Ligonier Banner., Volume 28, Number 48, Ligonier, Noble County, 8 March 1894 — Page 3

5 G 1 2T el B st S Gl m - . : SAASTUDY T %28 p "R ¢27 o =P Ay N L 4 ST BY A. CONAN DOYLE. - CHAPTER Il —CONTINUED. Sherlock Holmes rose and Ilit his pipe. ‘‘No doubt you think that you are complimenting me in comparing me to Dupin,” he observed. “Now, in my opinion, Dupin was a very inferior fellow. ~That trick of his of breaking in on his friends’ thoughts with an apropos remark after a’quarter of an hour’s silence is really very showy and superficial. e had some analytical genius, no doubt; but he was by no means such a phenomenon as Poe’ appeared to imagine.” “Have you read Gaboriau’s works?” T asked. ‘‘Does Lecoq come up to your idea of a detective?” ' Sherlock Holmes sniffed sardonically. “Lecoq was a miserable buagler,” he said, in an angry voice; ‘he had only one thing to recommend him, and that ‘was his energy.. That book made me positively ill. The question was how to identify an unknown prisoner. ‘I could have done it in twenty-four hours. Lecoq took six months or so. It might be made a text-book for detectives to teach them what to avoid.” - I felt rather indignant at having two characters whom I had admired treated in this cavalier style. I walked over to the window, and stood looking out into the busy street. ‘This fellow may be very clever,” I said to myself, “but he is certainly very conceited.”" “There are no crimes and no.criminals in these days,” he said, querulously. *“What!is the use of having brains in our profession? I know well that I have it in me to make my name famous. No man lives or has ever lived who has brought the same amount.of study and of natural talent to the detection of ¢rime which I have done. And what is the result? There is no crime to detect, or, at most, some bungling villainy with a motive sg transparent that even a Scotland Yard. official can see through it.” = . ‘ I was still annoyed at his bumptious style of conversation. I thought it best to change the topic. V

“I'wonder what that fellow is looking for?” I asked, pointing to a stalwart, plainly-dressed individual who was walking slowly down the other side of the street, looking anxiously at the numbers. I[e had a large blue envelepe in his hand, and was evidently the bearer of a message. “You mean“~the retired sergeant of marines,” said Sherlock Holmes. : “Brag and bounce!” thought I to myself. ‘“‘He knows that I cannot verify his guess.” The thought had hardly passed through- my mind when the man whom we were watching caught sight of the number on our door, and ran rapidly aecross the roadway. We

L AN T v . . 2N %"‘“F? ) WS > -—-\M&L,/M\ 7 VA «\d____.__; ) ‘l‘%/n“\’\\ %}l/l/ AR 7N — ) B S R ) i /’7%.{7%;/ T T RS e ']’ < fi Sl e N 5 i & ; ’ T I AN - e - ;’_:?;:—':2:“ N — A e =0 VA > | o =" ~ HE HAD A LARGE BLUE ENVELOPE IN HIS , . HAND. . heard a-loud knock, a deep voice below, and heavy steps-ascending the stair. Lo T “For Mr. Sherlock Holmes,” he said, stepping into the room and handing my friend the letter. ‘ Here was an_ opportunity of taking the conceit tout of him. He little thought of this when he made that random shot. “May I ask, my lad,” I said, blandly, ;‘what your trade may be?” , o “Commissionaire, sir,” he said gruffly. ‘“Uniform away for repairs.” . “And you were?” I asked, with a slightly malicious glance at my companion. : . . ‘““Asergeant, sir, Royal Marine light infantry, sir. No answer? Right, sir.” g He clicked his heels together, raised his hand in a salute, and was gone. " CHAPTERIIL S THE LAURISTON GARDENS MYSTERY. I confess that I was considerably startled by this fresh proof of the practical nature of my companion’s theories. - My respect for his powers of analysis increased wondrously. There still remained some lurking .suspicion in my “mind, however, that the whole thing was .a prearranged episode, intended to -dazzle me, though what earthly object he,eould have in taking me .in was past my comprehension. When I looked at him he had finished reading the note and his -eyes had assumed the vacant, lack-luster expression which showed mental abstraction. “How in the world did you deduce that?” I asked. - o i “Deduce what?” said he, petulantly. “Why, that he was a retired sergeant of marines.” L s i ~ “I* have no time for trifles;” he replied, brusquely. Then, withia szpile: ‘‘Excuse my rudeness. You broké the thread of my thoughts; but perhaps it is as well. So you actually were not ‘able to see that that man was a sergeant of marines?”’ T “No, indeed.” I LT “It was easier to know it than to explain why I know it. If you were asked to prove that two and two made four, you might find some difficulty, and yet youare quite sure of the fact. Even across the street I counld see s great blue anchor tattooed on the back of the fellow’s hand. That smacked of the sea. He had a military carriage, however, and regulation side-whiskers. There we have the marine. He was a man with some amount of self-impor-tance and a certain air of command. You must have observed the wayin which he held.hischead and swung his cane. . A-steady, respectable, middleaged man, tOO, on the face of him-—'_—al_l facts whiclr led ‘me to belicve %hat he } cep @ sergeant.” . . - N Wonderfull" T efaculated” 7 & 4 though I thought from his expression that he was pleased at my evident sur-

