKinley sugar tariff. The bill 'at first gave the trust protection to ' the¢ extent of 5 per cent. fApril 15, | 1899, this was changed to 40" cents per ‘ hundred pounds. The next day there ' was lively trading in the trust certifi- ' cates, and the price continued to adi vance for five iveeks, or until the bill passed the house, with a protection of. ' 50 and a possible 60 cents per hundred pounds. The stock exchange.reports 'show that the total advance was 31 points, or $15,500,0000 on the $50,000,000 | of certificates then existing. | These facts would seem to indicate | that the republican statesmen owed a ] considerable political debt to the trust, | oy that they were extremely liberal in | taaking payment from the pockets of l consumers. The same facts suggest | the possibility of successful® specula- ! tion by representatives and sénators—- | speculation upon the certainty of their | ownaction, with the aig of certain per- . sons who know how to make themselves useful by ‘‘carrying” stocks for other ' people. : : | And the moral of the whole story is | that tariff protection is a thoroughly " corrupt and rotten businegss,—Chicago { Herald. , S§ . I HOPING IN VAIN. - | e . ’ Republicans Depending Upon the Cupidity | ofVoters for Success. i The republican leaders of the coun{try base great hopes for the future | upon the general indignation that has | been aroused among the people be- | cause half a dozen demberatic senatora advocate more or less warmly the re- ' publican doctrines of protection and _oppose any material interference with ' the McKinley bill, which authorized . 14,500 firms, organized into 450 trusts i (mainly private affairs), to levy fo? | their private benefit a yearly tax upon the people greater than the total of all | federal taxes. That the trusts actu- ! ally levy and collect only about half | that which they are entitled to by law | is because their organization is not yet . perfect—a fault time will soon remove. ißut the special iniquity which a few | democrati¢ . senators "- approve, and | which the republicans expect will i arouse the people to destroy the democratic party, iy not one of amount, but of principle—the principle that the ] people can be taxed without their coni sent by a few mill lords from whom | they receive nothing, not even thanks, 'and that the army and navy of the | United States can be used to force its

payment. : Republican hopes have always been placed upon the stupidity or cupidity of the ‘voters to whom they appealed for votes, but when they expect the intelligent and honest masses of the democratic party todesert their organization in disgust, leaving the government of the country to the republicans, because a few democratic leaders have been induced in some way to join them in preventing the repeal of a republican measure establishing this principle of robbery as the law of the land, they will be disappointed. : There are many republicans who imagine that the democrats, disgusted at betrayal byi their leaders, will join the republicans and vote for the protection they abhor. Others expect them to leave the democratic party and throw their votes away by scattering on independent candidates. . Democrats have too much sense to do either. They know that the fire is hotter than the frying-pan, the republican party ih power worse than the democracy in power and temporarily paralyzed by the backsliding of a few leaders. They: understand that all their past woes have come from compromises with republicanism, or from leaders tainted with sympathy for republicans. They appreciate to-day more fully than ever before that they have this ‘“‘tenderness for the enemy,” this concord with Belial, to thank for every defeat at the polls they have ever suffered, and that they have only to drive out every leader in sympathy with plutocracy, and by so doing prove themselves worthy of publicconfidence to receive it. S When thé democratic voters are heard from, as they will be at the state conventions in a few months, as they have been in Missouri, they will not only purify the party from the taind of republizanism under which it now suffers, but that - purification will be so thoroughly done no leader will ever again dare coquette with either republican principles or protection boodle.— N. Y. World. A

