Ligonier Banner., Volume 14, Number 3, Ligonier, Noble County, 8 May 1879 — Page 3

YETO OF THE ARMY BILL. The Fresident Refuses to Sign the Army Appropriation Bill, and Gives His Reasons for So Doing. P B o oo WASHINGTON, April 20. The following is the message of the President of the United States on returmn% to the House of Representatives the Lill entitled *““An act making appropriations for the support of thé army for the fiscal Zear ending June 30, 1880, and for other purposes:” i To the House of Representatives: I have maturely considered. the important questions presented by the bill entitled **An act making appropriationg for the support of the army for the fiscal year ending June 80, 1880, and for other i){urposes, *and I now return it to the House of epresentatives, in which it originated, with my objections to its approval. ! The bill provides in the usual form for the appropriations required for the support of the army during the next fiscal year. If it contained no lother provisions it would receive my prompt ap‘proval. Itincludes, however, further legislation which, attached as it is to appropriations which are requisite for, the efticient performance of some of the most necessary dutier of the Government, involves questions of the gravest character. The sixth gection of the bill is umeudat}ury of a statute now in ‘force in regard to the ‘authority of persons in the ‘civil, military and naval service of . the United States at the place where! any general or special election is held in any State. "This statute was adopted Feb. 25, 1865, after-a protracted debate in the Senate, and almost without opposition in the House of Representatives, by the concurrent votes of. both of the leading political parties of the country, and became law by the approval of President Lincoln. ‘*SEec. 5528, Every ofticer of the army or navy, or other person in the civil, military or naval service of the United Stateg, who orders, brings, keeps or has under his authority or control any troops or armed men at any place where a general or special election is held in any State, unless such force be necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States, or to keep peace-at the polls, shall be fined not more than $5,000 and sufter imprisonment at hiard labor not less than three months nor more than five years,”-was re-enacted in 1874, in'the Revised Statutes of the United States. ! **Sec. 2002. No military or naval officer or other person engaged in the civil, military or naval scrvice of -the United States shall order. bring, keep or have under his authority or control any troops or armed men at the place where any general or special election is held in any State, unléss it ‘be nccessary to repel armed enemies of the United States.” |

The amendment proposed to this statute, in the bili before me omits from both of the foregoing scctions the words * or to keep the peace at the polle.” The eficct of the adoption of this amendment may be considered—first, upon the right of the United States Government to use military force to kecep peace at elections for members of Congress; and, sccond, upon the right of the Government by civil authority to protect these elections from violence and fraud. . In additiqn to the sections of the statute above quoted, the following provisions of the law relating to the use of the military power at elections are now in force: . e . BEC. 2003. No officer of the army or navy of the United States shall {)rcscribc, or fix, or at~tempt to prescribe or fix, by proclamation, order, orotnerwise, the qualifications of voters in any State; or in any manner interfere with the freedom of any election, in any State, or with the exercisc of the free rights of suffrage in any State.” * SEC. 5519. Every oilicer or other person in the military or naval gervice, who by force, threat, intimidation, order, advice or otherwise, prevents, or attempts to prevent, any qualified voter of any State from freely exercising the right of suffrage atany general or specfal election in such State ghall be fined not more tlmix $5.000, and imprisoned at hard labor not moré than five years.’ "~ **SEec.: 5530. Every officer of thé army or navy who prescriles, or fixes, or attempts to pre- “ scribe or fix, whether by proclamation, order or otherwise, the qualifications of voters at any election, in any State, shall be_punished as provided in the preceding section.” B ; ** SEC. 558 4. Every officer or other person in the military. or naval rervice, who, by force;. threat, intimidation, or otherwise, compelg, or at-’ tempts to compel, any ofticer holding an election in any State to receive the vote from a person not - legally qualified to jvote, or who imposes, or attempts to impose, any regulations for conducting any general or special election 'in any State different {rom those prescribed by law, or who interferes in m)ly.'l manner with any offlcer of election in the disc arge of his duty, shall be punished as prescribed in Scction 5224." / . *BSEc. H 532. Every person convicted of any of -the offenses gpecified in the five preceding section shall, in aud.tion to the punishments therein severally prescribed, be disqualitied from holding any oftice of honor, profit or trast under the Uni.ed States; but nothing in thosé sections shall be construed to prevent any officer, soldier, sailor or marine from exercising the right of suffrage in any election district to which he may belong, if otherwige qualified according to the laws of the Siate in which he oficrs to vote.”? - g The foregoing enactinents would seem to be sufticicnt to prevent military interference with eléctions; but tne lust C. ngress, to remove all ap})rchcushm of such iunterference, added to this’ body of the law Sec 15 of the act, entitled *An act making an appropriation for the support of the army for the fiscal year endingdune 30, 1879, and for other purposes,” approved June 18, 1878, whick is as follows: '