now tfiat- there were no crminals. It appears that I am wroig—look at this!” Ile threw me over the note which %he commissionaire kad brought. “Why,” I cried, as L cast my eye over it, ‘‘this is terrible!”

“Jt does seem to be a little out of the common,” he remarked, calmly. “'Would you mind reading it to me aloud?” This is the letter which I read to him: |- . -

“MY DEAR MR. SHERLOCK HOLMES: There has been ‘}a bad business during the nightat 3 Lauristofi gardens, off the Brixton road. Our man on t e beat saw a°light there about two in the morning, and, as the house was an empty one, suspected that se¢mething was amiss. He found the door open, and in .the front room, which is bare 'of furniture, discovered the body oi a gentleman, well dressed, and having cardsin his pocket bearing °the name of *‘Enoch J. Irebber, Cleveland, O, U. S. A’ There had been no robbery, ‘nor is there any evidence as to how the man met his death. There are marks of blood in the room, but there is no wound upon his ‘person. -We are at a loss as to how he came into the empty house; indeed, the whole affair is a puzzler. If you can come¢ round to the house any time before tg&elve, you will find me there. 1 have lett everything in statu quo until I hear frox‘l,;\ you. . If you are urable tocome I shall give you fuller details, and would esteem it a great kindness if you would favor me with your opinion. o ) ‘“Yours faithfully, TOBIAS GREGSON.” “Gregson is the smartestof the Scotland Yarders,” my friend remarked; ‘‘he and Lestrade are the pick of a bad lot. They are both quick and energetic, but conventional—shaeckingly so. They have their knives into one another, too. They are as jealous as a pair of professional beauties. There will be some fun over this case if they are both put upon the scent.” I was amazed at the calm way in which he rippled on. ‘‘Surely there is not a moment to be lost.”” I cried. “Shall I go and order you a cab?”

“I am not sure about whether I shall go. I am the most incurably lazy devil that ever stood in shoe leather—that is, when the fit is on me, for I can be spry enough at times.” “Why,it is just such a chance as you have been longing for.” ’ ‘“*My dear fellow, what does it matter to me? Supposing I unravel the whole matter, you may be shure that Gregson, Lestrade & Co. will pocket all the credit. That comesof being an unofficial: personage.” : . “But he begs you to help him.”

“Yes. Ie knows that I am his.superior, and acknowledges it to me; but he would cut his tongue out before he would own it to any third person. However, we may as well go and have a look. I shall work it out on my own hook. I may have a laugh at them, if I have nothing else.” Come on!”.

He hustled on his - evercoat, and bustled about in a way that showed that an cnergetic fit had superseded the apathetic one. ' ~ “Get your hat,” he said. : “You wish me to come?”

“Yes, if you have nothing better to do.” A minute later we were both in a hansom, driving furiously for the Brixton road. '

It was a very foggy, cloudy morning, and a dun-colored veil hung over the house tops, looking like the reflection of the mud-colored &treets beneath. My companion was in the best of spirits, and prattled away about Cremona fiddles, and the difference between a Stradivarius and an Amati. As for myself, I was silent, for the dull weather and the melancholy business upon which we were engaged depressed my spirits. _ , i

“You don’'t seem to give much thought to the matter in hand,” I said at last, interrupting Holmes’ musical disquisition. ) “No'data yet,” he answered. “Itis a capital Ix‘listal{e to theorize before you have all the evidence. It biases the judgment.” ' : “You will have your data soon,” I remarked, pointing with my finger; “this is. thfia Brixton road, and that is the house, if I am not very much mistaken.” ;