COMMENTS OF THE PRESS. ——Republican platforms are devoted principally to the abuse of democratic principals. Well, the democrats can stand it so long as nothing better then republican jobbery is offered asa substitute.—Kansas City Times. ——The Ohio republicans in their platform ‘‘demand such protection for sheep husbandry as will secure fair prices for wool.” The Ohio republicans should be more specific. What is ‘“such protection for sheep husbandry as will secure fair prices for wool?” Where is it found and how is it got? Under the protection which the McKinley act gives sheep husbandry, as under all protection given by the republicans to sheep husbandry, the prices for wool have been getting lower and lower, until they have reached their present beautifully ‘‘fair” figures.—Louisville Cou-rier-Journal.. 4 ——The facts about the sugar trust which are coming to light constitute the truth about all trusts and corporations which ask for ‘‘protection.” Emboldened by the success of sb many years, this system of robbery of the American people boldly flaunts its shame in open day and stalks into the public places and the high counclils of the nation with startling effrontery. So hardened has ‘‘protection” hecome by what it has fed upon that it is entirely: bereft of moral sense and enters the United States senate bearing. bribes with hardly any sense or consciousness of impropriety.——lndis olis News. pey ;anupf

PROTECTION ERRORS. | Senators Sherman and Frye Ought to Be : Ashamed of Themselves. - : In his speech in the senate a few days ago, Senator Sherman, speaking in behalf of the political wool growers of Ohio, said - that “many changes had been made in sections of the tariff bill looking to the protection of American industries, remarkably so in the cotton schedule. Hehoped that the change would prove of great benefit to the southern states, by enabling them to convert their cotton into cloth.” Now there has been, as the senator says, a very material change made in the schedule referred to, but his effort to associate this with the southern states is on a par with the effort of some of our northeastern writers and speakers, who claim that the south is getting all the protection in the proposed tariff bill, while the rest of the country is being ignored. The cotton schedule, as framed, -was framed almost distinctly in the interest of New England. The reason for this change in the direction of- protection was that during the last few years we have been spinning in this country cottoen yarnsof high counks,or, in other words, of a fine quality, and it is held that we cannot compete successfully with the cotton-spinners in England, France and Germany in this class of work. But these fine yarns have been spun almost entirely in the northeast. We doubt whether there is a single mill south of Mason and Dixon’s line that is engaged in this fine work. Without exception, the cotton mills of the south spin coarse yarns and weave a coarse- class of goods, not so coarse as they did a few years ago, but still decidédly so when compared. with, the work whieh -.. the amended tariff is intended = to protect. In . the manufacture of these coarse . cotton goods we stand pre-eminent. For more than half a century we have steadily exported cotton fabrics of this character, selling them in China and the East Indies in competition with the English, and at times selling them even in England. To tell the southern people that they are protected in their cotton manufactures is just as sophistical -as to inform the wheat crowers in the west that the tariff protects them, and we regret to say that in making such statements, those making them, both here and elsewhere, must be doing so for the purpose of deception, since the facts are too well known to assume that there is any mistake in the premises. : i