‘“ Sgc. 15. From and after the {mssage of this act, it shall not be lawful to employ any part of the Army of the United States as a posse comi{atus, or otherwise, for the purpose of executing ~ the laws, except in such cases; and under such circumstances, as such employment of said force may be expressly authorized lay the Constitution, or by the act of Congress, and no money appropriated by this act shall be used to pay any of the expenses incurred in the employment of any! troops in violation of this section; and any. perron willfully violating the provisions of this scction ghall be decemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and. upon conviction thereof. shall be punished by finc¢ not exceeding $lO 00), 6r Imprisonment - not exceeding two years, or both such fine and imprisonment.” This act passed the Senate, after full congideration, without a single vote recorded against it on ite final passage, and by a majority of more than two-thirds it was concurred in by the {Houke of Representatives. The purpose ot the section quoted was stated in .the Senate by one of its supporters as follows: : ‘Therefore, 1 hope, without getting into any ~coniroversy about .the pase, but acting wisely for the future, that we shall take away the idea that. the army can be ured by a General or Special Deputy Marshal, or any Marshal, merely for ¢lection purposes, or a possce ordering them about the polls, or ordering theni anywhere elsé*where there 18 no election going on, to greven!‘. disorders or suppress disturbanees that should be snppressed by the peace ofticers of the State, or, if they must | bring others to their aid, they should spmmon unauthorized citizens and not summon' the officers and men of the army as a posse condtalus to quell disorders, and thus get up a feeling which will be disastrous to the peace among people of the country.” £ ] 7 . )ln the House of Representatives, the object of the act of 1878 was gtated ‘by the gentleman who had it in charge in gimilar terms. He gaid: © ** But these are all minor poinds, and. ingignifi-. cant points’ compared with' the great \principle ~which was incorporated by the House in the bill in relerence to the *ure of armed men in peace. The Senate had already included what they called, and what we might accept, as ar&)rinelp{e. but they had stricken out the penalty and had stricken out the word ‘ expresgly,” 8o that the army might * be used in all cascs where imﬂled authority might be interfered with. The Housge committee planted themeelves firmly upon the doctrine - that, rather than yield this ‘fundamental prixlcinc, for which for three iears this House had . struggled, they would allow the bill to fail, not- © withstanding the leforms that ‘we had secured, re.garding theése reforms of but little Consequence alongside of thggtcut principle that the army of the United States in time of peace should be un- * der the control of Congress and obedient to its laws. - After a long and protracted negotiation, the Senate Committee has conceded that principle in all its leugth and breadth, including the penalty which the Senate had stricken out. We brin% you back, therefore, a report—a report with the alteration of a sln’gle word which lawyers assure me is proper to be made, restoring to this bill the principle for which we have contended go long, and which is 8o vital to secure the rightsand Hber- * ties of the people. Thus have we this day secured to the people of this country the same great protection against a standing argiy,which cost the stru§gle'of two hundred yéars for the Commons of England to secure for the British people.” | Krom this brief review of the snb;::ct, it sufficiently appears thar under the exist_nfz laws there cun be no military interference with elections. No case of such interference has, in faet, occurred . since the pagsage of the act last referred to. No . oflicer of tue United States has appeared undep orders at any place of election in any State. No | complaint even of the presence of United States I, troops has been made in any quarter. It may " therefore be confidently stated that there is no necessity for thie enactment of Bve. 6 of the bill beforg me to ;irevent military interfer ence at elections. The laws alr.epgy in force -are all that is required for that end. . But that part of Sec. 6of this _blfel w‘iﬂch is s&nlﬁpaut d vitally important is the claige whl?h “t“’t":& will deprive the civil authorities of the Unfted States of all power to keep peace at Congressional eled- _ tions. CUongressional elections in every district; in a ver{'glportmt,, sense, ntequg' a matter of political ‘interegt and concern throughout the whole country. Each -State—every golmcal garty-—is entitled to a share of the power which ig conferred -by legal and Constitu‘tional suffrage. It isthe rﬁtuol*overy citizen gosneumg' the nmcux{ qualifications Pmescrlbod by law to cast one unintimidated ballot, and to have his ballot honestly counted. So long as the exercise of this power and the eniovment of this