“So it is. Stop, driver, stop!” We were still a hundred yards or so from it, but he insisted upon our alighting, and we finished our journey upon foot. No. 8 Lauriston gardens wore an illomened and minatory look. It was one of four whieh stood back some little way from the street, two being occupied and two empty. The latter looked out with three tiers of vacant, melancholy =~ windows, which were blank and dreary, save that here and there a ‘“To Let” card had developed like a cataract upon the bleared panes. A small garden sprinkled over with a scattered eruption of sickly plants separated each of these houses from the street, and was traversed by a narrow pathway, yellowish in color, and consisting apparently of a mixture of clay ‘and of grayvel. The whole place was very sloppy from the rain which had fallen through the night. Tfie garden ‘was bounded by a three-foot brick wall witha fringe of wood rails upon the top, and against this wall was leaning a stalwart police constable, surroundéd by a small knot of loafers, who craned their necks and strained their eyes in the vain hope of catching some glimpse of the proceedings within. . - I had imagined that Sherlock Holmes wonld at once have hurried into the house and plunged into a study of the mPstery. Nothing appeared to be farther from his intention. With an air of nonchalance which, finder the circumstances, seemed to me to border upon affectation, he lounged up and down the pavement, and gazed va-| cantly at the ground, the sky, the opposite houses, and the line of railings. Having finished his serutiny, he proceeded slowly down the path, or rather down the'fringe of grass which flanked the path, keeping hiseyes riveted upon the ground. Twice he stopped, and once I saw him smile and heard him utter an exclamation of satisfaction. There were many marks of footsteps upon the wet, clayeysoil, but since the police had bfien coming and going over ‘it, I was unable to see how my companion could hope t 6 learn anything from it. Still, I had such extraordi_nary eviclén¢e of the quickness of his perceptive faculties that I had nodoubt that- he éouid see a great deal which was hidden from me, ; v At the door of the heuse we were met by a tall, white-faced, flaxenhaired man, with a note-book in his hand, who rushed forward and wrung my companion’s hand with effusion. “It is indeed kind of you to come;” he said; “I have had everything left untotuched.” : L “Lxcept that!” my friend answered, pointing to the pathway. ¢“lf a herd of buffaloes had passed along there cotild not be a greatct rhess. No doubt, however, you had drawn your, %wbcofi%lgé’an’s?gegsoi,’betore:yyg permitted this.” . v e . “Ihave had so much to do inside the house,” the detective said, evasively. “My collee > Mr. Le:trade, is

here. I had relied apon him to lovk after this.” ; = :

Holmes glanced at me, and raised his eyes sardonically. ““With two tuch men as yourself and Lestrade upon the ground, there will not be much for a third party to find out,” he taid. Gregson rubbed his hands in a selfsatisfied way. ‘I think we have done all that can be done,” he answered; “It’s a queer case, though, and I knew your taste for such things.” _

- SYiom did not come here in a cab?” asked Sherlock Holmes.

- **No;sir.” : “Nor Lestrade?” “No, sir.” : - “Then let us go and look at the room.” With which inconsequent remark he strode on into the house, followed by Gregson, whose features expressed his astonishment. A short passage, bare planked and dusty, led to the kitchen and offices. Two doors opened out of it to the left and to the right. One of these had obviously been closed for many weeks. The other belonged to the dining-room, which was the apartment in which the mysterious affair had occurred. Holmes walked in, and I followed him -with that subdued feeling at my heart which the presence of death inspires. ) It was a large, square room, looking all the larger for the abserce of all furniture.. A vulgar, flaring paper adorned the walls, but it was blotched in places with mildew, and here and there great strips had become detached . . N ‘ 3At &= i A\ ¥ R 158ty ghe Wl NONISE TR 1))~ A/; wl~ &y .:Si/‘;// N 2 g Wi 5, N : 7\ / A (/!:f;;;n, x 2 Z ?’ % i = ] | A / ‘!’_'/f"v. Sy ? : /4// - ! > 3.'/ WY g} _ ( U N § -}‘ » i <IN S o S : N /?7 o aaxd Y < %; ,% GAZED VACANTLY AT THE GROUND. and hung down, exposing the yellow plaster beneath. Opposite the door was a showy fireplace, surmounted by a mantle-piece of imitation white marble. On one corner of this was stuck the stump of a red wax candle. The solitary window was so dirty that the light was hazy and uncertain, giving a dull gray tinge to everything, which was intensified by the thick layer of dust which coated the whole apartment. - . i

- All these details I observed afterward. At present my attention was centered upon the single grim, motionless figure which lay stretched upon the boards with vacant, sightless eyes staring up at the discolored -ceiling. It was that of a man about forty-three or forty-four years of age, middlesized, broad-shouldered, with -crisp, curling black hair and a short, stubbly beard. He was dressed in a heavy broadcloth frock coat and waistcoat, with light colored trousers and im- ' maculate collar and cuffs. A top hat, fiell' brushed and trim, was placed upon the floor beside him. His hands were .elinched and his arms thrown abroad, while his lower limbs were interlocked as though his death-struggle had been & grievous one. On his rigid | face there stood an expression of hor- | ror and, as it seemed to me, of hatred, such as I have never seen upon human features. This malignant and terrible contortign, combined with the low forehead, blunt nose and prognathous jaw, gave the dead man a singularly simious and ape-like appearance, which was increased by his writhing, unnatural posture. I have seen death in ‘ many forms, but never has it appeared ‘ to me in'a more fearsome aspect than in that dark, grimy apartment, which looked out upon one of the main arte'ries of suburban London. R