Another self-evident misstatement is that for which Senator Frye is responsible, who, in the same debate, is said to have made the assertion that ‘‘the republican senators were in favor of ‘a duty on wool because they did not believe that -a pound of wool would be raised in the United States if there was no duty on it.” Senator Frye,in matters of this kind, is always a loose talker, but we should suppose that,considering the faét that within six or eight weeks wool will be free, and that an opportunity in the next year or two will thus be afforded of proving beyond the possibility of a doubt the absolutely ridiculous character of the above ‘quoted assertion, he would have sufficient regard for his own reputation to put some mild sort of restraint upon his tongue: The proposed tariff reform. bill is far from being the reform measure that we wish it was, but it will certainly have this effect—that it will prove.to’the people of this country that the advocates of protection, such as Senator Frye and others, are either entirely ignorant of the first principles of .economic science, or they have been for y?rs past indulging in the most arrant sort of wilful misstatements—‘Boston Herald. 8 ‘ ESSENTIALLY BAD. i The Modified Senate Bill Relating to Sugar Is Not Tariff Reform. . ' . Democrats who believe in substantial, enlightened reforms in tariff leg-. islation do mot approve the modified| senate tariff bill relating to sugar. li:} is contrary to democratic principles, and beliets. It is molded on the re-| pulsive forms of McKiuleyism and is essentially "bad. ‘ re But it is exasperating and ridiculous in the republicans to assail the sugar! protection feature of the modified bill and to accuse the democrats of being | corrupted 'or wheedled by the agents of the sugar trust in its adoption. In| framing the new sugar schedule the democrats departed from the line of instructions given at the ballot box in 1892 and followed the line of McKinleyism. Whether they were bought up or bamboozled they did just what the republicans have done in every tariff act that they have passed, and probably from the same motives. - The Mc¢Kinley bill made raw sugar free and put a duty of one-half cent per pound on refined sugar. . This was to protect and to enrich the sugar’ trust. The new modified senate tariff bill places a small duty on raw sugar and a larger duty on refined sugar.and postpones the imposition of the taxuntif next January. This is to protect and enrich the sugar trust. - The democrats simply followed a pernicious and probably corrupt republican example. It'is detestable hypocrisy and balderdash for the republicans now to accusedemocrats of working in the interests of the sugar trust. Every line of the republican - tariffs relating to sugar, from first to last, has been written by agents of the sugar combines of va--rious character. The MeKinley bill was framed throughout by the trusts. The .lobby agents in each trust interest were invited into the counsels of McKinley’s committee, and were told to writév in the bill the schedule of duties that they wanted on their products. That was what made thes McKinley bill a ‘scientific tariff’— scientific in its systematie larcenies. . The democratic party does not believe in the senate sugar schedule placed asa patch on the Wilson bill, and it is probable that it will yet be; defeated. ol Protective tariff legislation ®breeds trusts. Protective tariff legislation by democrats breeds trusts the same as protective tariff legislation by republicans breeds trusts. There isno difference in the resuit when the iniquitous course is once enteredon. - There is a great difference, however, between a party, like the democrats, the mass of which is opposed to the whole tariff infamy and is coerced into some of the practices of its opponents through the corruption or the folly of a few of its representatives, and a party, like the republican, the mass of which ' heartily supports the tariff | abomination and not one member. of which, in or but of congress, raises his woiceagainsbiit. .. - 0004 ~ The sugar schedule as it now stands lis a fine example of republican protects

ive tariff thievery. It was forced: upon the party in the senate by a few " pretended democrats who have drawn : their morals and their polities from. the republicans. It 'is the one genuine article of republican faith in the bill. - It is outrageous that the impudent orators and editors who have defended this sort of thing, not as to the sugar ° trust alone, but as to all the. trusts, should now attempt with ill-concealed; bad faith to disown their own offspring. —Chicago Herald. o BLANKET TARIFF. : The Wall of Protection Thrown Around : ; ‘Blanket Manufacturers. It is reported that many of the duties on-woollens in the senate’s tariff bill—duties ranging from twenty-five up to fifty cents in the dollar—will 1 probably be advanced as much as five per cent. This done, the finance committee may win a repetition of the plaudit ‘‘perfectly satisfactory’ which it received from the republican leader - for its cotton schedule. When'the republicans get all the increase of ‘‘protection” they desire the schedules will no-doubt be entirely ‘‘scientific!” - Itis true the wall of ‘‘protection” ‘which the senate is building is not as high as that reared in 1890 by the republicans: But a Chinese wall fifty feet high may be practically almost ,as exclusive as one a hundred feet high. And it is not strange that the South Dakota Senator made such a gallant fight for free wool and low dutieson woollen clothes-and blankets necessary -to keep- his constituents from freezing on their blizzard-swept plains. £ oo There is something peculiarly grievous’ in making blankets costly and ‘d'ear. -A’ tax on woollen clothing so - high as to prevent many millions from buying a warm -suit to turn the icy ‘gales of winter'is bad enough. Still, the- ‘“protectionist” democrat may argue, witl some color of logie, that. comfortable clothes, especially when set off with Troy collars and cuffs, minister. to pride and vanity. It will do the people no harm to wear their old clothes till they drop off; the tax will have, too, a moral effect—will build up our ‘‘infant industries’” and enhance wages—in- a word, it is a highly patriotic and - American tax! But it cannot be demonstrated quite sg logically that the modest blanket ministers to human vanity. It is used, only in private, in the unconscious slumbers of the night, in the sick room and hospital, where ‘men are racked by disease and death. B deny a man his blanket is, therefore, the- refinement of barbarity—N. Y. Herald. ol