tizht'are common and equal, practically as well as formally, rubmisgsion to suffrage will be accorded ‘loyally and chccd‘ulli','nnd the Departments of the Government wiil fecl the true vigor of the pogilar will thus expregsed. Two provisions of the Constitution authorize legislation by Congress for the regulation of Congressional elections. | Bec. 4of Art. /1. of the Constitution dec'ares: 4The times, places and manner of holding electiionsléor Scnatois and liepresentatives ehall be presd ibed in each S.ate, by the Legisiature thereol; but Congress m .y, at any lime,‘b{ law, make or alter such rezulations, except as to the p aces of choosing Senators.” A The h%xtcemh Amendment to the Constitution is as follows: ; ‘ : **Sec. 1. The right ¢f citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridgcd by the United States. or by any State. on account of race. color or previous condition of servitude. Y% Sec. 2. ’l‘ge Congress shall have power to enforce thig article by appropriate legislation.” The Supreme Court has held that this amendment invests citizens of the United States with a new Constitutional right, which is within the rotecting power of Congress. That richt the })ourt declares to be the cxemption from discrimination in the exercise of the clective franchise onacconnt of race, color or previous condition of servitude. The power of Cougress to protect this right by appropriate legislation, expressly aftirmed by the Court, aud to provide safcgaurds. for free and homest electiong, is necessary, as experience has shown, not only to sccure the right to vote to the enfranchised race atthe South, but alsoto prevent fraudulent voting in the large citics of the North. Congress has, therefore, exercised the power conferred by the Constitution, and has enacted certailr laws to prevent discrimination on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude, and to punish fraud, violence and intimidation at Federal elections. :

Attention is called to the following sections of the Revised Statutes of the United States, viz: Sec. él}()-&, which guarantees all citizens the right td vote without distinction on account of race, color or previous condition of ﬁervimd(?; Secs. 2005 and 20006, which guarantee to all citizens an equal opportunity, without discrimination, to perform ali the acts required by law as a prerequisite or - qualification for voting; . Scc. 2022, which authorizes the United: States Marshal’ : and his Deputies to keeppeace . and preserve order at Federil clegtions: Sec. 2024, which authorizes the- - States Marsual and his Deputies to snmmyn & posse comitalus whenever they, or any of thém, are forcibly resisted in the execution ot their duties under the law, and aie prevented from executing their duties by violence. Sec. 5522, which ‘provides for the ipumshmu‘_ut of she crimg of interlering with Supéryisors of Election and ' Deputy Mar=hals in the discharge of their duaties at eleetious of Kepreseniatives in Congress. - Thes¢ are some of-the laws on this subject, which it is the daty of the Executive Department of the Government to enforce.

Thefintent and effect ol the sixth section of this bill is'to prohibit: all eivil osficers of the United States, under a penalty of fine and imprisonment, from employing any adequate civil force for this purpose-at the place where their enforcement is most necessaty, namely: At places where Qongressional eieclious. are held. Among the most valuable enactments to which I have referred are those which protect the Supervisors of Federal clections in the . wscharge of their duties at the polls. If the pending legislation should become a law, there is no power vestéd m any ofticer of the .Government to protect from violence the officers of the United States engaged in the discharge of their duties. Theirriguts and duties under the law will remain, but the National Government will be powerless to enforce its own statutes. The States may employ both military and civil power, to -keep the peuce and to entorce the laws at State elections. 1t is now proposed to deny to the United States even the neecesary civil authority to protect National elections. No sufiicient reason has been given for this diserimination in favor of a State and against National authority. "1t well-founded objections exist against the present’ National Election laws, all good citizens should unite in’ their amendment. Laws providing rafeguards of elections should be impartial, just and eflicient. I'hey should, if possible, be so non-partisan and fair in their operation that the minotity party. out of power will, have no just grounds to complain. 71T'ne present laws have in practice unquesuonably conduced to the prevention of fraud and violence at elections. In several of the States members of ditferent political parties have applied for the sateguards which they furnish. g