Lestrade, lean and ferret-like as ever, was standing by the doorway, and greeted my companion and myself. “This case will make a stir, sir,” he remarked. ‘lt beats anything I have seen, and I am no chicken.” “There is no clew,” said Gregson. ‘““None at all,” chimed in Lestrade. Sherlock Holmes approached the body, and, kneeling dewn, examined it intently. ‘““You are sure that there is no wound?” he asked, pointing to numerous gouts and splashes of blood which lay all round. , ‘‘Positive!” cried both detectives. ‘“Then, of course, this blood belongs to a second individual—presumably the murderer, if murder has been committed. It reminds me of the circum-

| """7-‘.%-(\ : : 1 > % mmeho =2l [ T S/ =2 \' At e :"'-g,1% I ( l ( "‘. 7 =1 '\! // ‘\x\ ’, o e, : i |A X N E!’%\NP . BHERLOCK HOLMES APPROACHED THE BODY. -stances attendant on the death of Van Jansen, in Utrecht, in the year 1834. Do you remember the case, Gregson?”’ = YN, Biv.” “Read it up—you really should. There is. nothing new under the sun. It has all been done before.” ~ As he spoke, his nimble fingers were flying here, there and everywhere, feeling, pressing, unbuttoning, exam.ining, while his eyes wore the same far-away expression which I have already remarked upon. So swiftly was the examination made that one would hardly have guessed the minuteness with which it was conducted, Finally, he sniffed the dead man’s lips, and then ‘glanced at the soles of his patent‘leather boots. : ’ ~ “Ile has not been moved at all?” he -asked. L e - . “No merethen was necesgary for the ‘purpose of our examination.” , = ‘“You can take him to the mortuary now,” he said. ‘““There is nothing mors to be learned.” . . . IhosmcomroßOßßY' 00

PROTECTION FOR THE FARMER. What McKinleyism Is Doing for the Agricultural Class. ' The American manufacturer asks for protection from the American farmer’s competition, and that the American farmer shall be confined exclusively to the American market for farm products; that he shall be prevented by law from trading his surplus for foreign manufactures—from importing profitable payment. The American manufacturer has no other competitor except the Standard Oil company, our silver kings and our fishermen—whose competition is too small to trouble him. No foreign manufacturer can ‘‘compete” with the American manufacturer except through the American farmer, unless the foreign manufacturer gives us the foreign goods. If the goods are not given to us we must either steal them or exchange for them surplus farm products of, equal value. We can only ‘‘buy” them with metals, oil or farm products or g promise of them: ‘‘Cash” must be either product of labor or the promise of it. Congress grants the mill owner this protection by levying a tax on each exchange of surplus American farm products for foreign manufactured products. This tax ranges from 40 to 225 per cent., according to the article, and it is imposed upon the only party to it that congress can get hold of—the American farmer. Itislevied upon the final product of his labor—our imports. It is not imposed and cannot be.imposed until after the'goods have been exchanged, until the foreign goods have become the product of American labor. Not even the pretense of a tax can be levied on the foreigners because the constitution of the United States expressly forbids any tax on exports, and the foreigner has his untaxed goods exported as the final result of his labor. Protection, ‘‘to make things even,” offers the American farmer sawdust protection against the mill-owner’s invasion of the farmer’s ‘‘home market.” The farmer does not need even genuine protection. He has his own ‘‘home market” already, and he has a slice of the ‘“home market” for manufactured goods as well. Protection takes away from him this slice of the mill-owner’s market, and, while pretending to give him ‘what he has already, his own “home market,’”’ tries to deprive him of that also. : .