. ' Coming: Home to Roost. One of the neat little tricks, says the New York Evening Post, played by the woolen manufaecturers in the McKinley bill is now coming home to plague them. In that ¢scientific’. tariff they wrote®in for themselvesa specific duty equal to four .times the duty per pound on wool and in addition 50 per cent. ad valorem.. The specific' duty: was ‘‘compensatory’— that is, as it took -four pounds of raw wool to make one pound of cloth, the four-fold, duty only made up for the tariff on the raw material, and the real protection was found only in the 50 per cent: ad valorem. Now comes the senate bill leaving out the compensatory specific duty, of course,as there is to be no tax on wool to compensate for, and giving a rate of 40 per eént. ad valerem on the finished product. But the woolenmanufacturers cry out as one man that this means ruin to them. ‘“What,” asked the astonished committee, “‘can’t you stand one-fifth off your former protection, admitted to be high?” Then the manufacturers draw the senators off into a corner and say: ‘‘The fact is, we lied when we said it took fout pounds of wool to make one pound: of cloth; it really takes considerably less than three, and the biggest part of our protection lay in the specific’ duty.” So at least says the Wool. and Cotton Reporter, and adds: - : ‘ “’%Le, proper thing to do now for ‘manufacturers,is to confess to a little deception regarding the make-up of’ the specific duty, admit the truth, and ask for recognition of actual facts. The protection was needed, and the only sin committed was in the way it was obtained.” -

A‘Specimen Tariff Swikdle. Inp the senate metal schedule I notice that they have placed a duty of 40 per cent. ad valorem on bronze powders.. Thisis an article which, if manufactured at all in this country, is only made to a‘very limited extent. In fact, I have never heard of its being made by any one here. Ninety-five per cent. of all that is used com es from Europe, mostly -from Germany. It is used by wall paper, molding, picture-frame, gas-fixture and other manufacturers; .-and _every painter in the United States. If the duties are kept at this very high rate it will be a source of great hardship to a very large class of working people. There is a well authenticated report in circulation that the National Wall Paper Co., a gigantic monopoly, is going to start manufacturing bronze powders on a very large scale. If this is the case it will enable them to collect blood-money from the few outside manufacturers-in theirline and others who have to use it in their business. Under existing circumstances it seems very clear to me that 10 per cent. ad valorem is a high enough duty for this class of goods: And, in fact, it ought to be placed on the free list.— Cor. N. Y. World. % . Good Democratic Doctrine. ‘For the first time since Senator Mills> ringing . speech, a voice was raised in the senate a few days agoon behalf of the whole people. It was that of Senator Kyle, of South Dakota. Coming from a sheep-raising section he had been counted upon as an opponent of free wool, but he boldly des clared that he favors free wool and lower duties on manufactured woolens. He ' charged, what is perfectly. true, that the wool schedule as it stands in the senate bill was framed for the benefit of the republican manufacturers of New England, and not for the poor men and women on the farm#swvho have to buy the cloth and the blankets with their hard-earned money. But his further . plea that if a duty is placed on sugar and coal one should also be placed on raw wool is fallacious. It is an argument that one bad turn deserves another. Kree wool is' the best feature left in the bill.-‘--N . Y. World. : —lf it is well for the farmer and manufacturer to exchange their prod- - ucts when they are sitnated on opposite sides of the same road, would it be less so if the road was a boundary between two tountries—Single Taz