1t ig the right and duty of the National Governmentto enact and enforce the laws which will secure free and fair Congiessional elections. The laws now in fore shouid not be repealed except in connection, with the enactment of measures which will better accomplish that important end. Believing that Sec. ¢of the bill before me will weaken, 1t it does not altogether take away, the power of the National Government to protect Fedcral elections by the civil authorities, I am forced to 'the conclusion that it ought not to receive* my approval. That scction is, however, not presented to 'me as a separate and independent measure, but ig, as has been siated, attaclied to the bill making the usaal annual appropriations for the support of the army. 1t makes u vital change in the Klection law of the country, which is inno way connected with the uge of the army. It prohibitg, under, heavy penalties, any person enguged in the Civil Sérvice of the United States from having any force at. the place of any election prepaied 1o preserve order, to make arresis, to keep the peace, or in any manner to enforce the laws.. This is altogetuer forlc’ign to the purpose of an Army Appropriation itl. ; ¢ ; 5

The practice of tacking to the Army Appropriation bills measures not pertinent to such bills did not prevail until more than forty ycark aiter the adop:ion of the Constitwdon. It has become the common practice. All parties, wuen in power, have acopted it.. Many abuses, and a great waste of public money, have in this way crept into Appropriadon - bills. The public opinion of the couniry is against it. The States which have recently adopted Congtitutions have gene.ally provided a remedy tor the evil by enacting that no law shall contain more than one subject, which shall be planly expressed in its title.” I'he Constitutions.of more tuan half of the States contain substantially tuis provision. : / The public welfare will ‘be promoted in many ways by a return to the early practice of the Government and to the true principle of legislation, which.requires that every measure shall stand or fall according to its own merits. Ifit were under§tood that to attach to an :Appropiiation bill a measure irrelevant to the general object of the bill would imperil and probably prevent its final passage and approval,'a yaluable reform in the parljamlz;nﬁaay practice of Cougress would be accomished. 1 P-Thc best justification that has been offered for attaching irrelevant riders to Appropriation billa ip that it is done for convenience’s sake, to facilitate the passage of measures which are deemed expedient by all “branches of the Government which participaie in the legislation. S It cannot be claimed that there is any such reason for attaching this amendment of the Elecvion law to the Army Appropriation bill. The hiswx of the measure contradicts this assumption. majority of the House of Representatives in the last Congress was in favor of this section of this bill. It was known that a majority of the Senate was opposed 1o it, and ~ that ‘as a separate meagure it could ' mot be adopted. It was /attached to the Army Apgn'opriauon bill to compel the Senate to asgent to t. It was plainly announced to the Senate that the Army Appropriation bill would not be allowed to paes unless the proposed amendments of the Election laws were adoxged with it. The Senate refused to assent to the bill on account of this irrelevant section. Congress thereupon adjourned without gn.ssing the Appropriaivion bill for the 'a.rmg, and the present extra session of the Fortysixth Congress became necessary to carry on the Government. :

The ground upon which the action of the House of Representatives is defended has been distinctly stated by many of its advocates. / A week before the close of the last session of Congress the doctrine in question was stated by one of ite ablest defenders as follows: St It is our duty to-reépeal these; it is not worth while to attempt to repeal exccg)t upon an A(Ppropriation bill. 'T'he Republican Senate would not agree 10, nor the Republican President sign, the bill for such repeal. Whatever objection tolegislation upon Approp(fiation bills may be made in an ordinary case, does not apply where free elections and the liberty:of citizens are concerned. We have the poswer to ¥ote the money. Let us annex' conditions to it and insist upon a redress of the grievance.”” = ~ | ; By another distinguished m¢mber of the House it was said; : ** The right of the Representatives of the peoFle to withhold supplies is as old as English iberty. History rccords numerous instances where the Commons, feeling that the Yeople were oppreesed by a law that the Lords would not consent to repeal by the ordinary methoﬁs of legislation, obtained redress at last by refusing appropriations unless accompanied by relicf measures, i : *The Senate represents States. We represent the tax-payers of the Republic. We, therefore, by the very .terms of the Sgonstitutiqn. are charged with the duty of originating the bills which grant the money of the people. We claim the right which the Houee of Commons in England established after two centuries of contest, to say #at we will not grant the money of the people unless there is a redress of grievances.” ; | i That question of gravest magnitude, and new in this country, was ra.sed b{y this courre of d;:u-oceed-ing, and was fuily recognized also by its defenders in the Senate. It was said by a’ distinguished Senator: ‘‘ Perhaps no greater question, in the form in which we are brought to conei. er it, was ever congidered by an Awmerican Congress, in time of peace, for it involves not ‘only the meritd and demerits of. laws which the Houge biil proposes to repeal, but, iﬁvolves the rights, the privileges, the powers, the duties, of the two branches of Con-' gress and of the L resident of the United States.” Upon the assemuling of this Congress in %ursl,lance of the call for ,an extra session, which was made necessary by the failure of the Forty-fifth Congress to make the needful aﬁpropriatlon for the support of the Government, the question was