That the mill-owner may be able to export his mill surplus, exchange his mill products for foreign farm products and then bring these here in competition with the products of our farms, protection pays to the millowner, when he exgorts, 99 per cent. of any revenue taxes imposed on imported raw material, and taen admits the foreign farm products the mill-owner imports either free of duty or subject only to a very low revenue duty. Of the 50 leading farm products 10 are admitted free of duty, 5 are taxed only from 6 to 8 per cent, on 20 it is 10 per cent. or less, on 23 it is undgr 15 per cent. On only 9 does it exceed 20 per cent., and on only 5 items—wool, hops, rice, cane-juice and peanuts—is there even a pretense of stwdust protection.: Cotton-is free. - Wheat is taxed only 16 per cent., corn 18, cirnmeal 10, rye 17, buckwheat 10, .poultry 10, pork 16, beef 14, flax 7, hemp 6, milk 10, and so on with all general farm products. The manufacturer is protected against the competition of farm f{abor by average taxes of 80 per cent.; the farmer is protected against mill labor competition by average taxes of 10 per cent. - To discourage American farming and make it unprofitable a tax is levied on every exchange of farm products for foreign manufacturesy ranging from 40 to 255 per cent. and averaging nearly 80 per cent. On exchanges that can be still made at a profit it averages 48 per cent.; but how high it ison those that cannot be made—and some can be and are made on which 208 per cent. tax is paid—no man knows or can guess. Here is how it has discouraged farming generally and how it has made wheat farming unprofitable in the central states: ' _ : Farm Products Breadstug’e Xear, Eaxporied. Haxported. IBBL .. euuus e coen gues .. 8750,894,043 $270,832,519 1882, C ..iii v niiiive DD EOBOU 182,679,528 18880 l Dl anl sels D 19440 208,040,850 1884 o val L iaien o DO, 310018 162,644,715 1885, ... i Il 530,172,066 160,870,821 1888. . fivi civ b aaseee oo 485,904,690 125,846,658 1890 .o .c i v 829,800,808 154,925,987 IBOL caonsl inisiil vaean GASTHLBM - 178 121 850 1892 .L. . L.l 799,318,232 209,363,117 The mill-owners do naot wish to compete with the American farmer—at’ present. They have a bonanza in the home market, a gold mine they are satisfied to work. 1f theycan get rid of the farm competition—how they do not care—and supply the people at their own trust prices, they can ‘‘make enormous fortunes when times are‘good,” to quote Senator Plumb But no trust, no selling agreement, no combination of any kind is possible among the millowners while the farmers are free to produce & surplus of cdtton or wheat, export it, trade it for m!ill goods, bring it back, and dispose of itin competition. 1f they can drive one-fourth the farmers out of business or prevent them from exchanging their surplus, then they have the people by the throat.— N. Y. World. : i

BREEDERS OF WAGE PANICS. What the Republican Monopolists Are Doing for the Workingman. The organs of tariff monopoly are doing all they can tp put wages down. Every day they serve up a column or more each of editorial lamentations over the alleged fall, actual or prospective, in wages. With ceaseless iteration they assert that ‘‘wages are going down everywhere. Not a day passes without .its story of reductions somewhere.” ' g And wages must keep on going down, they assert, and it is useless to attempt to prevent the fall so long as there is any prospect of the passage of the Wilson bill. - | The attention of workingmen and labor organizations is hereby invited to the fact that the deliberate purpose of all this talk is to force wages down. The purpose of the republican monopoly tariff organs is to encourage protected employers in cutting wages and to make eé_nployes believe that it is useless for them to resist. ' Professing to be the only true friends of labor, the tariff monopolists and their republican organs join hands in oppressing labor to its utmost in or%elr, ‘if possible, to defeat the Wilson ill. gl

With them it is anything to beat tariff reform; anything to regain control of congress and prolong the life of the robber system under which they grow rich enough tobuy up unnumbered “pblocks of five.”” What matters it to them. how much suffering they inflict upon workingmen so they but gain the end they have in view? . : No doubt there has been some fall in wages since the silver-protection panic of last summer, but that is something

that happens after every panic. Ithas not been so great as was the fall after the panic of 1873, when there was no tariff reduction in sight. ;

And this is the moreremarkable from the fact, already stated, that the beneficiaries of prutection have taken the utmost advantage of the depression and exaggerated the after effects of the panic as much as possible for their own selfish purposes. : The fall in wages which has occurred has been confined almost- entirely to those industries which have been most highly fa.vo‘redT by tariff legislation. In the building' trades and other unprotected industries there has been little or no fall. It now costs about ten per cent. less to build a business struecture in Chicago than it did to build a like structure before the panic. But the difference is in the cost of materials, especially those materials, such as iron, which are the products of highly protected industries. The cost of labor employed in the work of construction is not less. Any good architect.in the city will confirm this statement. :

- The assertions of the wage-panic breeders are therefore mostly false in fact, and they are wholly ahd maliciously false in the inferences they are intended to suggest. = - . By their own admissions, made not many months ago, the panic and the industrial - depression necessarily following were due: entirely to the mischievous protective silver legislation, and not at all to the prospect of relief from tariff burdens and . extortions. Restriction of production;, discharge of workmen and more or less reduction of wages necessarily followed the panie. What is to be thought of manufacturers and editors who for selfish or partisan reasons strive to make the situation as bad as possible, instead of seeking to mitigate its necessary hardships? Workingmen in the protected industries may answer that question for themselves. If they are not prepared to formulate their answer now they will be by next November.—Chicago Herald. | ;

M’KINLEY AS A STATESMAN.

One of the Smallest Politicians Who Kver Reached National Distinction.