presented whether the attempt made in the last Congrees to engraft, by oonntmogtion, & new principle upon the Constitution should be persidted in or not. This Congress has ample opportunity and time to pass the Appropriation bill and also to en-’ act may political meusures which may be determincd upon in separate bills and by the usaal an(F orderly methods of procedure. But the majority of both houses-have detmed it wise to adhere to the principle asserted and maintained in the last Congress by the majority of the House cf Representatives. That principle is that the House of Kepresentatives has the sole right to originate bil:s for the raising of revenue, and, therefore, has the right 1o withhold the appropriations upon which the existence of the Government may depend unless the Senate and Pregident shall give their assent to any legislation which thet Housi may see fit to attach to Appropriation bills. To establish this principleis to make a radical, dangerous and unconstitutional change in the character of our institutions. ° s

The various Departments of tne Government and Army\ and Navy are established by the Constitution, or by-laws passed in pursnance “thereof. Their duties are clearly defined, and their su}l)port is carefully provided for by law. Che money re%uired for this (furpose has been collected from the people and is now in the Treasury, reddy to he' paid out as the Appropriation bills are passed. Whether the appro‘priations are made or not, the: collection of Itaxes will go on. The public money will accumu‘late in the Treasury. It was not the intention of the framers of the Constitution that any siigle branch of the Government should have power to dictate the conditions upon which this treasure should be applied to thé parposes for which it was collected. Any such intention, if ithad been entertained, would have been plainly expressed in the Constitution.

Thata majorit{{of the Senate now concurs in the claim of the House adds to the gravity of the rituation, but does not alter the question at issue. The new doctrine, ifmaimaine((il, will result in a consolidiition of unchecked and despotic power in the House of Representatives. A bare majority of the House will become the Government. The Executive will no longer be what the framers of {he Constitution intended, an equal and independent branch of .the Government. Itis clearly the Constitutional duty of the Presidﬁnt to exercise his discretion and judgment upon all bills presented to him, without constraint or duress from anysother branch oi the Government. : : To say that a majority of either or both houses of Congregs may ingist on the approval of a bill, under the penalty of stopping all of the operations of the Government, for want of the necessary sup})elics. is to deny to the Executive that share of the Tegislative power . which -is plainly conferred by the second. section of . the seventh article -of the = Constitution. It strikes from the Constitution . the qualified negative of the President. . It is said that this should be donebecause it is the peculiar function of the House of Representatives to represent the will of the people; but no ringle branch or Department of the Government has exclusive authority to speak for the American people. The most anthentic and solemn expression of their will is csoumined in the Constitution of the Uuited States. : . By that Constitution the{ have ordained and cstablished a Government whose powers are distributed among co-ordinate branches, which, as fur as poes.ble, consistently with a harmonious co-opera-tion, are abrolutely independent-of ecach other. The peop.e of the country are unwilling to see the supremacy of the Constitution replaced by the omnipotence of any Department of the Government. T'he enactment of this bill into a law will establish a precedent which will tend to destroy the equal independence of the several branches of the Government, Its principle places not merely the Senate and Executive, but the Judiciary alzo, under the coercive dictation of the House. The House alone will be the lludge of what constitutes a grievancde, and also of the means and measures of redress. An act of Congress to protect elections is now the grievance complained of, but the Houre may, on the same principle, determine that any other act of Congress-— a treaty made by the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate—a nomination or appointment to office, or a decision or opinion of the Supreme Court—is a grievance, and that a measure of redress is to withhold appropriations required for the support of the offending branch of the Government. ; ; X Believitig that this bill is a dangerous violation of the spirit and meaning of the Constitution, I am compelled to return it to the house in which it originated withont my approval. The qualified negnt?ve-with which the Constitution invesis the President is a trust that involves a duty which I cannot decline to perform, with a firm and conscientious puxé)ose to do what I can to preserve, unimpaired, the Constitutional powers and equal independence, not merely of the Exccutive.‘qbut of every branch of the Government, which will be iﬁmpel:lllled by an adoption of the principle of this bill. :

I desire earnestly to -urge upon the House of Representatives a return to the wise and wholesome usage of the earlier days of the Republic, which excluded from Appropriation bills all irrelevant legislation. -By this course you will inangurate an important reform in the method of Congressional legislation. Your action will be in harmony with the fundamental principles of the Constitution and the patriotic sentiment of Nationality, which is their firm support; and you will restore to the eountry that feeling of confidence, and gecurity, and repose which are so esgential to the prosperity of all our fellow-citizens. | (Signed) 'RuTHERFORD B. HAYES.

USEFUL AND SUGGESTIVE. THE prudent housewife who, on account, of ‘‘hard times,’”’ has decided not to repaper the sitting-room, as desirable, will find the old paper very much improved in appearance by simply rubbing it well with a flannel cloth dipped in oatmeal. ; To REMOVE grease from silk, take a lump of magnesia, and rub it wet over the spot; let it dry, then brush the powder off, and the spot ‘will disappear; or, take a visiting card, separate it, and rub the spot with the soft internal part, and it will disappear without taking the gloss off the silk.

‘WHITE WINE VINEGAR.—Take acetic acid, four pounds; molasses, one gallon. Putthem into a forty-gallon cask and fill it with rain water; shake. 'it up and let it stand from one to three weeks.. The result is good vinegar. As some will object to using acid, I will gay that acetic acidis concentrated vinegar, and just as harmless as vinegar itself. Take one pound of: this acid and seven times as much water, and you will have as good vinegar as can be made from cider, ' and that instantaneously.—Cor. Cincinnati Times. SHORT-CAKE.—Now that the strawberry season is here, a good recipe for short-cake will be in order. To one quart of flour add three teaspoonfuls of good ba.kin% powder and one teaspoonful of salt.” Mix thoroughly and wet it up with good, sweet cream as soft as gou can roll it out—it should be handled as little as possible. If it is to be used without fruit the dough should be rolled a little more than half an inch thick, and cut with a biscuit-cutter, and baked in & very hot oven. But for genuine strawberry short-cake I roll the dough a. little thinner, and to fit a round tin pie-plate; place it on the buttered tin and butter the top; place anether layer on the top of that, and bake. The top layer can be lifted off without cutting, to spread the fruit between. - yiougt .

Ice CrEAM CAKE.—Here is a recipe for the popular ice-eream cake, that so ‘many peoplé are asking for: One cup of -butter, one cup sweet milk, two cups sugar, three and a half cups of flour, two teaspoons baking powder, and the whites of eight eggs beaten to-a stiff froth. Bake this in layers. For the ice cream, put three cups of sugar in a stew-pan, and add one cup of boiling water. Boil till it threads. Then pour hot ovgr the b&af.tendv;hite_s of three eggs. Stir rapidly and keep on stirring. ‘ti%lgcold. ,Thgn 'a¥ld half f:;pbea,spoonﬁ;gl of pulverized citric acid, dissolved in a ]itt;i)e warm water. Flavor with lemon or vanilla, and spread betwéen each layer and on the top.: The reason there are 80 many failures with this cake is because the sugar is boiled too muech, or not enough. As soon as a long silky thread follows the drop from the spoon, itis readyl to lpmn' over the beaten egg. If not voiled long" enough it will make

a poor sort of custard; if too long, it will be too stiff to spread between the layers.—Exchange. ‘ : PRECAUTIONS AGAINST SUNSTROKE. —Wear a broad-brimmed hat with ample ventilation, and on hot days carry in its crown a wet -handkerchief, a fresh cabbage leaf, or something else of that sort to keep the head cool. The use of lignor, over-exertion and mental excitement are all promotive of sunstroke and shouid be avoided. Whatever tends to keep the body, and especially the head, cool, should be adopted, and all that promotes heat should be shunned. Most cases of sunstroke occur in the afternoon, partly because that is the hottest part of the day, and partly because the subject has been generally laboring for many hours, and his vital powers are more or less exhausted; accordingly, more care should be exercised then than at other times during the day, The attack is not always sudden; sometimes there are premonitory symptoms, such as pain and a feeling of fullness in the head and oppression at the pit of the stomach, sometimes accompanied with nausea and vomiting and a feeling of weakness in the lower extremities, vertigo and dimness of vision. In all such cases the subject should at once discontinue labor, seek the shade, and have the head and neck bathed with the coldest water -obtainable.—Cincinnatt Times. ; E ;