Gov. William McKinleyis flying from one part of the country to the other on a speech-making tour, and is showing himself to the people with as much industry as a ward candidate for office displays in the spring campaign. - He is keeping himself before the public with the persistence of a patent medicine advertiseinent on dead walls and board fences. Evidently he does not mean that the voters shall forget him for a day. . _; ; Gov. McKinley is one of the smallest politicians who ever reached national distinction in this country. He is not a statesman. He is not a scholar. He is not an orator. - Accident, that is, his luck, has boosted him into a conspicuous place, and has ‘‘blazed” for him a track through the political = woods toward the presidency. ; S Gov. McKinley was not the ' real author of the tariff bill which bears his name. The bill was framed, in substance, by the agents of the protected monopolies for their own benefit. - MeKinley simply presented them a form—a skeleton of the measure, and each protected interest filled in the figures for itself. ‘‘How much do you want?” was, in effect, the question asked of each monopoly, and - according as it was answered the tariff was fixed. The completed bill, as it received McKinley’s name, was a mere indication, in the various scheduled items, of -the extent and intensity of monopoly greed in establishing the amount of “protec-: tion” that it was-to enjoy. There is no measure of government, except the highest and most unconscionable tariff ever adopted by a civilized pation, with 'which McKinley’s name is associated.. His only title to eminence is that he was the putative author of an enormous and extortion~ ate tax -on the people of the country, levied for the benefit of the limited class of baron manufacturers—cloth barons, iron barons, glass barons and other momnopoly barons of ‘all degrees,

He is not identified with the cause of a sound currency, with any great na~ tional policy, except the pernicious tax policy, with any great public reform, with any great improvement, with any work of progress and American development. The chapter of accidents gave his name to an outrageous tariff bill which he did nop?me. and it has become his stock in ftrade—his capital in business—trafficking for the first offices in the nation. ; :

It may as well be admitted that early in this year, 1894, after twelve months of power, the democrats have not made as much . progress 4§ they ought to have madeé in securing a successful issue to the presidential campaign of 1896. A victory then, which ought to have been a certainty now, has been placed in peril. But there is abundant time and there will be plenty of opportunities to retrieve the errors that have been made and to enter upon a winning campaign. i

To that end it is probably best that the republicans should nominate MeKinley for president. The republican platform, properly interpreted, reads: ‘“Up with taxes; death to commerce,” and a man should stand upon it who represents that - principle.—Chicago Herald. = ' . ' ; PARAGRAPHIC POINTERS. ——Tlt will be observed that Harrison and McKinley agree that the voters of the country are ignorant and didn’t know what they were voting for in 1892.—N. Y. World. ——Mr. Cleveland did well to put an end to the unseemly wrangle in which the supreme court was a football. As for New York, the state must make the best of a situation that is unfortunate from whatever point it may be viewed.—N. Y. World. . ——lln thinking over the Hawaiian matter, it is well to keep in mind that of the thirteen thousand legal voters of Hawaii, eight thousand have signed a petition for the restoration of the government which was overturned a year ago by the firm of Stevens, Marines & Co.—Detroit Free Press. ——The president has done the sensible thing in leaving the New York wraugle and going as far away as Louisiana for a supreme court justice. The demoeratic party will follow his example and take its presidential nominees from other states than ' New York.—Louisville Courier- Journal ——Secretary Gresham’s name is on the pension roll, but the government isn’t any poorer on that account. His idea of keeping his name on the roll of honor and declining to draw his pension is . worthy of the consideration of other pensioners who do not need the money.—Boston Herald. @~

' THE WILSON BiLL. = It Should Be Promptly Passed by the Senate. : : The World has asked the leading manufacturers of the country what they think of the influence of the 'Wilson bill upon business, and this morning we print the answers of many of them, formulated and signed by themselves. b - i

George A. Macbeth, glass manufacturer, says, with the clear-sighted courage of a successful American man of business, that whether the bill passes now or a year hence it will ‘‘produce no shock in the commercial world.” But 'he adds emphatically: ““The sooner it if passed the better. The present chaotic state of business will then regulate itself.” . i

B. F. Jones, iron manufacturer and late chairman of the republican national committee, declares that the present depression in the iron trade ‘“is due to the uncertainty and to nothing else.” He- does not like- the bill, but desires its early passage on the ground that every month’s delay must bring additional detriment to industry. It is nothing in the bill that he fears, but prolonged inaction in the senate. Elliott C. Clark, of the Boott cotton mills, Lowell, also regards the uncertainty and the possibility of delay in passing the bill as the sole sources of danger to business. L

C. M. Weld, print cloth manufacturer, is convinced that the measure will compel economy on the part of mill owners, and says that the only direction in which economy is possible is in the reduction of wages. He does not take into consideration the possibility of making the necessary saving by cutting down the very high salaries of officers of the manufacturing corporations. Mr. Blaine very clearly showed that the labor cost of American cottons is actually less than that of British cottons, their only competitors. If our print cloth mills cannot compete with the British without MeKinley duties the difficulty lies in some other direction than the wages of workmen.