: The Army Worm. IN Southernlllinois, and in some sections of Central Illinois, the night-fly-ing moth, ‘which deposits the eggs from which the army worm is hatched, has been found in large numbers, and is now busy laying its eggs in meadows, fields and other situations favorable therefor. The weather has been favorable for hatching. The places usually selected by the moth are in timothy meadows and on winter wheat. From its habit of flying at night it is not usually seen by the casual observer. As is well known, in seasons favorable for its periodic visitations, the worms hatch in immense numbers, and carry destruction, eating everything in the shape of grain and grass. The insects hatch about the time grass and grain are well up. s . The most feasible method 'for destroying them is to plow deep, wide furrows, as square on the land side as possible, and when the worms get them well filled, strew dry straw in them and burn it. When they are found moving on hard, level surfaces large numbers may be killed by rolling back and forth with a heavy roller. Their tirst observed visitation in Northern Illinois was, we believe, in 1861. 1n'1857 they made their appearance ‘in a number of localities in Central and Southern Illinois. Dr. Thomas, State Entomologist, says they work both as cut worms, beneath the grass and hid from view, and later as social and migratory insects. =

The army worm is two-brooded, and, in the latitude of Southern Illinois, three-brooded. There the larve produce the second series of moths in June, the third swarm of moths appearing iate in August or in September, the last passing the winter in the moth or chrysalis state. The eggs are deposited between the sheaths and stalks of grass, or secluded in folds of the blades. When the eggs are deposited in the new growth of meadows or other grass having ‘‘dead bottom,” they may be destroyed by burning. It is quite probable the moth, being nocturnal, large numbers may be destroyed by lighting fires to which nocturnal insects are attracted. They will fly into the flhme and be burned. Dr. Riley, in hjs ‘‘Ninth Annual Missouri Report'’ (1877), fully determined the fact of their being twobrooded in the latitude of St. Louis, but holds to the opinion, un‘doubtedly correct, that in the Northern States at least, or over the larger portion of the country in which they prove injurious, they are but single-brooded. He also says there is great irregularity about the development of individuals of the same broodl: and has but little doult that while the production of a third generation of worms is the exception, it may some years prove the rule. Indeed, he says, *“‘by diligent search out-doors I found larve of different sizes all through August, and a few grown individuals as late as the 23d of September. Moths were also obtained as late as Oct. 9 from such worms.”’

Dr. Riley gives the following summary of the natural history of this insect, which will be important to the readers of the Prairie Farmer as a means of identifying them and as suggestive of the means for their destruction: : ““The insect is with us every year. In ordinary seasons, when it is not excessively numerous, it is seldom noticed; (1), because the moths are low, swift flyers, and nocturnal in habit; (2), because the worms, when young, hayve protective coloring, and when mature, hide during the day at the base of meadows. In years of great abundance the worms are generally unnoticed during early life, and attract attention only when, from crowding too much on each other, or frem having exhausted the food supply in the fields in whiclr they hatchedl,) they are forced from necessity to migrate to fresh pastures in great bodies. The earliest attain full growth and commence to travel in armies, to devastate our fields, and to attract attention, about the time ‘that winter wheat is in the milk—this period being two months later in Maine than in Southern Missouri; and the soon afterward descend into the ground): and thus suddenly disappear, to issue again two or three weeks later as moths. In thelatitude of St. Louis the bulk of these moths lay eggs, from which are produced a second generation of worms, which become moths again late in July or ‘early in August. Exceptionally a third generation of worms may be produced from these. Further north there is but one generation ‘annually. - The moths hibernate, and oviposit soon after vegetation gtarts in spring. The chrysalides may also hibernate, and probably doso to a large extent in the more .ﬁorthern- States. The eggs are inserted between the sheath and stalk, or secreted in the folds of a blade; and mature and perennial grasses are preferred for this

purpose. The worms abound in wet gprings preceded by one or more dry, years. They are preyed upon by numerous enemies, which so effectually check their increase, whenever they unusually abound, that the second brood, when it occurs, is seldom noticed; and two %i'eat army worm years have nev‘er followed each other, and are not likely to do so. They may:be prevented from invading a field by judicious ditching; and the burning over of a field; in winter or early spring, effectually prevents their hatching in such fields.”’—Prasrie Farmer.