A. P. Martin, shoe manufacturer, of Boston, does ‘“not think that the passage of the Wilson bill would reduce the price of labor. It would open the markets of the world to other industries. as it has to the shoe and leather trade, by reason of having cheap raw materials.” : : o

Rufus P. Greeley, a Boston woolen manufacturer, is apprehensive lest under the operation of the Wilson bill th: country may be ‘“‘flooded with foreign goods” so cheap as to compel a general reduction in prices of woolens.. That is a f)rospect which the workingmen, the farmers and other consumers of woollen goods will contemplate with the utmost equanimity. . The opinion of nearly all the manufacturers who have expressed themselves is that' the one ‘danger to business is the possibility of delay in the passage of the bill. Those who think its schedules likely to bein any way detrimental declare that their effect has already been discounted. Those who see no harm in the schedules agree with the others in seeing a very posi-: tive danger in .any unnecessary delay in settling the matter. Those who approve and those who disapprove the bill are of one mind in regarding its passage as certain and its early passage as desirable in order that commeérce and industry may quickly adjust themselves to the new conditions. - :

The one thing to be feared is senatorial pottering of the kind which has already this year cost the country a financial disaster.—N. Y. World. : REED’S RECKLESS STATEMENTS His References to Englisb Corn Laws Are Misleading. S By a singular fatuity, common to the instinct of the party, republican editors have seized that part of Mr. Reed’s speech in which he dealt with the period of the English corn law repeal as the most brilliant and successful effort, not only of his speech, but of the debate. It happens that that is just the portion of Mr. Reed’s argument in which he was either entirely ignorant of the facts or in which he most willfully suppressed them. Let us state his position in all frankness, in his own words: - ‘‘According to the usual storv that is told, England had been engaged in a. long and vain struggle with the demon of protection, and had been year after year sinking further into the depths, until at a moment when she was in her deepest distress and saddest plight, Mr. Cobden and his friends providentially appeared, and after a hard strugzle established a principle for all time and for all the world, and straightway England enjoyed the sum of human happiness. Hence all good nations should do as England has done, and all would be well. e

‘“This fairy tale has not the slightest resemblance to history. i o “Was that crusade the same as is waged here to-day? Are the gentlemen of the ways and means committee legitimate successors of Bright and Cobden and the Anti-Corn Law league? Not the least in the world. That was a ficht by the manufacturers. This is a ficht against the manufacturers.” Now what were the facts? The declaration of the league, which directed the repeal agitation, expressly laid down the prineiple that all duties were to be abolished. Its organizers selected the duty on corn only as the most edious and the most successful to appeal to the country on, forit touched every man’s stomach (mostly then em pty, by virtue of its operation), but the battle was continued against every other form of protection duty until the number of articles liable to duties has been reduced from the host, which no man could number, to a total of less than twenty. . i .Mr. Reed put in the forefront the battle for corn-tax repeal—a repeal he justifies, curiously enough, on exactly the .arguments we democrats use against him— “chause it was an odious law enacted to | enhance the price of bread,not for the benefit of the farmer, but of the aristocratic owner of the land;” just as we say odious laws here ‘‘enhance the price,” not for the benefit of him who makes, but of the aristeoratic combiner. Having got so far honestly, however, he ‘drops the history of the repeals of protective customs duties which followed corn, and then pauses, point#_the moral to his admiring and unenlightened satellites, and says: ‘‘Thank God we are not like those wicked Bnglish tories who enhanced the price of daily bread. We do no such abomination, and, therefore, gentlemen, the democratic allusion to the free trade campaign in England is a ‘fairy tale.’” = 5 - We will continue the history, in short, where Mr. Reed blindly or willfully left it So multitudinous were