Malarial Fever, Malarial fevers, constipation, torpidity of the liver and kidneys, general debility, nervousness and neuralgic ailments yield readily to this great disease conqueror, ﬁop Bitters: It repairs the ravages ot?iisease by converting' the food into rich blood, and it zfves new life and vigor to the'aged and infirm always. See *‘Truths,” in other column. ° | Hiow to be Beautiful. ; ‘Many hundred thousand doliars =re annually expended tg' ladies, for ‘ artificial”’ apFliances to hide the shruunken apd wasted orm, or the sallow skin, blotches, or liver spots, which are due to female weakness, dysd pepsia, torpid liver, and constipation. If a gmall per cent. of this san were invested in Dr. Pierce’s 'Favorite Prescription, ladies would soon really be what they now seem to te. 1t readily corrects those weaknesses and dise eases uvon which debility and emaciation depend. It cures dyspepsia by toning up the system, and when used in connection with Dr., Pierce’s Pleasant Purgative Pellets, speedily overcomes all irregularities of the liver and bowels. No *‘bloom of youth,” no *‘beautifier of the complexion,’” can impart such per~ manent beauty of face and form as Dr. Pierce’s health-giving Favorite Prescription.

SAFETY, efficiency and reliability are the three cardinal virtues of aremedy, whether in the hands of a physician or in those of the people at large. For the cure of all malarial or miasmatic diseases, such as Chills and .Fever, or Intermittent Fever, Dumb Chills and Chronic Enlargement of the Spleen, we have such a remedy in Dr. F. Wilhoft’s Anti-Pe-riodic or Fever and Ague Tonie, the composition of which has been published by its. pro- ; Prietors,‘ Wheelock, Finlay & Co, of New Oreans, and is approved by the medical profession, and for sale by all Druggists. Free—3l Portraits—Free. National Lifeis the title of a new Pamphlet of 72 pages. It contains the biography of all the Presidents of the United States,from Washington to Hayes with their portraits (19 in all,) vngraved expressly for this work; also 12 Bor-. tra.%ts of Canadian notabilities. National Lifé will be sent to anﬁaddress, by mail, on receipt of Bcstamp. H. R. BTEVENS, Boston, Mass. THE BUFFALO BTARCH FACTORY, established in 1864 by C. Gilbert, has proven such a suecesstul enterprise and their starches have earned such a reputation that they are in great demand both in this country .and foreign lands. v : —— e CURED by wearing Barney’s Liver Pad (cost $1). - e top CuaEw Jackson’s Best Sweet Navy Tobaecos

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SUET, Speaks for Itself. ¢ (Ol S 2 SYRACUSE UNIVERSITY, ‘Qé’:@g’ Syracuse, N.Y., Nov. 15, 1878. ' ROy o\ About four years since, on g . building my house, I ana. RN B=S lyzed a large number of sam, % R s d{;leq,or.;.white lead, and from. S B IR o these selected the best to be °, ,}" ;’f@? § {md. Wlau;t WPI&}I Ihpainte%h a arge 0! o house; the % el [ rest It;éainmt?a with Rubber aint,”” after analyzing it an AUNT cos© finding it contained the rubber for which it is'named. One year since I found the #pure lead and oil”’ could be easily rubbed off, and vv;x:i in fact, being fast washed off by therains, while thatp of the building painted with the Rubber Paint was as hard and glossy as it was three weeks after first applying it. I havesince painted the whole house with the Rubber Paint. I can, therefore, from both analysis and practical test, recuinmend the Rubber Paint in strong terms. ! i J.J. BROWN, Prof. of Chemistry and Physics. For prices. terms, etc., address : RUBEBER. gf’A.lN'l‘ CO., Cleveland, Chicago. St. Louis, New York,

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