the articles subject to impert duty nao man could number them; they were like the sands of the sea. No man living at the tinfe when, in August, 1841, Peel Became prime minister and chancellor of the exchequer, with an empty treasury, which higher and higher protection only starved more and more effectually; could be found to tell the committee on import . duties how many articles were really subject to duty. All the most experienced secretary of the board of‘trade could say was that there were- 1,150 articles specifically mentioned, each having a fixed specifie duty charged thereon, butithat everything which was missed by the specific duty was covered by three other ad valorem duties of 50 and 5 and 20 per cents., respectively. Anyway, the customs for the year ended January 5, 1840, amounted to $113,000,000. In the three years succeeding 1841 the duties on 500 articles were entirely repealed, and on 700 more the duties were reduced. . : ~ln 1845 520 niore articles were placed on the free list at one blow. Nearly all customs taxes on raw material were released, the only exception being timber and tallow, which survived yet a few more years:.- - / . " Where Peel left' the ax in 1845 Gladstone took “it up in 1853, and before 1860 he had reduced rates on 210 articles and repealed 110-duties. | ~ln 1860 he reduced rates on 56 articles'and repealed 250 duties. In 1861. he brought the total of articles leviable to 127; in 1866 to 100; in 1867 to 64, and in 1886 to4y. 1 - ot A And yet Mr. Reed would have the Ameérican voter believe the moverhenlt | was merely one begun and concluded against'an odious corn tax and not for the freedom of manufacture and raw material. Not so. The corn law was the strongest point of attack ' The principle admitted on that repeal carried the logical sequénce—the ultimate freedom of all.—American Industries. = THE SUGAR TRUST: It Is Only Concerned in Maintaining Its Own "Abnormal Profits. i The sugar lobby, as our Washington correstndence shows, is .active and powerful, and it is all the more dangerous because its influence is political as well as pecuniary. - . The sugar trust is not interested in securing revenue : for the government.

It is concerned in maintaining. its ownabnormal profits.. If it advocates the restoration of a duty on raw sugars it desires that such a restoration shall be accompanied -by abundant protection for itseif in the form of a duty on refined sugars. o ‘ ' ~ This grasping trust is treading on dangerons ground. The people have no love for it, and the democratic senator or representative who.supports and furthers its desire will Betray his constitients. lumay be that the efforts of the #trust. will result in harm to itself. It is playing with a two-edged. sword. - In _endeavoring to. serve its pocket it may easily reimpose a tax upon it. Congress may conclude that a tax should be placed uponraw sugars for ‘revenue purposes, and may also agree ‘with the people that nothing should be done to aid the trust. The trust would not like a duty on its raw material, and free refined sugars. DBut congress is quite likely to accept the testimony of experts that sugar tan be refined in this country cheaper than anywhere else, and keep refined sugars on the free list, where they are. placed by the Wilson bill, while placing a revenue tax on raw sugars.—N. Y World, =~ . - e Our Glass Exports. ' "The exports of window glass for the year ended December 31, 1893, were $13,552, an increase of $2,799 over same period of previous year. Glass and glassware, $967,951, an increase of $59,550 - over previous year. This speaks well for American enterprise, in the face of business depresison to add to their foreign sales. Possibly the cheapening of their ware had a stimulating effect. We hope they will continue to progress in this direction as it means employment for American workmen and profit for American manufacturers. With improved methodsand improved guality, which are the prime requisites for American window glass manufacturers, we hope to see the exports increase: and the beggarly amount now exported made an object. This is probably too much to expect, as our manufacturers have been contented to use each.other up in home competition and make no effort to realize home trade by seeking other markets for the supplies %fianuf&cturel. . They prefer to put out their fires anl - remain idle rather than trouble themselves to sell in other countries what we cannot ‘consume. With tank furnaces and. increased output they are compalled to bestir themselves if they desire to . give employment to their workmen and relieve the home markets of surplus window glass.—National Glass Budget. :

1 " . England’s Golden Age. . > That is an unfortunate parallel the Globe-Democrat seeks to draw between the present congress and that session of the British. parliament which repealed the corn laws. Our contemporary declares that ‘‘free trade and'an income tax” came in together in England, just as they are doing here. . The statement is a historical fact. ' Another . historical fact, growing di‘rectly out of the first, is that the period .since “free trade and income tax” came :in has been the golden age of England: iTemporary periods of depression have ‘come, of course, as they must and will to any nation, but the business of the country and prosperity of the people ‘have /been so -incomparably superiqr, under ‘‘free trade and income tax’ to ‘what they were before that there is not a statesman of rank in any party of England to-day who would risk his political career by propesing to return to the old conditions. - " The parallel is a deadly thing in. politics when in the hands of men not truly great.—St. Louis Republic. . ' «Protection” Ruining France. ~ In the French chamber of deputies M. Jules-Charles Roux, a well known manufacturer of Marseilles,'a member ‘of the.tribunal of commerce and cham‘ber of commerce of that city, made a, ‘speech in opposition to the corn tax ‘proposals of the government. He de‘clared that the acceptance of these pro~ posals would lead to the destruction of French commerce and would increase ‘the price of bread, which was already 'much dearer in France than in any 'other country. - Protectionism, he de‘elared, was ruining the country. The statistics showed that since a protective ‘policy had been adopted there had been a yearly falling off of 2,000,000 tons inthe amount of freight earrigd in Fran-e. “This poliey was a suicidal one, and he urged that the government go back ta. i e